il 

■ 

LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Presented  by 


Es+CN^e  or  Kev.  Greorc^e  Gr.Smi'i'n 


BR  145  .K96  1861   v.l       ) 
Kurtz,  J.  H.  1809-1890. 
Text-book  of  church  history 


/ 


TEXT-BOOK 


OF 


CHURCH    HISTORY. 


BY 


Dk.  JOHN    HENEY    KUETZ, 

PROFESSOR   OF   THEOLOGY  IN   THE   UNIVERSITY  OF  DORPAT;   AUTHOR   OF   '"A   MAATIAL 
OF  SACRED  HISTORY,"  "  THE  BIBLE  AND  ASTRONOMY,"  ETC.  ETC. 


VOL.  I. 
TO    THE    REFORMATION. 


PHILADELPHIA : 

LINDSAY    &    BLAKISTON 

1861. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S60,  by 

LINDSAY    &    BLAKISTON, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Eastern  District  of 

Pennsylvania. 

STEREOTYPED   BY  J.  F.\GAN PRINTED   BY   C.  SHERMAN   &   SON. 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE 


The  author  of  the  following  work  was  born  Dec.  13,  1809,  at 
Montjoie,  in  the  district  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Rhenish  Prussia. 
In  early  life  he  contemplated  becoming  a  merchant ;  but  as  the 
desire  to  study  theology  soon  became  predominant,  he  entered 
(1839),  after  a  five  years'  course  at  the  Gymnasia  of  Dortmund 
and  Soest,  the  University  of  Halle.  Ullmann  and  Tholuck  were 
then  lecturing  there,  and  the  latter  especially  exerted  a  decidedly 
favourable  influence  upon  our  author's  theological  training.  He 
subsequently  completed  his  studies  at  Bonn,  and  then  went  as  a 
private  teacher  to  Courland.  He  would  soon,  however,  have 
returned  to  his  native  country,  but  for  an  appointment  in  1835 
as  chief  teacher  of  Religion  in  the  Gymnasium  at  Mitau.  Whilst 
occupying  this  post,  he  produced  several  works  which  laid  the 
basis  for  his  present  reputation  :  "  The  Mosaic  Sacrifice,"  Mitau 
1842;  "  The  Bible  and  Astronomy,"  Mitau  1842— 3d  ed.  Berlin 
1853  (transl.  by  T.  D.  Simonton,  and  publ.  by  Lindsay  &  Blakis- 
ton,  Philadelphia,  1857);  "Suggestions  in  vindication  and  proof 
of  the  Unity  of  the  Pentateuch,"  Konigsb.  1844 ;  "  The  Unity 
of  Genesis,"  Berlin  1846 ;  "  Symbolical  Signification  of  the 
Tabernacle,"  Leipsic  1851  ;  "  Text-book  of  Church  History," 
Mitau  1849,  3d  ed.  Mitau  1853,  4th  ed.  Mitau  and  Leipsic  1860; 
"Manual    of   Sacred   History,"    Konigsb.   1843,   6th  ed.    1853 

(iii) 


iv  editor'spreface, 

(transl.  by  Chas.  W.  Schaeffer,  D.  D.,  publ.  by  Lindsay  &  Bla- 
kiston,  Philad.  1856);  "Biblical  History  illustrated,"  Berlin 
1847,  3d.  ed.  1853;  and  "Manual  of  Church  History,"  Mitau 
1852,  2d  ed.  1853. 

His  literary  labours  soon  gained  for  him  flattering  atten- 
tion ;  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Theology  was  con- 
ferred upon  him,  and  in  1850  he  was  called  to  the  chair  of  Church 
History  in  the  evangelical  University  of  Dorpat,  Livonia  (founded 
in  1632  and  revived  in  1802),  which  he  continues  to  occupy.  He 
has  also  been  appointed  to  the  honorable  post  of  Counsellor  of 
State  to  the  Emperor. 

The  present  edition  of  the  "  Text-book  of  Church  History" 
is,  to  a  large  extent,  a  reprint  of  the  Edinburg  translation.  But 
as  that  translation,  avowedly,  tampered  with  the  original  work, 
care  has  been  taken,  in  this  edition,  to  make  the  rendering  con- 
form strictly  to  the  author's  sense.  This  proved  to  be  a  more 
serious  task  than  was  anticipated,  in  some  cases  requiring  an 
entire  reconstruction  of  the  plan  of  the  work,  and  in  others  the 
translation  of  whole  pages  of  matter  omitted  in  the  Edinburg 
Issue.  The  number  of  pages  thus  added  amount  to  about  fifty, 
including  pp.  311-82,  381-99,  and  the  whole  of  the  section 
treating  upon  Hus.  The  verbal  alterations  necessary  are  too 
many  to  be  enumerated,  although  in  making  these  no  mere  pri- 
vate taste  was  indulged.  Wherever  the  translation  fairly  con- 
veyed the  author's  sense,  it  was  allowed  to  stand  ;  and  it  is  due 
to  the  Edinburg  edition  to  say,  that  this  was  very  largely  the 
case.  It  is  probable  that  no  book,  original  or  translated,  was 
ever  issued,  in  which  the  author,  or  editor,  did  not  see  room  for 
improvement.  But  the  verbal  changes  made  in  the  present  in- 
stance, were  required  in  justice  to  the  theological  stand-point  of 
Dr.  Kurtz.  Mr.  Erdesheim  (the  translator  of  the  Edinburg  edi- 
tion), by  omitting  a  qualifying  word,  or  substituting  one  of  a 
different  import,  has  kept  Dr.  Kurtz  from  saying,  in  many  in- 


EDITOR    S    PREFACE.  V 

stances,  what  lie  desired  to  say,  or  has  made  him  utter  something 
which  he  would  be  unwilling  to  endorse.  This  is  especially  true 
of  statements  relating  to  Predestinarianism,  the  Sacraments,  and 
the  Church.  As  an  illustration  of  the  injustice  thus  done  to  the 
author,  the  reader  is  referred  to  §  119,  6,  (2),  where,  in  reference 
to  John  Buchrath  of  Wesel,  Dr.  K.  says  :  "  In  opposition  to 
transubstantiation  he  advocated  the  doctrine  i  of  impanation." 
The  Edinburg  translation  has  it :  "  His  views  were  certainly  not 
Romish."  Indeed  it  became  very  evident,  upon  comparing  the 
Edinburg  issue  with  the  original,  that  the  alterations  were  de- 
signedly made,  for  the  purpose  of  adapting  a  Lutheran  work  to 
a  Puritan  market. 

This  is  not  only  doing  great  injustice  to  the  author,  but  to  the 
Church  at  large.  One  of  the  best  apologies  for  denomination- 
alism  is,  that  it  is  overruled  for  the  more  manifold  development 
of  the  excellencies  of  Christianity.  And  this  benefit,  so  far  as 
it  may  hold  in  fact,  must  exhibit  itself  no  less  in  the  literary 
than  other' labours  of  Christians  of  different  confessions.  Why 
then  should  not  a  Puritan  or  Presbyterian  be  allowed  to  speak 
or  write  as  a  Presbyterian,  an  Episcopalian  as  an  Episcopalian, 
a  Reformed  as  a  Reformed,  and  a  Lutheran  as  a  Lutheran  ? 
The  truth  is  not  all  on  one  side.  And  no  one  mind,  imbued 
with  true  moral  earnestness,  is  capable  at  once  of  appreciating 
and  presenting  fairly,  the  various  sides  of  truth.  Instead,  there- 
fore, of  distorting  a  work  like  the  present,  by  forcing  it  into  the 
pattern  of  a  foreign  mould,  it  should  be  permitted  to  set  forth 
facts  in  its  own  way.  Doubtless  Dr.  Kurtz  is  fallible,  and  will 
find  many  to  dissent  from  some  of  his  statements.  But  he  is  a 
responsible  man,  and  ready,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  to  make  cor- 
rections whenever  convicted  of  errors.  We  say  this  the  more 
unreservedly  for  not  being  of  the  same  Church  with  the  respected 
author. 

The  merits  of  this  work  which  the  reader  will  please  notice  is 
1* 


VI  EDITORSPREFACE. 

the  author's  Text-hook,  not  his  Manual  (the  latter  being  a  much 
larger  work)  of  Church  History,  are  so  obvious,  that  they  need 
not  be  pointed  out  in  detail.  It  combines  lucid  conciseness  with 
full  comprehensiveness  to  a  rare  degree.  And  although  it  can- 
not, of  course,  supply  the  place  of  larger  works  on  the  subject, 
already  issued,  or  in  course  of  publication,  it  will  tend  to  satisfy 
a  great  want  in  this  department  of  literature. 

It  is  proper  to  add,  that  whilst  the  Edinburg  translation  was 
made  from  the  third  edition  of  the  original  work,  the  edition 
now  offered  to  the  public  contains  all  the  improvements  of  the 
fourth  edition  of  the  original,  which  was  published  within  the 
last  three  mouths. 

J.  H.  A.  BOMBERGER. 

Philadelphia,  July  16,  1860. 


TABLE   OF    CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION   TO   THE   HISTORY  OF   THE   CHRISTIAN 
CHURCH. 

§  1.  Idea  of  Church  History Page     25 

§2.  Division  of  Church  History , 26 

1.  Different  Tendencies  apparent  in  Church  History.  2.  The 
Several  Branches  of  Church  History,  3.  Principal  Phases 
in  the  Historical  Development  of  the  Church. 

I  3.   Sources  and  Auxiliaries  of  Church  History. 32 

§  4.  History  of  Church  History 33 

THE   PREPARATORY   HISTORY  OF   THE   CHRISTIAN 
CHURCH ; 

OR,  THE   WORLD   BEFORE   THE   COMING   OF   CHRIST   IN 
ITS   RELATION   TO   THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH. 

§  5.  Survey  of  the  History  of  the  World 42 

§6.  Primeval  Preparation  of  Salvation 42 

§  7.  Different  Purposes  which  Judaism  and  Heathenism  were  intended 

to  serve 43 

§  8.  Heathenism 45 

1.  Religious  Life  among  the  Heathen.  2.  Moral  Condition  of 
the  Heathen.  3.  Intellectu.al_jCulture  of  the  Heathen. 
4.  Greek  Philosophy.     5.   Social  Condition. 

§  9.  Judaism 51 

1.  Judaism  under  Special  Divine  Discipline.  2.  Judaism  after 
the  Retirement  of  the  Spirit  of  Prophecy. 

§  10.  The  Samaritans 53 

(7) 


8  CONTENTS. 

§  11.  Communications  between  Judaism  and  Heathenism 54 

1.  Influence  of   Heathenism   on  Judaism;  2.  of  Judaism  on 
Heathenism. 
^  12.  The  Fulness  of  Time 56 

HISTORY  OF   THE   PRIMITIVE   CHURCH. 

FOUNDATION  OF  THE  CHURCH  BY  CHRIST;    ITS    CONSTITUTION 
IN    THE   APOSTOLIC   AGE. 

(First  Century.) 
g  13.   Characteristics  of  this  Pi-imitive  History 57 

I.  THE  LIFE  OF  JESUS. 

^  14.  Jesus  Christ  the  Saviour  of  the  World 59 

II.   THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE. 

§  15.  Feast  of  Pentecost  —  Activity  of  the  Apostles  before  the  calling 

of  Paul 61 

^16.  Labours  of  the  Apostle  Paul 62 

§  17.  Labours  of  the  other  Apostles 64 

1.  Peter's  Bishopric  at  Rome.     2.  Two  or  Three  James's  ?    3. 
John's  Exile. 

§  18.  Constitution,  Life,  Discipline,  and  Worship  of  the  Church  66 

1.  The  Cbarismata.      2.  Bishops  and  Presbyters.      3.  Other 
Church  Offices.     4.  Life  and  Disciphne.     5.  Worship. 

§19.  Apostolic  Opposition  to  Sectarians  and  Heretics ■. 71 

1.  The  Convention  of  the  Apostles.     2.  The  Basis  of  Apostolic 
Teaching;. 


FIRST     SECTION. 

HISTORY  OF   THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE   CHURCH  IN 
ITS   ANCIENT   AND   CLASSICAL   FORM. 

§  20.  Character  ajid  Boundaries  of  this  Phase  of  Development 79 

FIRST   PERIOD  OF   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY   UNDER   THE 
ANCIENT  AND  CLASSICAL  FORM  OF  CULTURE  (100-323). 

I.  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  TUE  CHURCH,  THE   SYNAGOGUE,  AND  HEATHENISM. 

§21.   Hostilities  and  Persecutions  of  the  Jews 82 

§  22.  Attempts  at  Restoration  and  Reaction  on  the  part  of  the  Syna- 
gogue and  the  Samaritans 83 

1.  Dositheus.     2.  Simon  Magus.    3.  Menander. 


CONTENTS.  9 

23.  Persecution  of  Christians  in  the  Roman  Empire 84 

1.  To  the  Time  of  Trajan.  2.  To  the  Time  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 
3.  To  the  Time  of  Septimius  Severus.  4.  To  the  Time  of 
Decius.  5.  To  the  Time  of  Diocletian.  6.  Diocletian. 
7.  Constantine. 

24.  Positive  Reaction  on  the  part  of  Heathenism < 92 

1.  Apollonius  of  Tyana.     2.  Neo-Platonism.     3.  Lucian.     4. 
Celsus,  Pyrphyry,  Hierocles. 
Spread  of  Christianity 94 


or. 


II.    DANGERS  ACCRUING   FROM   A  LEAVEN   OP  JUDAISM  AND  HEATHENISM 
REMAINING   IN  THE  CHURCH. 

§26.  Survey 95 

Gnosticism. 

§  27.  Ebionism  and  Ebionite  Gnosis 97 

1.  The  Nazarenes.  2.  The  Ebionites.  3.  The  Elkesaites.  4. 
The  Pseudo-Clementine  System. 

§  28..  Gentile  Gnosticism 101 

1,  Cerinth.  2.  The  Gnosticism  of  Basilides.  3.  The  Gnos- 
ticism of  Valentine.  4.  The  Gnosticism  of  the  Ophites. 
5.  The  Gnosticism  of  Carpocrates.  6,  The  Antitactes. 
7.  Saturninus.  8.  Tatian.  9.  Bardisanes.  10.  Marcion. 
11.  Hermogenes. 

§  29.  Manichseism 108 

1.  Person  and  History  of  the  Founder.  2.  The  System  and 
Sect. 

in.  DEVELOPMENT  IN  THE  GOVERNMENT,  WORSHIP,   LIFE,  AND  DISCIPLINE 
OP  THE  CHURCH. 

§  30.  Internal  Organization  of  the  Church Ill 

1,  Ordines  Majores  et  Minores.      2.  Synods.      3.  Unity 
and  Catholicity  of  the  Church.     4.  The  Pripxacy  of  Rome. 

§31.  Celebration  of  Public  Worship 116 

Disputes  about  the  Observance  of  Easter. 

§32.  The  Administi-ation  of  Baptism 118 

1.  Catechumens.  2.  Discussion  about  the  Baptism  of  Heretics. 
3.   The  Dogma  concerning  Baptism. 

§  33.   The  Administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper 121 

1.  The  Sacramental  Liturgy.  2.  The  "  Disciplina  Arcani." 
3.  The  Dogma  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  4.  The  Sacrificial 
Theory. 

§  34.  Reading,  Sermon,  Prayer,  and  Praise 123 

1.  The  Doctrine  of  Inspiration.  2.  The  New  Testament  Canon. 
3.  Translations  of  the  Bible.     4.  Hymnology. 


10  CONTENTS. 

§  35.  Places  of  Public  Worship  and  Influence  of  Art..., 126 

§36.  Life,  Manners,  and  Discipline 127 

1.  The  Christian  Life.  2.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline.  3.  As- 
ceticism.    4.  Beginning  of  the  Worship  of  Martyrs, 

§37.  The  Montanistic  Reformation  131 

1.  Phrygian  Montanism.  2.  Montauism  in  the  West.  3.  Doc- 
trine and  Practice. 

§  38.  Ecclesiastical  Schisms 133 

1.  The  Schism  of  Hippolytus  at  Rome.  2.  Of  Feliclssimus  at 
Carthage.  3.  Of  Novatian  at  Rome.  4.  Of  Meletius  in 
Egyppt. 

IV.  TEACUING  AND  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CUURCH. 

§  39.  Theological  Schools  and  their  Representatives 135 

1.  The  Apostolic  Fathers.  2.  The  Apologetical  Writers  of  the 
Second  Century.  3.  The  School  of  Asia  Minor.  4.  The 
School  of  Alexandria.  5.  The  School  of  North  Africa. 
6.  The  School  of  Antioch.  7.  Apocryphal  and  Pseudo- 
Epigraphic  Works. 

§  40.  Development  of  Doctrine  and  Dogmatic  Controversies 141 

1.  The  Trinitarian  Question.  2.  TheDynamisticMonarchians. 
3.  Praxeas  and  Tertullian.  4.  Noetus,  Callistus,  and  Hip- 
polytus. 5.  Beryllus  and  Origen.  6.  Sabellius  and  the 
Two  Dyonisii.  7.  Paul  of  Samosata.  8.  The  Millennarian 
Controversy. 

§  41.  Theological  Literature 147 

1,  Apologetics.  2.  Polemics.  3.  Dogmatics.  4.  Criticism  and 
Exegesis.  4.  Historical  Literature.    6.  Practical  Theology. 

SECOND  PERIOD   OF   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY   UNDER   THE 
ANCIENT   CLASSICAL   FORM   (323-692). 

I.  STATE  AND  CHURCH. 

§42.  Fall  of  Heathenism  in  the  Roman  Empire 151 

1.  Constantine  the  Great  and  his  Sons.  2.  Julian  the  Apos- 
tate. 3.  Final  Destruction  of  Heathenism.  4.  Resistance 
and  Apologies  of  the  Heathen. 

§  43.  The  Christian  State  and  the  State  Church 155 

1.  The  Emperors.     2.  General  Synods.     3.  Ecclesiastical  Law. 


CONTENTS.  11 

II.  MONASTICISM,  THE  CLERGY,  AND  IIIERARCnY. 

2  44.  Monasticism 158 

1.  St.  Aiitonius.  2.  Nunneries.  3.  Monasticism  in'the  East. 
4.  The  Acoimetes  and  Stylites.  5.  Sectarian  and  Hereti- 
cal Monasticism. 

§  45.  The  Clergy 162 

1.  Training  of  the  Clergy.  2.  Canonical  Age.  3.  Ordination. 
4.  Injunction  of  Celibacy.     5.  Ecclesiastical  Functionaries. 

2  46.  The  Patriarchal  Office  and  the  Primacy 165 

1.  The  Rivalry  between  Rome  and  Byzantium.  2.  Pretensions 
of  Rome  to  the  Primacy. 

III.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE   AND   ITS  REPRESENTATIVES. 

§  47.  Theological  Schools  and  Tendencies 170 

1.  The  School  of  Antioch.  2.  Of  Edessa.  3.  Of  Alexandria. 
4.  New  Alexandrian  School.  5.  Theology  of  the  West 
during  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Centuries.  6.  The  Theology 
of  the  Sixth  and  Seventh  Centuries. 

§  48.  Theological  Literature 181 

1.  Exegetical  Theology.  2.  Historical  Theology.  3.  Apolo- 
getics. 4.  Polemics.  5.  Dogmatics.  6.  Ethics  and  As- 
ceticism.    7.   Practical  Theology.     8.  Christian  Poetry. 

IV.  DOCTRINAL  CONTROVERSIES  AND  HERESIES. 

§  49.  General  Development  of  Doctrine 186 

§  50.  The  Trinitarian  Controversy  (318-381) 187 

1.  First  Victory  of  Homoousian  Principles  (318-325).  2.  As- 
cendancy of  Homoiousianism  (326-356).  3.  Homoiism 
(357-361).  4.  Final  Ascendancy  of  the  Nicene  Creed 
(361-381).  5.  The  Pneumatomachoi.  6.  Literature  of 
the  Controversy.     7.  Later  Development  of  Nicene  Views. 

§  51.  Origenistic  Controversies  (394-438) 194 

1.  The  Monks  of  the  Scetian  and  Nitrian  Desert.  2.  Contro- 
versy in  Palestine  and  Italy  (394-399).  3.  Controversy 
in  Alexandria  and  Constantinople  (399-438). 

§  52.  Discussions  about  the  Person  of  Christ  (428-680) 197 

1.  The  Apollinaristic  Controversy  (362-381).  2.  Antagonism 
between  the  Different  Theological  Schools  (381-428).  3. 
The  Nestorian  Controversy  (428-444).  4.  The  Monophy- 
site  Controversy — (A.)  Eutychianism  (444-451).  5.  (B.) 
Imperial  Attempts  to  bring  about  a  Union  (451-519).  6. 
(C.)  The  Decrees  of  Justinian  I.  (527-553).  7.  (D.)  The 
Monophysite  Churches.  8.  The  Monothelete  Controversy 
(633-680). 


12  CONTENTS. 

§  53.  Controversies  connected  with  the  Doctrine  of  Redemption  (412- 

529) 207 

1.  Preliminary  History.  2.  Doctrinal  Views  of  Augustine. 
3.  Pelagius  and  his  System.  4.  The  Pelagian  Controversy 
(412-431).    5.  The  Semi-Pelagian  Controversy  (427-529). 

§  54.  Old  and  New  Sects 214 

1.  Manichteism.     2.  Priscillianism. 

V.  WORSHIP,  LIFE,   DISCIPLINK,  AND  MANNERS. 

§  55.   Worship  in  general 216 

§  56.  Times  of  Public  Worship  and  Festivals 217 

1.  The  Weekly  Cycle.  2.  Horse  and  Quatember.  3.  The  Cal- 
culation of  Easter.  4.  The  Easter  Cycle  of  Festivals.  5. 
The  Christmas  Cycle  of  Festivals.  6.  Festival  of  the  Trans- 
figuration,    7.  The  Ecclesiastical  Year. 

g  57.  The  Worship  of  Saints,  of  Relics,  and  of  Images 221 

1.  Saints'  Days.  2.  The  Worship  of  Mary.  3.  The  Worship 
of  Angels.  4.  The  Worship  of  Images.  5.  The  Worship 
of  Relics.     6.  Pilgrimages. 

§  58.  Administration  of  the  Sacraments 226 

1.  Administration  of  Baptism.  2.  Doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per. 3.  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass.  4.  The  Dispensation  of 
the  Supper. 

§  59.  Administration  of  Public  Worship 230 

1.  Use  of  the  Scriptures.  2.  Hymnology.  3.  Psalmody  and 
Hymnody.     4.   The  Liturgy.     5.   Symbolical  Rites. 

§  60.  Places  of  Worship  and  Works  of  Art 236 

1.  Basilicas,  &c.  2.  Side  Buildings.  3.  Ecclesiastical  Furni- 
ture.    4.  The  Fine  Arts. 

§61.  Life,  Discipline,  and  Manners 239 

1.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline.  2.  Christian  Marriage.  8.  Sick- 
ness, Death,  and  Burial. 

g  62.   Heretical  Reformers 242 

§  63.   Schisms 243 

1.  Schisms  in  consequence  of  the  Arian  Controversy.  2.  The 
Donatist  Schism.     3.   The  Concilium  Quinisextum. 

■VI.  THE  CHURCH   BEYOND  THE   BOUNDARIES  OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

g  64.  Christian  Missions  in  the  East 247 

1.  The  Abyssinian  Church.  2.  The  Persian  Church.  3.  The 
Armenian  Church.  4.  The  Iberians,  Lazians,  and  Abas- 
gians  ;  the  East  Indies  and  Arabia. 


CONTENTS.  13 

65.  The  Mohammedan  Counter-Missions 250 

1.  Fundamental  Idea  of  Islamism.     2.  Service  performed  by 
Mohammedanism  in  Providence. 


THIRD  PERIOD  OF   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY  IN   ITS   ANCIENT 
AND   CLASSICAL   FORM. 

(692-1453.) 

I.   MOVEMENTS  IN  THE  EASTERN  CHURCH,  IN   CONJUNCTION  WITH  SIMILAR 
DEVELOPMENTS  IN   THE  WESTERN  CHURCH. 

§66.  Iconoclastic  Controversy  in  the  East  (726-842) 253 

1.  Leo  th.e_I^saurian.  2.  Constantinus  .Copronymus.  3.  Ii^e. 
4.  Theodora. 

§  67.   Schism  between  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  Church,  and  Attempts 

.      a.tJJnion  (857-1453) 256 

1.  Comniencement  of  the  Sy^iism  (807).  2.  Leo  the  Philoso- 
pher and  Basilius  II.  3.  Completion  of  the  Schism  in 
1054.  4.  Attempts  at  Re-union.  5.  Andronicus  III.  and 
Johannes  V.  Paloeologus.     6.   Johannes  VII.  PalEeologus. 


II.  INDEPENDENT  DEVELOPMENT  IN   THE   EASTERN   CHURCH. 

68.  Theological  Science  and  its  Representatives 261 

1.  Revival  of  Classical  Studies.  2.  Aristotle  and  Plato.  3 
Scholasticism  and  ISIysticism.  4.  Theological  Sciences 
5.  Distinguished  Theologians. 

69.  Dogmatic  Controversies  (the  Hesychastic  Controversy) 266 

70.  Gkvvernment,  Worship,  and  iSInnners ■ 268 

1.  The  Arsenian  Schism.  2.  Public  Worship.  3.  Monasticism. 
4.   Reformatory  Efforts. 

71.  Gnostic  and  Manichcean  Heretics 270 

1.  The  Paulicians.  2.  The  Children  of  the  Sun.  '  3.  The  Eu- 
chitcs  and  Bogomiles. 

72.  The  Orthodox  Slavonic-Greek  Churches 274 

1.  Greece.  2.  The  Chazars.  3.  The  Bulgarians.  4.  The 
Russians. 

;  73.  The  HereticaKlhurches  of  the  East 277 

1.  The  Nes^rians.  2.  The  Monoghy sites.  3.  The  Maronites. 
2  '^ 


14  CONTENTS. 


SECOND    SECTION. 

HISTORY   OF   THE   CHURCH   IN   ITS   MEDIEVAL  AND 
GERMANIC   FORM  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

§  74.  Character  and  Extent  of  this  Phase  of  Development 284 

1,  Its  Character.     2.  Its  Periods. 

FIRST  PERIOD  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  IN  ITS  ME||LJ]VAL 
AND   GERMANIC   FORM   OF   DEVECDfM'El^Tr 

(Cent.  4-9.)  — 

I.    ESTABLISHMENT,   SPREAD,   AND  LIMITATIONS  OF  THE  GERMAN 
CHURCH.  -"~ 

§  75.  Christianity  and  the  Germans 287 

1.  Predisposition.  2.  Profession  of  Christianity.  3.  Mode 
of  Conversion. 

§  76.  Victory  of  Catholicism  over  Arianism 290 

1.  The  Goths  in  the  Countries  along  the  Danube.  2.  The  Visi- 
goths. 3.  The  Vandals.  4.  The  Suevi.  5.  The  Burgun- 
dians.  6.  The  Rugians  and  St.  Severinus.  7.  The  Ostro- 
goths.    8.  The  Langobards.     9.  The  Franks. 

§  77.  Victory  of  the  Romish  over  the  British  Confession 296 

1.  British  Confession.  2.  Ireland.  3.  The  Picts  and  Scots. 
4.  Roqii^l^  j^ission  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  5.  British 
Mission  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  6.  Victory  of  the  Ro- 
mish over  the  British  Confession. 

§  78.  Conversion  of  Germany , 302 

1.  South-Western  Germany.  2.  South-eastern  Germany.  3. 
North -Western  Germany.  4.  St.  Boniface.  6.  The 
Saxons. 

§  79.  The  Slavonians  within  the  Boundaries  of  Germany 311 

1.  The  Moravian  Church.  2.  Introduction  of  Christianity  into 
Bohemia. 

§  80.  The  Scandinavian  Nations  313 

3  81.  Christianity  and  Islamism j 316 


CONTENTS.  15 


n.  INDEPENDENT  DEVELOPMENT  OP  THE  GERMANIC  CHURCH. 

§  82.  The  Papacy  and  the  Carolingians 318 

i.  Origin  of  the  ^tatfis^CUie^Church.  2.  The  Crf^rolingian 
Dynasty.  3.  The  Papacy  till  the  Time  of  Nicholas  I.  4. 
Nicholas  I.  and  Hadrian  II.  5.  John  VIII.  and  his  Suc- 
cessors. 

§  83,  The  Papacy  and  the  Metropolitan_ Office 326 

§84.  State  of  the  Clergy 329 

1.  The  Higher  Clergy.     2.  The  Inferior  Clergy,     3.  Injunction 
of  Celibacy.     4.  The  Canonical  Life. 
§85.  Monasticism 333 

1,  Benedict  of  Nursia.     1.  Benedict  of  Aniane.     3.  Nunneries. 

4.  Large  Monasteries.      2.    Sty UteSj   Recluses,  and  An- 
chorites. 

§  86.  Ecclesiastical  Property 337 

Benefices  and  Secularization. 
§87.  Ecclesiastical  Legislation 339 

1.  Collections  of  Ecclesiastical  Law.  2.  The  Forged  Decretals 
of  Isidore. 

g  88.  State  of  Intelligence,  Ecclesiastical  Usages,  and  Discipline 342 

1.  Religious  Education  of  the  People.  2.  Popular  Christian 
Poetry.     3.  Social  State.     4.  Administration  of  Justice. 

5.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline  and  Penances. 

§89.  Public  Worship  and  the  Fine  Arts 348 

1.  Liturgy  and  Preaching.  2.  Church  Music.  3.  The  Sacri- 
fice of  the  Mass.  4.  The  Worship  of  Saints,  Relics,  Im- 
ages.and  Angels  ;  Pilgrimages.  5.  Ecclesiastical  Seasons 
and  Places.     6.  The  Fine  Arts. 

§  90.  State  of  Science  and  of  Theological  Literature 353 

1.  Monastic  and  Cathedral  Schools.  2.  Celebrated  Theologians 
before  the  Time  of  the  Carolingians.  3.  During  the  Reign 
of  Charlemagne.  4.  Under  the  Reign  of  Louis  the  Pious. 
5.  During  the  Reign  of  Charles  the  Bald.  6.  Theological 
Sciences:  Exegesis.  7.  Systematic  Theology.  8.  Prac- 
tical Theology.     9.  Church  History. 

§  91.  Development  of  Doctrine  and  Dogmatic  Controversies 361 

1.  The  Adoptionist  Controversy.      2.  Controversy  about  the 
Procession  of  the  Holy  Spirit.     3.  Controversies  of  Pas- 
chasius  Radbertus.    4.  Controversy  about  Predestination. 
§  92.  Reformatory  Movements , 367 

1.  Opposition  of  the  Carolingians  to  Image  Worship.  2.  Ago- 
bard  of  Lyons  and  Claudius  of  Turin. 


16  CONTENTS. 

SECOND  PERIOD  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  IN  ITS  MEDIEVAL 
AND  GERMANIC  FORM  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

(Cent.  10-13.)     - 
I.   SPREAD  OF   CHRISTIANITY. 

g  93.  Missionary  Operations  during  that  Period 370 

1.  The  Scandinavian  Mission.  2.  The  Slavonian  Magyar  Mis- 
sions. 3.  Missions  among  the  Fins  and  Letonians.  4. 
Missions  among  the  INIongols.  5.  Missions  in  Mohamme- 
dan Countries. 

§94.  The  Crusades > 382 

g  95.  Islamism  and  the  Jews  in  Europe 386 

1.  Islamism  in  Sicily.  2.  Islamism  in  Spain.  3.  The  Jews  in 
Europe. 

II.   HIERARCHY,   THE   CLERGY,   AND   MONASTICISM. 

§  96.  The  Papacy  and  the  Holy  Roman  German  Empire 389 

'  1.  The  Papacy  to  the  Death  of  Sylvester  II.  (904-1003).  2. 
To  the  Synod  of  Sutri.  3.  To  Gregory  VIL  (1046-1073). 
4.  Gregory  VII.  5.  To  the  Settlement  of  the  Dispute 
about  Investiture.  6.  To  Innocent  IIL  (1123-1198).  7. 
Innocent  IIL  (1198-1216).  8.  To  Boniface  VIIL  (1216- 
1294). 

§  97.  The  Clergy 407 

1.  Political  Influence.     2.  The  Pataria. 

§  98.  The  Religious  Orders 410 

1.  The  Order  of  Clugny  and  that  of  Camaldoli.  2.  The  Cister- 
cians. 3.  New  Orders.  4.  The  Mendicant  Orders.  5.  The 
Beguins  and  Beghards.     6.  The  Knightly  Orders. 

§  99.  Ecclesiastical  Jurisprudence 419 

III.   THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE   AND  CONTROVERSIES. 

I  100.  General  View  of  Scholasticism 420 

1.  Nurseries  of  Scholasticism.  2.  ^Metaphysical  Basis.  3.  Ob- 
ject and  Method  of  Scholastic  Theology. 

§101.  The  Seculum  Obscurum  (Tenth  Century)  424 

g  102.  Division  among  the  Dialecticians  (Eleventh  Century) 426 

1.  Authors.  2.  Eucharistic  Controversy.  2.  Controversies  of 
Anselm. 


CONTENTS.  17 

§  103.  Separation  and  Re-union  of  Dialectics  and  Mysticism 430 

1.  The  Conflict.    2.  Reconciliation.     3.  Renewed  Controversies. 

§  104.  Highest  Stage  of  Scholasticism  (Thirteenth  Century)....^ 435 

1.  Celebrated  Scholastics.  2.  Ilaimundus  Lullus.  3.  Biblical 
and  Practical  Opposition.  4.  A  German  Mystic.  5.  His- 
torians. 

IV.   THE  CHURCH  AND  THE   PEOPLE. 

§  105.  Public  Worship  and  the  Fine  Arts 439 

1.  The  Sacraments.  2.  New  Festivals.  3.  Worship  of  Images, 
Relics,  and  Saints.  4.  Hymnology.  5.  Ecclesiastical 
Music.  6.  Ecclesiastical  Architecture.  7.  The  Plastic 
Art  and  Painting. 

§  IOC.  Popular  Life  and  National  Literature ." 445 

1.  Popular  Life.     2.  Popular  Culture.     3.  National  Literature. 
§  107.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline  and  Indulgences 450 

V.'  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  PREVAILING  SYSTEM    OF  ECCLESIASTICISM. 

^  108.  Active  Opposition  to  Prevailing  Ecclesiasticism 451 

1.  The  Cathari.     2.  Sect  of  the  Holy  Spirit.     3.  Revolutionary 
•.  .        Reformers.      4.    Prophetic    and  Apocalyptic  Opposition. 
5.  The  Waldenses. 

§  109.  Reaction  in  the  Church 461 

1.  Crusade  against  the  Albigenses.     2.  The  Inquisition. 


THIRD  PERIOD  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  IN  ITS  MEDIEVAL 
AND   GERMANIC   FORM   OF   DEVELOPMENT. 

(Cent.  14  and  15.) 
I.  THE   HIERARCHY,  THE  CLERGY,   AND  MONASTICISM. 

§  110.  The  Papacy 463 

,  1.  Boniface  VIII.  (1294-1303).     2.  The  Papacy  in  its  Baby- 

lonish Exile  (1309-1377).  3.  The  Papal  Schism  and  the 
Reforming  Councils  (1378-1443).  4.  The  Last  Popes  be- 
fore the  Reformation  (1443-1517). 

§  111.  The  Clergy 471 

2  112.  The  Monastic  Orders 472 

1.  The  Benedictines  and  Olivetans.  2.  The  Dominicans.  3. 
New  Orders.  4.  Hermits.  5.  The  Brethren  of  the  Com- 
mon Life. 

2*  B 


18  CONTENTS. 


II.    THE  CHUECH  AND  THE  PEOPLE. 

I  113.  Public  Worship  and  the  Fine  Arts 478 

1.  New  Festivals  in  Honour  of  the  Virgin.  2.  Preaching.  3. 
Catechization.  4.  Hymnology.  5.  Church  Music.  6. 
Architecture,  the  Plastic  Art,  and  Painting. 

§  114.  Popular  Life  and  National  Literature 482 

1.  Religious  Associations.  2.  The  Friends  of  God.  3.  The 
Brothers  and  Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit.  4.  National 
Literature. 

§  115.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline 487 

1.  The  Inquisition.     2.  Procedure  against  Witches. 

III.  THEOLOGICAL   SCIENCE. 

§116.  Scholasticism  and  its  Opponents 490 

§  117.  German  Mysticism 492 

IV.  REFORMATORY  MOVEMENTS. 

I  118.  The  Reformation  in  Head  and  Members 495 

1.  French  Reformers.  2.  German  Reformers.  3.  An  Italian 
Reformer. 

§  119.  Attempts  at  Evangsliiyil  Reformation 499 

1.  W;^ifFe  and  the  Wycliffites.  2.  Bohemian  Reformers  before 
Hns.  3.  Hus  and  Jerome  of  Prague.  4.  The  Husites. 
5.  The  Bohemian  and  Moraviaji_^rethren.  6.  Netherland 
Reformers.     7.  An  1^,1; an  Reformer. 

5  120.  The  so-called  Revival  of  Learning 510 

1.  The  Italian  Humanists.  2.  The  German  Humanists.  3. 
Erasmus.  4.  Humanism  in  Engird.  Scotland,  France, 
and  Spain.     5.  The  Study  of  the^Scriptures. 


INTEODUCTION 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH. 


§1.   IDEA  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY. 

The  Christian  Church  is  that  Divine  institution  for  the  sal- 
vation of  man,  which  Jesus  Christ  has  founded  on  earth.  Its 
aim  is  to  have  the  salvation  wrought  out  by  Christ  communicated 
to,  and  freely  appropriated  by,  every  nation  and  every  individual. 
Outwardly,  the  Church  manifests  itself  in  the  religious  fellowship 
of  those  who,  having  become  partakers  of  this  salvation,  co- 
operate in  their  own  places,  and  according  to  the  measure  of 
their  gifts  and  calling,  towards  the  extension  and  development 
of  the  kingdom  of  God.  Christ  the  God-man,  who  is  exalted 
to  the  right  hand  of  power,  is  the  sole  Head  of  the  Church  ;  the 
Holy  Spirit,  who  is  sent  by  Christ  in  order  to  guide  the  Church 
to  its  goal  and  perfection,  is  its  Divine  Teacher;  —  the  Word 
and  the  Sacraments  are  the  ordinary  means  through  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  works  in  and  by  it.  As  the  Church  has  originated 
in  time,  and  has  passed  through  a  certain  development,  it  has 
also  a  History.  But  its  course  is  not  one  of  continual  progress. 
For,  side  by  side  with  the  holy  government  of  its  Divine  Head, 
and  the  sanctifying  influences  of  the  Paraclete,  we  also  descry 
in  its  administration  a  merely  human  agency.  From  the  sinful- 
ness of  our  nature,  this  agency  may  prove  unholy  and  perverse, 
and  thus  resist,  instead  of  co-operating  ;  obstruct,  instead  of 
advancing  ;  disturb  the  progress  by  introducing  impure  elements, 
instead  of  preserving  it  in,  or  restoring  it  to,  its  purity.  But 
even  amidst  all  this  error  and  perverseness  attaching  to  human 
agency,  the  guidance  and  care  of  Christ  and  of  His  Spirit  have 
3  (25) 


26  INTRODUCTION. 

manifested  themselves  in  this,  that  Divine  truth  has  not  been 
suifercd  to  perish  in  human  error,  Divine  power  through  human 
^vealJness  and  rebelliousness,  or  the  Divine  salvation  by  man's 
iniquity.  Nay,  amid  all  hindrances,  the  Divine  has  developed 
and  progressed  ;  and  even  these  temporary  obstructions  have 
been  made  subservient  for  preparing,  procuring,  and  manifesting 
in  the  Church  the  complete  triumph  of  Divine  power  and  truth. 
From  these  remarks,  it  will  be  gathered  that  it  is  the  task  of 
Church  History  not  only  to  exhibit  proper  developments  in  the 
Church,  but  also  all  obstructions  and  aberrations,  —  at  least  so 
long  as  they  have  remained  in  some  relation  to  the  Church. 

§2.   DIVISION  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY. 

The  many  and  extensive  ramifications  of  Church  History  ren- 
der it  necessary  to  arrange  its  subject-matter,  both  as  to  length, — 
i.  e.,  into  definite  ^oeriods,  during  each  of  which  some  tendency, 
hitherto  influential  in  the  general  development,  reached  its  ter- 
mination, and  in  turn  gave  place  to  new  influences  which  com- 
menced to  affect  the  development,  or  to  give  it  a  new  direction  ; 
—  and  as  to  breacUh,  —  i.  e.,  with  reference  to  the  various  ele- 
ments of  tendency  and  development,  which  made  their  appear- 
ance at  any  one  stage.  In  the  latter  respect  two  points  claim  our 
attention  :  1.  The  arrangement  according  to  national  churches, 
so  far  as  these  have  followed  an  independent  and  distinctive 
direction  ;  or  according  to  particular  churches,  which  may  partly 
have  owed  their  origin  to  some  division  in  the  Church  universal, 
occasioned  by  marked  differences,  in  doctrine,  worship,  or  con- 
stitution.—  2.  The  arrangement  according  to  the  grand.,  object 
towards  which  every  movement  recorded  in  ecclesiastical  history 
tends.  This  common  manifestation  of  ecclesiastical  life,  wliich 
appears  in  all  national  and  particular  churches,  has,  however, 
assumed  in  different  churches  a  peculiar  and  distinctive  shape. 
The  idea  of  history,  and  especially  that  of  a  universal  history 
of  the  Church,  imjilies  that  it  must  mainly  be  arranged  according 
to  periods.  But  the  question  as  to  which  of  tire  other  two 
classifications  is  to  be  prominently  brought  forward,  depends 
partly  on  the  course  of  history  itself,  and  partly  on  the  plan  on 
which  it  has  been  constructed.  In  general,  the  arrangement 
according  to  national  churches  must  remain  subordinate,  at  least 
so  long  as  their  union  and  co-operation  has  not  been  interrupted, 


TENDENCIES    IN     CHURCH     HISTORY.  27 

either  by  following  entirely  different  tendencies,  or  through  a 
sundei'ing  of  them  into  particular  churches. 

1.  Different  Tendencies  apparent  in  Church  History. — The  Christian 
Church  is  intended  to  embrace  all  nations  and  tongues.  Hence,  it 
must  al^vays  he  its  aim  to  enlarge  its  domain  by  the  conversion  uf  non- 
Christian  nations  and  individuals.  The  History  of  the  Extension 
AND  Limitation  of  Chkistianitt,  which  exhibits  either  the  progress 
or  the  various  obstructions  put  in  its  vray,  must  therefore  form  an 
essential  part  of  Church  History.  Again,  though  the  Church  is  under 
the  invisible  guidance  and  the  unseen  care  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  a  visi- 
ble and  terrestrial  institution,  it  requires,  for  its  continuance  and  pros- 
perity, a  secure  outward  position,  and  a  stable  and  consistent  internal 
arrangement,  constitution,  and  order.  Hence,  Church  History  has  also 
to  chronicle  the  history  of  Ecclesiastical  Constitution,  both  in  refer- 
ence to  the  outward  position  of  the  Church  towards  the  State,  and  to 
its  internal  organization,  government,  discipline,  and  legislation.  The 
history  of  those  ecclesiastical  divisions  (schisms)  which  had  their  origin 
only  in  different  views  about  church  government,  and  especially  about 
the  administration  of  discipline,  belongs  to  this  branch  of  the  subject. 
• — Of  still  greater  importance  for  the  prosperous  progress  of  the  Church, 
is  the  development  and  the  establishment  of  doctrine.  The  Holy  Scrip- 
tures are,  indeed,  the  sole  source  and  rule  of  faith,  and  a  suflScient 
directory  in  all  that  concerns  the  knowledge  of  salvation.  But  the 
words  of  Scripture  are  spirit  and  life,  living  seed-corn  of  knowledge, 
which,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Spirit,  who  sowed  it,  must 
unfold  into  a  glorious  harvest ;  that  so  the  fulness  of  truth  which  they 
contain  may  be  increasingly  understood,  and  become'  adapted  to  all 
stages  and  forms  of  culture  —  to  faith,  science,  and  life.  It  is,  there- 
fore, also  the  task  of  Church  Histoi'y  to  follow  the  Developjient  of 
Ecclesiastical  Doctrine  and  Science,  in  all  the  ways  and  by-ways 
(heresies)  over  which  it  has  passed. —  The  Church  also  requires  public 
Avorship,  as  the  necessary  expression  of  the  feelings  and  aspirations 
of  the  faithful  towards  their  Lord  and  God,  and  as  a  means  for  edifica- 
tion, instruction,  and  strength  to  the  congregation.  In  the  Word  and 
the  sacraments,  the  Church  indeed  received  from  its  Lord  the  immov- 
able ground-work  of  all  worship ;  still,  it  had  to  seek  out  and  to  adopt 
the  most  suitable  and  effective  form,  under  which  these  Divine  powers 
and  gifts  might  be  perfected  and  applied.  Hence  the  History  of 
Worship  must  also  foiun  an  essential  element  in  Church  History. — 
Lastly,  the  Church  had  to  introduce  the  leaven  of  that  new  life,  of 
which  it  is  the  depositary,  into  practical  life,  and  into  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  people.  This,  then,  implies  another  element  in  Chuifh 
History,  —  that  of  Christian  life  among  the  people.  —  It  is  impossible 
to  determine  the  historical  succession  of  these  varied  manifestations 
of  the  life  of  the  Church,  according  to  abstract  and  logical  principles, 


28  INTRODUCTION. 

or  to  arrange  them  in  the  same  manner  at  all  periods.  It  will  there- 
fore be  necessary,  in  each  case,  to  adopt  a  division  Avhich  at  every 
period  ^A*ill  first  present  those  elements  which  appeared  most  promi- 
nently, and  exercised  a  decisive  influence  upon  all  the  others. 

2.  The  several  Branches  of  Church  History.— The  above  branches  of 
Church  History  are  severally  of  such  importance,  that  they  have  fre- 
quently been  treated  as  independent  sciences.  This  method  renders  it 
possible  to  enter  into  fuller  details,  and,  what  is  even  more  important, 
to  treat  each  science  according  to  its  own  peculiar  principles,  and  in 
the  most  satisfactory  manner. — The  history  of  the  spread, of,  or  of  the 
obstructions  to  Christianity,  is  then  viewed  as  the  History  of  Missions. 
That  of  ecclesiastical  government  [ecdesiastica  poUtia),  of  worship  and 
of  Christian  manners,  is  called  Ecclesiastical  Archceology  —  a  name 
inaptly  chosmi,  since  it  confines  the  range  of  inquiries  to  ancient  times, 
and  'groups  together  heterogeneous  elements.  Let  us  hope  that  writers 
on  this  subject  will  in  future  separate  these  difi"erent  elements,  and 
follow  the  development  of  each  to  the  present  time,  treating  of  them 
as  of  the  history  of  Ecclesiastical  Constitution,  of  Christian  Worship, 
and  of  Christian  Culture.  The  history  of  the  development  of  doctrines 
may  be  arranged  into — a)  the  History  of  Dogmas,  in  which  the  genetic 
development  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  is  traced  ;  h)  Symbolics, 
in  which  the  established  doctrinal  views  of  the  Church  universal,  and 
of  individual  churches,  as  laid  down  in  their  confessions  (or  symbols), 
are  presented  in  a  systematic  manner  (in  "  Comparative  Symbolics," 
these  confessions  are  critically  examined,  and  placed  side  by  side  with 
each  other) ;  c)  Pa^r?s^i"c5,  which  treats  of  the  subjective  development 
of  doctrine,  as  it  appears  in  the  teachings  of  the  most  eminent  eccle- 
siastical authorities  (the  Fathers  —  limiting  that  expression  chiefly  to 
the  first  six  or  eight  centuries  of  the  Church)  ;  lastly,  d)  the  History  of 
Theology  generally,  or  of  individual  branches  of  theological  science, 
which  details  the  scientific  treatment  of  theology,  or  of  its  individual 
branches,  in  their  historical  course  of  progress.  The  History  of  Theo- 
logical Literature  exhibits  and  criticises  the  literary  activity  of  the 
Church  generally;  Patrology,  that  of  the  Fathers.  Lastly,  the  science 
of  Ecclesiastical  Statistics  presents  a  general  view  of  the  results  of 
universal  Church  History  during  a  definite  period,  and  describes  the 
state  of  the  Church  in  all  its  relations,  as  it  appeared  at  every  period 
of  its  history,  furnishing,  "  as  it  were,  a  cross-section  of  history." 

Literature.  1.  History  of  Missions  :  Blumhai-dt,  aUgememe  M'ls- 
sionsgeschichte  (Universal  History  of  Missions).  3  vols.  Basle  1828. — • 
W.  Brown,  Hist,  of  the  Propagation  of  Christ,  among  the  Heathen 
since  the  Reform.  3d  F>d.  1854.  —  For  Protest.  Missions,  comp.  also  J. 
Wi'ggers,  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Mission,  1845;  for  Rom.  Cath.  Miss,  the 
work  of  Henrion,  translat.  into  German  by  Wittmann.  Schafi"h.  1817. 
3  vols. 

2.  History  of  the  Papacy  :    Bower,  Hist,  of  the  Popes.     London, 


LITERATURE.  29 

1749 ;  transl.  into  German,  and  contin.  by  Rambach.  10  vols.  Magd. 
and  Lcipz.  1751.  —  Chr.  W.  Fr.  Walcli,  Entw.  einer  vollst.  Gesch.  d. 
Papstth.  (Sketch  of  a  complete  history  of  the  Papacy).  Gott.  175G ; 
SpiUler,  Gesch.  d.  Papstth. ;  C.  J.  Weber,  Papstth.  u.  Papstc.  Stuttg. 
183G  :  Artaud  de  Montor,  Hist,  des  Papes.  Augsb.  1848. 

3.  History  of  Monastic  Orders  :  H.  Hehjot,  Gesch.  aller  Kloster  u. 
Ritterorden.  Aus  d.  Franz.  (History  of  all  Monastic  and  Knight  Or- 
ders). Leipz.  1753.  8  vols.  —  [Miisson),  pragm.  Gesch.  d.  vornehmsten 
MiJnchsorden,  ini  Ausz.  von  Crome  (pragm.  Hist,  of  the  Principal 
Monastic  Orders,  condensed  by  Crome).  Leipz.  1774.  10  vols. — J.  Fuhr, 
Gesch.  d.  Monchsorden.  Nach  d.  Franz,  des  Baron  Henrion  (Par.  1835), 
(Hist,  of  the  Monastic  Orders,  after  the  French  of  Baron  Henrion). 
Tubing.  1845.  2  vols. 

4.  History  of  Councils  :  E.  Riclicrii,  hist,  concill.  gener.  LI.  IV. 
Paris  1680.  3  Voll.  4. —  C.  /.  Hefele,  Conciliengcsch.  nach  d.  Quellen 
(Hist,  of  Councils,  from  the  original  sources).  Vols.  I.  II.  Freib.  1855 
(meant  to  extend  over  5  vols.). —  Chr.  W.  F.  Walch,  Entvr.  eincr  vollst. 
Gesch.  d.  Kirchenversammll.  (Sketch  of  a  Complete  History  of  Eccle- 
siastical Councils).     Leipz.  1759. 

5.  Ecclesiastical  La^v:  /.  W.  Bickell,  Gesch.  d.  K.-ll.  (Hist,  of 
Eccles.  Law,  continued  by  Eostell),  fortgesetzt  v.  /.  W.  Eodell.  2  vols, 
(incomplete).  Giessen  1843.  49.— i^erJ.  Walter  (Rom.  Cath.),  Lehr- 
buch  d.  K.-R.  aller  christl.  Confessionen  (Manual  of  the  Eccles.  Law 
of  all  Christ.  Churches).  11th  ed.  Bonn.  1854.—  G.  Pliilipps,  K.-R. 
(Eccl.  Law).  5  vols.  Regensb.  1845.  —  Eichhorn,  Grunds.  d.  K.-R. 
(Principles  of  Eccl.  Law).  Gcittg.  1831.  2  vols. — A.  L.  Bidder,  Lehrb. 
d.  K.-R.  (Manual  of  Eccl.  Law).     4th  ed.  Leipz.  1853. 

6.  Archeology  :  by  Protestant  writers :  Jos.  Bingham,  Antiquities 
of  the  Church,  10  vols. ;  Augiisti^  Denkwiirdigk.  aus.  d.  chr.  Arch. 
(Memorabilia  in  Chi-ist.  Archfsol.).  12  vols.  Leipz.  1816;  Dessen  Handfe* 
d.  christl.  Arch.  (Augusti's  Manual  of  Christ.  Arch.).  3  vols.  LeipS» 
1836  ;  RheinwaJd,  die  kirchl.  Arch.  (Eccles.  Arch.).  Berlin  1830;  Boh- 
mer,  die  chr.  kirchl.  Alterthumswissch.  (Chr.  Eccles.  Archa3ol.).  2  vols. 
Bresl.  1836.  39  ;  Gucricke,  Lehrb.  d.  chr.  kirchl.  Arch.  (Manual  of  Chr. 
eccl.  Arch.).  Leipz.  1847  ;  Siegel,  Handbuch  d.  chr.  kirchl.  Alterthii- 
mer  in  alphab.  Ordnung  (Manual  of  Christ,  and  Eccles.  Antiq.  in  thef/f 
alphab.  order).  4  vols.  Leipz.  1836;  C.  ^Sc/zo/ze,  Geschichtsforschung?^ 
liber  d.  kirchl.  Gebrauche  (Histor.  Invest,  on  Eccles.  Usages).  3  volf^ 
Berlin,  1819  ;  Planck,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  kirchl.  GescUschaftsverf.  (Hist,  of 
the  Social  Constit.  of  the  Chr.  Church).  5  vols.  Hann.  1803  ;  —  by  Ro- 

-MAN  Catholic  writers:  Mamachii  origines  et  antiq.  chr.  5  voll.  4.  Rom. 
1749  ;  Pellicia,  de  chr.  eccl.  politia.  3  voll.  Neap.  1777,  newly  edited  by 
Riiter,  Col.  1829;  Rinlerim,  Denkwurdigk.  d.  chr.  kath.  K.  (Memora- 
bilia of  the  Roman  Cath.  Ch.).  17  vols.  Mayence  1825. 

7.  History  of  Dogmas:  Petoiv»,9  (Jesuit),  de  theologicis  dogmatt.  c. 
not.  Theojih.  Alethani  (J.  Clcrici).  6  Voll.  fol.  Amst.  1700. — Manuals: 


30  INTRODUCTION. 

by  Enpdliardt  (2  vols.  Erlang.  183D)  ;  Bmnngarten-Crusms  (Compen- 
dium 2  vols.  Leipz.  1840.  46)  ;  W.  Miinscher  (3d  ed.  by  Collii  and  Neu- 
deck-er.  Cassel  1832)  ;  K.  F.  Meier  (2d  ed.  by  G.  Baur,  Giessen  1854) ; 
Fd.  Chr.  Baur  (Stuttgart  1847) ;  A'.  R.  Hagenhach  4.  A.  Leipz.  1857. 
(the  2d  ed.  translated  by  Buch.  Edinb.  T.  and  T.  Clark) ;  /.  C.  L.  Gie- 
seler  (Prelections.  Bonn  1855) ;  Keander  (edited  by  Jacobi.  2  vols.  1857, 
transl.  by  J.  E.  Ryland).— C7»-.  W.  F.  Walch,  vollst.  Historie  d.  Ketze- 
reien,  bis  zuni  Bilderstreite  incl.  (Complete  Hist,  of  Heresies,  to  the 
Controversy  about  Images).  11  vols.  Leipz.  1762. 

8.  Symbolics:  Marheineke,  chr.  Symbolik.  A^ol.  I.  Heidelb.  1810; 
KiiUner,  Symb.  aller  christ.  Confess.  (Symbolical  Books  of  all  Chr. 
Churches).  2  vols.  Leipz.  1846;  Winer,  comparative  Darstellung  d. 
Lehrbegriffe  d.  verschied.  chr.  Kirchenpart.  (Comparat.  View  of  the 
Dogmas  of  the  various  parties  in  the  Chr.  Ch.).  2d  ed.  Leipz.  1837; 
Guericke,  allg.  chr.  Symbolik  (Universal  Chr.  Symb.).  2d  ed.  Leipz, 
1846  ;  MarJieijteke's  Vorless.  iiber  die  Symbolik  (Prelections  on  Symb.). 
Berlin  1848  ;  A".  Maithes,  conipar.  Symbolik.  Leipz.  1854;  A.  H.  Baier, 
S3mb.  Vol.  I.  Greifsvr.  1854.  —  By  Roman  Catholic  writers;  J.  A. 
Mohler,  Symbolik.  6th  ed.  IMayence  1843  ;  Hilgers,  symb.  Theol.  Bonn 
1841;  —  against  Mohler:  Baur,  der  Gegens.  d.  Kath.  u.  Protcstantis- 
mus  (the  opposition  between  Roman,  and  Protest.).  2d  ed.  Tlib.  1836; 
Kitzsch,  protest.  Beantw.  (Reply  of  Protest.).  Ilamb.  1835.  Comp.  also: 
Thiersch,  Yorless.  Uber  Protestantism,  u.  Kath.  (Prelections  on  Protest, 
and  Roman.).  2  vols.  2d  ed.  1848. 

9.  Patrologt  and  History  of  Literature  :  EUies  du  Pin,  nouv. 
biblioth.  des  auteurs  eccl.  47  voll.  Paris  1686  ;  R.  Ceillier,  hist,  des  au- 
teurs  sacr^s  et  eccl.  des  six  preni.  sifecles.  Par.  1693.  16  YoU.  4;  J.  A. 
Mohler,  Patrologie,  edited  by  Rheitmayer.  Vol.  I.  Regensb.  1839 ;  /. 
Fessler,  Institt.  patrol.  Oenip.  1850.  2  T.  —  By  Protestant  writers:  W. 
Cave,  Scriptt.  eccles.  hist,  literaria.  2  Voll.  fol.  London  1688;  C.  Oudin, 
Commentarii  de  scriptoribus  ecclesiast.  Lips.  1722.  3  Voll.  fol.  ;  /.  A. 
Fabricii  Biblioth.  Grajca.  Hamb.  1705  ss.  14  Voll.  4.,  nova  ed.  cur.  Har- 
less.  Hamb.  1790.  12  A^oll.  4. ;  Ejusd.  Bibl.  mediae  et  infinia3  latinitatis 
aucta  a  J.  D.  Mansi  Pat.  1754.  6  Voll.  4. ;  Schotiemann,  Biblioth.  patr. 
latin,  hist,  liter.  Lips.  1792.  2  vols. ;  Oelrichs,  Comment,  de  script, 
eccles.  lat.  Lips.  1790:  /.  C.  F.  Bdhr,  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Liter.  (Hist,  of 
Roman  Liter.),  Suppl.  I.-III.  Karlsr.  1836-40.— Ce^-c/;  d.  theol.  Wis- 
sensch.  (Hist,  of  Theol.  Science):  von  Fliigge  (3  vols.  Halle  1796,  to 
the  time  of  the  Reform.) :  —  S/diidlin  (from  the  15th  cent.).  2  vols.  Gott. 
1810;— J.  G.  Walch,  Biblioth.  theol.  sel.  Jen*  1757.  4  Voll. 

10.  Lives  of  the  Saints:  L.  Siirins,  Yitx  Ss.  Col.  1570.  6  Voll.  fol. 
Acta  Sanctoi-Jivi,  Ant.  1643  etc.  53  A'oll.  fol.  (begun  by  the  Jesuit  Bol- 
Jandus,  hence  known  by  the  name  of  Bollandists). — Mabil/on,  Acta  Ss. 
ordinis  s.  Benedicti.  Par.  1666.  9  Voll.  fol. — Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints, 
New  ed.  Dublin  1838. 


DIVISION    IN    CHURCH    HISTORY.  81 

•  3.  Principal  Phases  in  the  Jlisforical  Development  of  the  Chnvcli. — In 
the  history  of  civilization  wc  meet  with  three  successive  forms  of  culture : 
the  Oriental,  the  Grteco-Roman,  and  the  Germanic.  The  kingdom  of 
God  was  to  penetrate,  and  unfold  itself,  in  each  of  these,  in  a  manner 
peculiar  to  each,  and  thus  attain  its  most  complete  development.  The 
earliest  Church  (the  Israelitish  theocracy)  represents  its  development 
in  the  Oriental  form  ;  the  ancient  Christian  Church  its  development  in 
the  Gn>3CO-Roman  form ;  the  modern  Church  its  development  in  the 
Germanic  form.  The  Middle  Ages  exhibit  the  struggle  between  the 
superannuated  classic  form  of  culture,  and  the  modern  ;  whilst  the 
later  development  of  the  Church  received  its  main  impulse  from  the 
Germanic-Christian  culture,  which  was  matured  by  the  genial  influ- 
ences of  the  Reformation.  This  division  of  the  History  of  the  kingdom 
of  God  on  the  earth,  according  to  the  different  forms  of  civilization, 
seems  to  us  so  essential,  that  we  derive  from  it  the  principle  of  our 
division  of  Church  History,  as  follows  :    . 

I.  Antecedent  History  of  Christianity :  Preparation  for  it  in  the  He- 
brew oriental  form  of  culture  ;  simultaneous  adaptation  of  the  univer- 
sal form,  for  its  manifestation  in  the  Grteco-Ronum  form. 

II.  Primitive  History  of  Christianity  :  The  perfect  exhibition  of  the 
plan  of  salvation  by  Christ  and  his  Apostles.  Conflict  between  the 
Jewish  and  Greek  forms  of  culture ;  victory  of  the  latter.  First  cen- 
tury (Apostolic  period). 

III.  History  of  the  Development  of  Christianity,  on  the  basis  of  its 
original  character. 

A.  In  the  Ancient  Classic  Form: 

First  Period,  from  a.  100-323,  or  to  the  final  victory  of  Christianity 
over  Groeco-Roman  heathenism. 

Second  Period,  from  323-G92,  or  to  the  completion  of  the  doctrinal 
development  of  the  ancient  Church  (680)  and  the^ alienation  between 
^  the  Oriental  and  Occidental  Churches  (092). 

Third  Period,  from  092-1453,  or  to  the  taking  of  Constantinople. 
Decline  of  the  influence  of  the  ancient  classic  form  of  culture  on  the 
history  of  the  Church. 

B.  In  the  Germanic  Form.     1.  //(  the  Middle  Ages: 

First  Period,  including  the  4th-9th  centuries,  or  from  the  founding 
of  the  Church  among  the  Germans  to  the  end  of  the  Carlovingian  period. 

Second  Period,  from  the  10th-13th  centuries,  to  Boniface  VIII.,  or 
the  age  of  the  papacy,  monasticism,  and  scholasticism. 

Third  Period,  embracing  the  14th  and  15th  centuries,  to  the  Reform- 
ation ;  decline  of  the  factors  prominent  in  the  Middle  Ages ;  frequent 
reformatory  movements.  * 

2.  In  the  Modern  Germanic  Form : 

First  Period,  embracing  the  IGth  century,  the  period  of  the  Roforma 
tion. 

Second  Period,  the  ITth  century,  the  period  of  orthodoxy. 


6Z  INTRODUCTION. 

Third  Period,  the  18th  century,  the  age  of  deism,  naturalism,  ration- 
alism. 

Fourth  Period,  the  19th  century,  the  age  of  the  revival  of  a  Christian 
and  Church  life  (unionism,  coufessionalism)  in  conflict  with  commu- 
nism, pantheism,  and  materialism. 

§  3.   SOURCES  AND  AUXILIARIES  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY. 

1.  The  sources  of  Church  History  are  partly  primary  (origi- 
nal), such  as  monuments  and  original  documents,  —  partly 
SECONDARY  (derived),  among  which  we  reckon  traditions,  and 
reported  researches  of  original  sources  which  have  since  been 
lost.  Monuments,  such  as  ecclesiastical  buildings,  pictures,  and 
inscriptions,  are  commonly  only  of  very  subordinate  use  in 
Cliurch  History.  But  archives,  preserved  and  handed  down, 
are  of  the  very  greatest  importance.  To  this  class  belong  also 
the  acts  and  decrees  of  ecclesiastical  coiaicils ;  the  regesta  and 
official  decrees  of  the  Popes  (decretals,  briefs)  and  of  Bishops 
(jjastoral  letters)  ;  the  laws  and  regesta  issuing  from  imperial 
chancellories,  so  far  as  these  refer  to  ecclesiastical  affairs  ;  the 
rules  of  monastic  orders,  liturgies,  confessions  of  faith,  letters 
of  personages  influential  in  church  or  state  ;  reports  of  eye-wit- 
nesses ;  sermons  and  doctrinal  treatises  of  acknowledged  theolo- 
gians, etc.  If  the  documents  in  existence  are  found  insufficient, 
we  must  have  recourse  to  earlier  or  later  traditions,  and  to  the 
historical  investigations  of  those  who  had  access  to  original 
documents  which  are  now  no  longer  extant. 

a.  Collections  of  Councils:  /.  Harduin,  concill.  colloctio  regia 
maxima.  Par.  1715.  12  vols,  folio. — J.  D.  Maiisi,  concill.  nova  et  am- 
pliss.  coll.  31  vols.  fol.  Flor.  et  Venot.  1759  ss. 

h.  Acts  of  the  Popes:  Ph.  Jajf'e,  Regesta  pontiff.  Rom.  (to  the  year 
1198).  Berol.  1851.  4. — The  decretals  of  the  Popes  are  collected  and 
treated  of  in  the  Corpus  jur.  Canon.,  ed.  Bohmer  (Hal.  1747.  2  vols.  4.) 
and  Richter  (Lps.  1833  ss.  4). — L.  Cherubim,  bullarium  Rom.  Ed.  IV. 
Rom.  1G72.  5  vols.  fol.  —  C.  Cocqvelines,  bullarum,  privileg.  ac  dijjlo- 
matum  ampliss.  collectio  Rom.  1739.  28  vols.  fol.  —  Barheri,  bullar. 
Magn.  (1758-1830),  cont.  by  7^  Segretus  (to  184G).  Rom.  1835-47.  14 
toIs.  fol. 

c.  Rules  of  Monastic  Orders  :  Lvc.  HoJsienii  codex  regularum 
monastic,  et  canonic.  4  vols.  4to.  Rom.  IGGl,  auctus  a  Mar.  Brockie.  6 
fols.  fol.  Aug.  Vind.  1759. 

d.  Liturgies:  J.  A.  Assemanni  Cod.  liturgicus  eccl.  univ.  13  vols.  4. 
Rom.  1749. — II.  A.  Daniel,  cod.  lit.  eccl.  univ.  4  vols.  Lps.  1847-53.  8, 


HISTORY    OF    CHURCH    HISTORY.  33 

e.  Confessions  of  Faith  :  C.  W.  Fr.  Walcli,  biblioth.  symbolica 
vetus.  Lemg.  1770 ;  A.  Halm,  Biblioth.  der  Symb.  u.  Glaubensregelu 
der  apost.  kath.  K.  (Library  of  the  Confessions  and  Rules  of  Faith  of 
the  Apostolic  Catholic  Church).  Bresl.  1842. 

/.  Acta  Martyrorum  :  Tk.  Ruinart,  Acta  primorum  Martyrum. 
New  edition  by  B.  Gallura.  Aug.  Vind.  1802.  3  vols. — Surius  and  the 
Bollandists  [l  3,  10) ;  St.  E.  Assemanni,  Acta  Sanctorum  Mart.  Orient, 
et  Occid.  Rom.  1748.  2  vols.  fol. 

2.  Auxiliary  Sciences  of  Church  History. — Those  sciences  are  auxilia- 
ries of  Church  History  which  are  indispensable  in  order  properly  to 
understand,  critically  to  judge  of,  and  to  sift,  the  sources  of  ecclesias- 
tical history.  Among  them  we  reckon,  1)  Diplomatics,  which  teaches 
us  to  judge  of  the  genuineness,  the  completeness,  and  the  trustworthi- 
ness of  documents ;  2)  Philoloyy,  which  enables  us  to  make  use  of 
sources  in  difl'erent  languages ;  3)  Geography,  and  4)  Chronology, 
which  respectively  inform  us  about  the  scene,  and  the  succession  in 
time,  of  the  different  facts  narrated.  In  a  wider  sense,  we  may  also 
reckon  among  auxiliary  sciences,  general  history,  as  well  as  that  of 
jurisprudence,  of  civilization,  of  art,  of  literature,  of  philosophy,  and 
of  religion,  all  which  are  indispensable  on  account  of  their  manifold 
bearing  on  the  development  of  the  Church. 

a.  Diplomatics:  J.  Mahillon,  de  re  diplomatica.  Ed.  II.  Par.  1709. 
fol. 

b.  Philology:  C.  du  Frbsne  [Dominus  du  Cange),  glossarium  ad 
scriptores  mediae  et  infimaj  latinitatis.  6  vols.  Par.  1733  ;  edid.  Hens- 
chel.  Par.  1840  ss.  7  vols.  4. — Du  Fr^sne,  gloss,  ad  scriptores  med.  et 
infim.  gra3citatis.  2  vols.  fol.  Lugd.  1688  ;  J.  C.  Suiceri  thesaurus  eccle- 
siast.,  e  patribus  graecis.  Ed.  2.  2  vols.  fol.  Amst.  1728. 

c.  Geography:  Car.  a  S.  Faido,  Geogr.  s.,  cur.  /.  Clerici,  Amst. 
1703.  fol.  ;  —  Nic.  Sansonis,  Atlas  ant.  sacer,  emend.  J.  Clericus.  Amst. 
1705.  fol. ;  —  /.  E.  Th.  Wiltsch,  Handb.  d.  kirchl.  Geogr.  u.  Statistik 
(Manual  of  Ecclesiastical  Geography  and  Statistics).  2  vols.  Berlin 
1846 ;  the  same  author's.  Atlas  sacer  s.  ecclesiast.  Goth.  1843  ;  C.  F. 
Stdudlin,  kirchl.  Geogr.  u.  Statist.  (Ecclesiastical  Geography  and  Sta- 
tistics), 2  vols.  Tub.  1804. — Mich,  le  Qnien,  Oriens  christianus  in  qua- 

■'  tuor  patriarchatus  digestus.  Par.  1740.  3  vols.  fol. 

4.  Chronology:  Piper,  Kirchenrechnung  (Ecclesiastical Chronology). 
Berlin  1841.  4. 

§  4.  HISTORY  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY. 

CoMP.  C.  F.  Stcivdlin,  Gesch.  u.  Lit.  d.  K.  G.  History  and  Litera- 
ture of  Church  History).  Hamburgh  1827.  F.  Chr.  Banr,  die  Epochen 
der  kirchl.  Goschichtschreibg.  (the  Periods  of  the  Literature  of  Church 
History).     Tub.  1852. 

0 


34  INTRODUCTION. 

The  Gospels  and  the  book  of  Acts  furnish  us  with  an  account 
of  the  commencement  of  ecclesiastical  history.     Next  in  order  of 
time  comes  the  work  of  Hegesippiis,  a  native  of  Asia  Minor,  who, 
about  tlie  middle  of  the  second  century,  collected  the  various  tra- 
ditions of  apostolical  time.      Only  fragments  of  this  work  have 
been  preserved.     Eusebius,  Bishop  of  ('a?sarea,  claims  to  be  the 
Father  of  Church  History  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  terra.     At 
first  the  Eastern  had,  in  this  branch  of  study,  the  advantage  of 
ihe  Western  Church,  which  only  furnished  translations,  or  at  most 
re-cast  the  material  furnished  by  the  Greeks,  instead  of  carrying 
on   independent  investigations.      During   the   middle    ages   the 
Eastern  as  well  as  the  Western  Church  had  only  chroniclers, 
whose   writings,   however,   are  of  the   greatest   importance    as 
secondary  sources  for  the  history  of  their  own  times.      Consider- 
ing the  close  connection  between  church  and  state  in  the  Byzan- 
tine empire,  we  must  not  omit  to  notice  the  so-called  Scriptores 
hidorice  Byzantince,  and  the  Latin  national   histories,  biogra- 
phies, annals,  and  chronicles,  as  important  for  the  student  of 
Church    History.      The    Reformation    first  called    forth   really 
critical  investigation,  and  opened  the  way  for  a  scientific  treat- 
ment of   Church  History.     In    carrying  on    their   great  work, 
the  Reformers  felt  the  need  of  reverting  to  those  times  when 
the  Church  appeared  in  its  purer  form.     To  investigate  and  to 
determine  such  questions,  it  was  necessary  to  study  eccletiastical 
history  ;    while  the  very  attacks  of  their  enemies   obliged  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  to  follow  them  into  these  investigations. 
Both  the  Lutheran  and  Catholic  Churches,  however,  contented 
themselves,  until  the  middle  of  the  ITth  century,  with  their  two 
great  works   of  the  period  of  the   Reformation.     Then,  how- 
ever, the  spirit  of  rivalry  was  aroused  in  the  pursuit  of  such 
studies,  and  during  the  llth  century  the  Catholic  Church   un- 
doubtedly bore  the  palm.     The  more  liberal  spirit  of  the  Gal- 
ilean Church  fostered  this  zeal,  especially  among  the  Maurines 
and  Oratorians  of  France.     The  lieformed  Church,   especially 
in  France  and  the  Netherlands,  did  not  keep  far  in  the  rear  of 
these   efforts.     In    the   18th   century   the   contributions  of   the 
Lutheran  Church  again  take  the  lead,  the  Beformed  following 
closely  after,  whilst  the  zeal  and  learning  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  had    decidedly  declined.     But    as  rationalism    invaded 
the  sphere  of  theology,  so  pragmatism  invaded  that  of  Church 
History,  and  made  the  ideal  of  it  consist  in  regarding  all  events 


HISTORY     OF    CHURCH     HISTORY.  35 

as  the  result  of  chance  and  passions,  of  arbitrariness  and  calcu- 
lation. Not  until  the  19th  century  was  this  conceited  and  dull 
spirit  of  prao-iuatism  overcome. 

1.  To  the  Feformaiion.  The  History  of  Eusebius  extends  to  the 
year  324.  It  was  continued  in  the  fifth  century  by  Philostor(/his,  an 
Arian,  and  by  Socinfes,  Sozomenns,  and  Thcodoret,  Catholic  writers. 
Early  in  the  sixth  century  Iheodonis,  a  lector  of  Constantinople,  wrote 
an  abstract  of  Theodoret's  work,  carried  down  to  his  own  times  ;  this 
abstract  is,  unhappily,  all  that  remains.  These  works  were  followed 
in  the  sixth  century  by  Evagrins.  In  the  Latin  Church,  Bvjjuus,  a 
presbyter  of  Aquilcja,  translated  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Eusebius, 
and  brought  it  down  to  his  own  days  (to  395).  About  the  same  time, 
Suljncius  Severits,  a  presbyter  from  Gaul,  wrote  his  "  Historia  Sacra," 
in  two  books,  extending  from  the  creation  of  the  world  to  the  year  400. 
In  the  sixth  century,  Cassiodm-ns^  a  Roman  official  under  Theodoric, 
condensed  a  translation  of  the  Catholic  continuators  of  Eusebius,  which 
was  designed  to  supplement  the  work  of  Rufinus.  This  compilation, 
well  known  as  the  Historica  ecclesiastica  tripartita,  along  with  Rufinus, 
coritinued  the  common  text-book  in  use  up  to  the  time  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Of  a  Syrian  Church  History  by  the  Monophysite  bishop,  John 
of  Ephesus,  in  the  sixth  century,  the  second  part,  containing  the  history 
of  his  own  times,  has  but  recently  become  known.  (Cf.  J.  P.  N.  Land, 
John  of  Eph.,  the  first  Syr.  Ch.  Historian.  Leyden  1857.)  Concern- 
ing other  contributions  of  the  ancient  Church  see  |  42,  5,  and  |  48,  2; 
for  the  medifeval  histories  of  the  Latins  |  90,  9,  of  the  Greeks  ^  G8,  4. 
Gregorhis,  Bishop  of  Ihws,  furnished  a  most  valuable  contribution  to 
the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Franks  up  to  the  year  591,  and  the 
Venerable  Bede,  to  that  of  England  up  to  the  year  731.  The  Liher  Fon- 
tificalis,  by  the  Roman  librarian  Anastasius  [oh.  891)  furnishes  bio- 
graphies of  the  Popes.  The  work  of  Bishop  Adam  of  Bremen  (extend- 
ing to  the  year  1076)  is  of  great  value  for  the  history  of  the  northern 
churches.  Among  writers  of  universal  Church  history  we  name  Ilai/mo 
of  Halberstadt  (c.  850),  who  however  only  extracted  from  Rufinus  ;  the 
Abbot  Odericns  Vitalis,  in  Normandy  (c.  1150)  ;  the  Dominican  Bar- 
tholomew  of  iMcca  (c.  1300),  and  Archb.  Antoninus  of  Florence,  in  the 
15th  century.  Near  the  close  of  the  15th  century  the  spirit  of  historical 
criticism  was  awakened,  through  the  influence  of  humanism  (§  120). 
Besides  the  numerous  Scriptores  hist.  Bi/zant.,  Nicephoriis  Callisti,  in 
the  Greek  Church,  wrote  an  actual  Church  history  (in  the  14th  cen- 
tury). The  Melchite  Patr.  Entijchius  of  Alexandria  wrote,  in  the  12th 
century,  a  Ch.  Hist,  in  Arabic,  full  of  fables,  and  of  value  only  for  the 
condition  of  the  Church  under  Mohammedan  rule. 

2.   The  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries.     As  early  as  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Magdeburg  Ceniiiria  (1559-74),  a  splendid 
work  on  ecclesiastical  history,  were  compiled  by  an  association  of  Lu- 
3* 


36  INTRODUCTION. 

iheran  divines,  headed  by  Matthias  Flachis  Ilhjricus,  a  clergyman  at 
Magdeburg.  It  consisted  of  13  folio  vols.,  of  which  each  described  a 
century.  The  work  may  be  described  as  the  result  of  unwearied  labor, 
and  as  bringing  forward  a  great  many  documents  till  then  unknown. 
The  Centuria  evoked  (in  1588)  the  Ecclesiastical  Annals  of  Ccesar  Ba- 
ronius  (12  vols,  folio,  extending  to  1198)  ;  a  production  specially  im- 
portant from  the  circumstance  that  it  brings  to  light  many  documents, 
which  have  since  then  remained  unknown.  The  author  Avas  rewarded 
with  a  cardinal's  hat,  and  had  almost  been  elevated  to  the  Chair  of 
St.  Peter.  Of  writers  on  general  Church  History  we  mention,  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  Natalis  Alexander,  a  learned,  but  scholastic 
and  stiff  Dominican;  Seh.le  Nainde  Tillemont,  a  conscientious  Jansenist 
author ;  Claude  Fleiiry,  the  mild,  able,  but  somewhat  diffuse  confessor 
of  Louis  XV. ;  and  the  eloquent  Bishop  Bosstiet.  To  the  older  Reformed 
Church  Ave  are  indebted  for  many  excellent  works  on  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory. Theodore  Beza  took  the  lead  in  his  History  of  the  French  Re- 
formed Church.  Its  authors,  however,  attained  the  highest  reputation 
in  the  17th  century,  and  became  particularly  distinguished  by  their 
learned  special  investigations  (§  160,  4)  ;  though  general  Ch.  hist,  also 
received  creditable  attention.  J.H.  Hottinger  combined  a  history  of  the 
Jews,  of  Heathenism,  and  of  Mohammedanism,  with  that  of  Christianity. 
Of  still  greater  importance  were  the  productions  of  Fr.  Spanheim,  in 
Leyden.  In  his  Histoire  de  I'Fglise,  J.  Basnar/e  has  replied  to  Bossuet, 
while  the  Annales  of  Sam.  Basnage  Avere  directed  against  Baronius. 

3.  The  Eighteenth  Century.  —  After  the  great  work  of  the  "Magde- 
burg Centuriones,"  the  study  of  ecclesiastical  history  was  for  a  time 
neglected  by  the  Lidheran  Church.  A  century  elapsed  before  G.  Calixt 
[oh.  1656)  revived  the  study  of  this  science.  Strange  to  say,  it  was 
again  controversy  Avhich  induced  theologians  to  return  to  the  subject. 
In  1699,  Gottfr.  Arnold,  a  learned  Pietist  and  Mystic,  composed  his 
"  Impartial  History  of  the  Church  and  of  Heretics,"  —  a  work  which 
throughout  breathes  a  party  spirit,  and  Avhich  dosaribes  genuine  Chris- 
tianity only  among  heretics  and  fanatics.  Still,  it  gave  a  fresh  impulse 
to  historical  investigation.  Since  that  period,  men  like  Weismann  of 
Tubingen,  the  tAvo  IValchs  {George  Walch,  the  father,  at  Jena,  and 
Francis  Walch,  the  son,  in  Gcittingen),  J.  Lor.  v.  Mosheim,  Chancellor 
in  Giittingen  [oh.  1755),  and  Sigism.  J.  Baumgarten  of  Halle,  have 
furnished  able  and  valuable  works  on  Church  History.  Among  these 
IMosheim  deserves  the  first  place,  both  on  account  of  his  acutenoss,  of 
his  practical  sense,  of  his  style,  and  of  his  pure  Latinity.  J.  Sal.  Semler 
of  Halle  [ob.  1791),  the  pupil  of  Baumgarten,  attempted  to  throAV  doubt 
upon  almost  every  conclusion  in  historical  theology  at  which  the 
Church  had  arrived.  He  was  answered  by  /.  Matthew  Schroclch,  AA'hose 
work,  in  45  vols.,  bears  evidence  of  almost  incredible  labour  and  per- 
severance, although  it  is  necessarily  diffuse.  Chevalier  Spittler,  a 
"Wurtemberg  Minister  of  State,  next  furnished  a  clever  caricature  of 


HISTORY  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY.         37 

Church  History.  He  was  followed  in  the  same  spirit  by  Hencke  of 
Helmstadt,  who,  in  vigorous  language,  attempted  to  sketch  the  history 
of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  light  of  a  continuous  succession  of 
religious  aberrations.  G.  J.  Planck  of  Gcittingen,  a  representative  of 
the  unhealthy  supranaturalism  of  his  time,  wrote  a  number  of  eccle- 
siastical and  other  monographs,  which  display  considerable  research, 
but  are  tainted  with  the  spirit  of  his  school.  —  Theologians  of  the  lie- 
Jormed  Church  also  compiled  valuable  treatises  on  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory. Among  them  we  mention  those  of  /.  Cleriats,  an  Arminian  ;  of 
AJpli.  Turretin,  of  Geneva;  of  Herin.  Venema,  of  Franeker ;  and  of 
Jabloiisky,  at  Frankfort-on-the-Oder.  The  reforms  introduced  by  the 
Emperor  Joseph  II.  were  not  without  eifect  on  the  study  of  ecclesias- 
tical history  among  the  members  of  the  German  branch  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  Accordingly,  Gasp.  Eoyko  of  Prague,  and  Maitheto 
Dannenmaijer  of  Vienna,  wrote  in  a  liberal  spirit,  —  the  former  in  lan- 
guage almost  cynical,  the  latter  in  a  more  scientific  and  calm  tone. 

4.  The  Nineteenih  Century.  —  A  new  era  in  the  treatment  of  Church 
Histoi'y  opened  with  Chr.  Schmidt  of  Giessen,  in  the  commencement 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  Instead  of  the  superficial  or  diffuse  enu- 
meration of  facts,  formerly  current,  he  insisted  on  a  thorough  study  of 
the  sources  and  an  objective  estimate  of  events.  But,  unfortunately, 
in  his  case,  the  independent  and  objective  treatment  merely  consisted 
in  want  of  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  historian  with  the  subject  of 
his  investigations.  His  writings  were,  in  consequence,  cold,  unattrac- 
tive, and  almost  mechanical.  But  the  fundamental  principle  to  which 
he  called  attention  was  safe,  and,  if  rightly  applied,  calculated  to 
accomplish  the  object  in  view.  He  was  followed  by  Gieseler  of  Gcittin- 
gen [oh.  1854),  who  elevated  and  improved  this  principle;  and,  in  his 
History  of  the  Church,  has  left  a  perfect  storehouse  of  the  most  varied 
and  comprehensive  research.  The  text  itself  is  terse ;  but  the  notes 
by  which  it  is  accompanied  contain  an  exquisite  selection  from  the 
sources  from  which  he  had  drawn.  The  Manual  of  Eagelhardt  of 
Ei-langeu  is  an  unpretending  but  valuable  arrangement  of  the  subject, 
as  derived  from  the  sources ;  that  of  A".  Hase  of  Jena  is  distinguished 
by  its  vivid  sketches,  its  fresh  and  tasteful  style,  and  its  frequent  though 
often  enigmatical  allusions  to  the  sources  whence  his  material  had  been 
drawn.  In  the  prelections  of  Schleiermacher,  we  find,  indeed,  no  more 
than  the  information  ordinarily  conveyed,  but  the  leading  outlines  in 
the  development  of  the  Church  are  well  traced.  The  work  of  Niedner 
claims  special  merit  from  the  industry  of  the  author,  who  furnishes 
much  more  than  the  common  staple  of  text-books.  The  book  afibrds 
evidence  of  most  laborious  study  of  the  sources,  and  of  discriminating 
tact ;  but  its  style  is  heavy,  and  somewhat  scholastic.  The  Manual  of 
Fricke  (unhappily  left  incomplete),  learned  but  stiff,  is  a  production  of 
the  same  school.  In  Gfivyer's  work  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  Chris- 
4 


38  INTRODUCTION. 

tianity  is  treated  as  the  natural  product  of  the  time  in  which  it  origi- 
nated. Clerical  selfishness,  political  calculations  and  intrigues,  appear 
the  sole  principles  of  ecclesiastical  movements  which  this  author  can 
appreciate  or  discover.  Still,  the  work  is  of  importance ;  and  those 
volumes  especially  which  detail  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  give 
evidence  of  original  study,  and  contain  much  fresh  information.  Occa- 
sionally the  writer  is  carried  away  by  his  ingenuity,  Avhich  suggests 
combinations  where,  in  reality,  none  had  existed.  In  1853,  Gfrorer 
joined  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  with  Gieseler,  A.  Neander  commenced  his 
great  work  on  Church  History,  which  formed  a  new  phase  in  that 
branch  of  study.  Sharing  in  the  religious  awakening  which  took 
place  in  Germany  at  the  time  of  the  French  Wars,  and  deeply  imbued 
with  Schleiermacher's  theology  of  feeling,  he  assigned  to  personal 
piety  an  important  place  in  his  treatment  of  Church  History.  In  his 
view,  ecclesiastical  history  furnished  a  grand  commentary  on  the  para- 
ble of  the  leaven  which  was  destined  to  leaven  the  whole  lump.  The 
developments  of  the  inner  life  are  his  favourite  theme :  he  delights  in 
tracing  the  Christian  element  even  in  persons  and  parties  which  had 
formerly  been  overlooked  or  disowned  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Church  and  churchliness  appear  to  him  generally  as  a  mere  ossifica- 
tion of  Christian  life,  and  a  crystallisation  of  Christian  dogma.  Simi- 
larly, he  overlooks  the  influence  exerted  by  political  causes,  nor  does 
he  pay  attention  to  the  {esthetic  and  artistic  bearings  of  history.  If 
his  treatment  of  the  subject  is  too  minute  and  monotonous,  the  reader 
is  compensated  by  fervour  and  the  continuous  evidence  of  familiarity 
with  the  sources.  Among  the  pupils  whom  this  great  man  has  left, 
Jacobi  of  Halle,  and  Hagenhach  of  Basle,  have  generally  adopted  his 
course,  but  avoided  his  errors.  The  Manual  of  Jacobi  (which  is  not 
yet  completed)  breathes  the  same  spirit  as  that  of  his  teacher.  Its 
tone  is  elevated ;  nor  is  the  author  content  merely  to  imitate  Neander. 
The  prelections  of  TIagenbach,  originally  delivered  to  an  educated  audi- 
ence, are  somewhat  diffuse,  but  clear  and  attractive.  They  breathe 
throughout  a  warm  Christian  spirit,  nor  is  the  judgment  of  the  lec- 
turer warped  by  narrow  sectarian  prejudices.  W.  Zimmermann,  real- 
izing the  necessity,  in  writing  Church  History,  of  going  back  to  the 
idea  of  life,  wrote  a  "History  of  the  Life  of  the  Church"  for  educated 
persons,  which,  notwithstanding  its  new  title,  pursued  the  old  track. 
"What  in  the  work  of  Neander  had  been  wanting,  from  the  subjectivc- 
ness  of  liis  "  pectoral"  piety,  Guericlce  of  Halle  has  attempted  to  supply, 
at  least  so  far  as  the  Lutheran  Church,  to  which  he  is  attached,  is  con- 
cerned. But  in  more  respects  than  one  the  work  is  somewhat  one- 
sided. Along  with  this  production  we  rank  the  excellent  Manual  of 
Bruno  Lindner  of  Leipsic.  Tlie  author  belongs  to  the  same  ecclesias- 
tical party  as  Guericke ;  he  traces  more  particularly  the  development 
of  dogmas ;  and  also  takes  notice  of  the  operation  of  political  influences, 


HISTORY    OF    CHURCH    HISTORY.  39 

as  from  time  to  time  they  were  brought  to  bear  on  the  history  of  the 
Church.  The  present  work  belongs  to  the  chxss  just  named,  but  aims 
at  furnishing  fuller  details,  and  more  copious  extracts  from  the  sources, 
than  the  works  of  Guericke  or  Lindner.  Students  of  Ecclesiastical 
History  are  also  under  manifold  obligations  to  the  conductors  of  the 
"  Zeitschrift  flir  historische  Theologie"  (Journal  of  Historical  Theo- 
logy), edited  since  1851  by  Ilhjen,  and  latterly  by  Kiedner. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  latterly  displaj^ed  fresh  activity  In 
prosecuting  the  study  of  Church  History.  A  succession  of  able  writers 
have  followed  the  noble  convert  (to  Popery),  Leopold,  Count  of  Stol- 
berg.  The  work  of  Katercainp  breathes  a  conciliatory  spirit,  and  Is  at 
the  same  time  distinguished  by  elegance  of  composition.  A  new  era 
in  the  historical  investigations  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  com- 
menced with  Ad.  Holder,  whose  labours  were  prematurely  arrested  by 
death  (in  1838).  The  school  which  he  inaugurated  is  decidedly  ultra- 
montane, but  combines  with  this  tendency  the  exhaustive  diligence 
which  characterises  Protestant  investigations.  Incited  by  the  example 
of  Mohler,  Dbllinger  of  Munich,  Alzog  of  Hildpsheim,  and  Bitter  of 
Breslau,  have  written  valuable  manuals. 

a.  J.  E.  Chr.  Schmidt,  Handb.  d.  chr.  K.  G.  (Manual  of  Eccl.  Hist.) 
fortgesetzt  v.  F.  W.  Rettberg.  7  vols.  Giess.  1800-34. — /.  C.  L.  GieseJer, 
Lehrb.  d.  K.  G.  (Manual  of  Ch.  Hist.)  Section  I.-III.  in  6  vols,  (the 
first  2  sections,  forming  5  A'olumcs  in  "Clark's  Series,"  have  been 
translated  into  English).  Bonn  1824-40.  Vol.  IV.  Kirchen  Geschichte 
d.  18ten  Jahrhunderts  (Eccl.  Hist,  of  the  18th  cent.),  Vol.  V.  Kirchen 
G.  d.  neuesten  Zeit  (Eccl.  Hist,  from  1814),  and  Vol.  VI.  Dogmen-Gesch. 
(History  of  Dogmas),  have,  after  the  author's  death,  been  edited  by  Dr. 
Redepcnning  (Bonn  1855-57. — /.  G.  V.  Eiir/eJhardt,  Handb.  d.  K.  G.  4 
vols.  Erlangen  1832.— A'.  Ease,  K.  G.  8th  Ed.  Leipz.  1858.— i^.  Schlei- 
ermacher,  Vorles.  u.  d.  K.  G.  (Lectures  on  Ch.  H.)  herausg.  von  Bonell. 
Berlin  1840.— C/<r.  W.  Niedtier,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  K.  Leipz.  1846.— G^.  A. 
Fricke,  Lehrb.  d.  K.  G.  Vol.  I.  (to  the  8th  cent.)  Leipz.  1850.— J.  F. 
Gfrorer,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  K.  Stuttg.  1840  etc.  7  vols,  (to  the  year  1000). 

b.  A.  Neander,  allg.  Gesch.  d.  chr.  K.  (General  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.). 
6  Sections  in  11  vols.  Ilamb.  1854-58  (to  the  year  1416)  ;  3d  Ed.  in  2 
large  vols.  8vo.  Hamb.  1857.  (translated  and  published  by  Clark, 
Edinb.— P7i.  Schaff,  History  of  the  Chr.  Ch.  a.  d.  1-311,  Scribner,  N. 
York,  1859.—/.  L.  Jacobi,  Lehrb.  d.  K.  G.  Vol.  I.  to  the  year  590.  Ber- 
lin 1850. — K.  R.  Hagenbach,  die  chr.  K.  d.  3  ersten  Jahrh.  (the  Chr. 
Ch.  of  the  first  3  cent.)  Leipz.  1853  ;  die  chr.  K.  vom  4—6.  Jahrh.  (the 
Chr.  Ch.  from  the  4th-6th  cent.)  Leipz.  1856  ;  Gesch.  d.  Reform.  (Hist. 
of  the  Reform.)  2d  Ed.  Leipz.  1851;  d.  evang.  Protestantism,  in  s. 
gesch.  Entwick.  (Hist.  Develop,  of  Evang.  Protest.)  2  vols.  2d  Ed.  Leipz. 
1854;  K.  G.  d.  18  u.  19  .Jahrh.  (Eccl.  Hist,  of  the  18th  and  19th  cent.) 
3d  Ed.  2  vols.  Leipz.  1856  ;  Leben  u.  ausg.  Schriften  d.  V'ator  d.  reform. 
K.  (Lives  and  Select  AYritings  of  the  Founders  of  the  Reform.  Ch.), 


40  INTRODUCTION. 

written  by  various  Theol.  and  ed.  by  Hagenbacli,  of  which  3  vols,  have 
appeared"  (Elberfeld  1857  etc.).— -E".  H.  F.  Guericke,  Ilandb.  d.  K.  G. 
8  Ed.  Leipz.  1854.  3  vols. — Br.  Lindner,  Lehrb.  d.  chr.  K.  G.  3  vols, 
Leipz.  1848  etc.—/.  H.  Kurtz,  Handb.  d.  allgem.  K.  G.  I.  1.  2.  3.  II.  1. 
(to  the  time  of  the  Carolingians).  Mitau  1853  etc. — G.  v.  Polenz,  Gesch. 
d.  franz.  Calvin  (Hist,  of  Fr.  Calvin).  Vol.  I.  (to  1560).  Gotha  1857. 

c.  Leop.  V.  Stolberg,  Gesch.  d.  Eel.  Jesu  Chr.  (Hist,  of  the  Rel.  of 
Jesus  Christ).  Vols.  1-15  (to  the  year  430),  fortges.  von  (continued  by) 
J^.  V.  Kerz,  Vols.  16-32  (to  the  year  1300).  Mayence  1824-51,  and  by 
Brischar.  Vol.  33  etc.  1851  etc. —  TIi.  Katercamp,  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  bis  zur 
Stiftung  d.  allg.  K.  (Hist,  of  Rel.  to  the  found,  of  a  univers.  Ch.)  MUns- 
ter  1819, — Kirchengesch.  5  vols,  (to  the  j-ear  1153),  Mlinster  1823-34. 
—J.  Jos.  Ign.  Ritter,  Ilandb.  d.  K.  G.  5th  Ed.  Bonn  1854.  2  vols.—/. 
Alzoij,  Universalgesch.  d.  chr.  K.  (Universal  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.)  6th 
Ed.  Mayence  1854. 


THE   PREPARATOKY   HISTORY 


CHRISTIAN    RELIGION 


RELIGIOUS,  MORAL,  AND  INTELLECTUAL  STATE  OF  THE  WORLD 
BEFORE  THE  COMING  OF  CHRIST. 

,  CoMP...  1.  /»  /.  Ljn.  DoUinger,  Ileidenth.  u.  Judenth.,  Vorhalle  zur 
Gesch.  d.  Christenth.  Regonsb.  1857. — /.  G.  A.  Lutterhcck,  die  nea- 
test.    Lehrbegriffe,  Bd.  I.  d.  vorchristl.  Entwickelung.  Mainz  1853. 

2.  /.  Jac.  Hess,  Gesch.  d.  Israel,  vor  d.  Zeiten  Jesu  (History  of  the 
Jews  before  the  time  of  Christ.)  12  volumes.  Zurich  1776-88. — /.  H. 
Kurtz,  Geschichte  d.  altcn  Bundes  (Hist,  of  the  Old  Covenant — transl. 
into  Engl,  by  Eldershcim,  Edinb.,  T.  and  T.  Clark).  Vols.  I.  II.  2d 
ed.  Berlin  1853-50 ;  —  the  same  aui/tor's  Lohrb.  d.  heil.  Gesch. 
(Manual  of  Sacred  Hist.)  7th  ed.  Kiinigsb.  1856. — (//.  Eicald.  Gesch. 
d.  Volkes  Israel  bis  Christus  [Hist,  of  the  JcAvish  Nation  to  the  Time 
of  Chi-ist].  Gijtt.  1843  etc.  4  vols.) — EdersJieim's  History  of  the  Jew- 
ish Nation.     2d  ed.  Edinb.  1857. 

3.  Herder,  Ideen  zur  Philos.  d.  Gesch.  d.  Menschh.  (Thoughts  on  the 
Philos.  of  the  Hist,  of  Man).— IT.  Ititter,  Gesch.  d.  Philosophie.  2d  ed. 
Hamb.  1836  etc. — Meiaers,  allgcm.  Gesch.  d.  Religg.  (Universal  Hist. 
of  Religions).  1806.— Cre^zer,  Symbolik  u.  Mythologie.  3  ed.  1837 
etc. —  Otfr.  Midler,  Prolegomena  zu  einer  wissenschaft.  Mythol.  (Pro- 
leg,  to  a  scientific  Myth.). — Stuhr,  allg.  Gesch.  d.  Religionsformen  d. 
heidn.  Volker  (Universal  Hist,  of  the  Forms  of  Relig.  among  H-eathen 
Nations).  Berlin.  1836. — A.  Widtke,  Gesch.  d.  Heidenthums  (Hist,  of 
Heathen.).  Vols.  I.  II.  Breslau  1852  etc.;  —  /.  Sepp,  das  Ileidenth. 
u.  dess.  Bedeutung  fur  d.  Christenth.  (Heathen,  and  its  import,  for 
Christian.).  3  vols.  Regensb.  1853.— 7'/joZ?/f^-,  dasJ^VftSQ^ u.  die  sittl. 
Einflusso  des  Ileidenth.  (the  Character  and  Moral  Infl.  of  Heathen.)  ; 
in  Keander's  Mcmn-ials.     Vol.  I. —  Griineisen,  d.  Sittlichc  in  d.  bildeu- 

4*  (41) 


42  PREPARATORY     HISTORY. 

den  Kunts  ho\  d.  Gricchcn  (the  Moral  Element  in  the  Fine  Arts  among 
the  Greeks).     Leipz.  1833. 

I  5.    SURVEY   OF   THE   HISTORY  OF   THE   WORLD. 

The  incarnation  of  God  in  Christ  for  the  salvation  of  the  human 
race,  which  had  become  subject  to  sin,  death,  and  eternal  misery, 
forms  the  central  point  in  the  history  and  development  of  man- 
kind. With  this  event  commences,  and  on  it  rests,  "  the  fulness 
of  time  "  (Gal.  iv.  4).  All  former  history  served  only  as  prepa- 
ration for  this  great  fact.  But  this  process  .of  preparation  dates 
from  earliest  times,  and  appeared  under  the  twofold  form  of-- 
Heathenism  and  of  Judaism.  In  the  former,  the  development  was 
left  to  the  unaided  powers  and  capacities  of  man  ;  in  the  latter, 
it  w^as  influenced  and  directed  by  a  continuous  course  of  Divine 
co-operation.  These  two  series,  which  diifer  not  only  in  the 
means  employed,  but  also  in  the  aim  and  goal  of  their  respective 
developments,  continued  side  by  side  with  each  other,  until  in 
the  fulness  of  time  they  merged  in  Christianity,  which  thcy^were 
mutually  to  serve  by  their  ajpjjropriate  fruits  and  results,  and^ 
respectively  peculiar  developm_ents  ;  but  with  which,  also,  thej 
would  enter  into  a  deadly  conflict,  by  their  ungodly  and  wicked  - 
fruits  and  results.  And  as,  on  the  one  hand,  Christianity  was 
thus  fitted  to  become  the  Religion  of  the  world,  so  by  its  conflict 
with  evil  it  would  be  strengthened  for  victory,  and  confirmed  in 
its  divine  powers. 

§6.   PRIMEVAL  PREPARATION   OF   SALVATION. 

When  man  came  from  the  creative  hand  of  God,  he  was  upright 
and  holy.  He  bore  the  Divine  image,  and  was  destined  for,  and 
capable  of,  a  free  development  by  which  to  attain  perfect  blessed- 
ness, glory,  and  communion  with  God.  But  instead  of  attaining 
that  destiny  by  an  act  of  free  choice,  he  fell  by  an  abuse  of  his 
-.freedom,  and  became  subject  to  sin,  death,  and  condemnation. 
^-However,  man  was  still  capable  of  salvation  ;  and  immediately  after 
'  his  fall  the  eternal  purpose  of  grace  was  announced,  and  henceforth 
,  became  the  great  element  in  his  history.     This  deliverance  was  to 

. appear  in  tlie  midst  of  the  human  race  itself  (by  the  seed  of  the 

woman,  Gjjii.  iii._  15),  and  thus  to  form  the  culminating  point  of 

^  a  development  carried  on  under  the  operation  of  God.    But  soon 

\this  development  agaiu  took  a  direction  so  perverse  and  godless, 


\ 


PURPOSES    OP    JUDAISM    AND    HEATHENISM.      43 

that  unless  it  had  been  broken  off  by  a  general  judgment  (that 
.  of  the  flood),  it  would  have  terminated,  not  in  salvation,  but  iu 
absolute  destruction.    On]y  _orie  man  ("ISLoaJa.)  vvas  preserve.d  amidst  «- 
the  general  ruin,  and  now  formed  the  commencement. _of,  a. new 
development  by  which  the  great  goal  was  again  to  be  sought. 
Sin  a  second  time  marred  this  work, — not,  indeed,  so  far  as  to 
render  a  second  general  judgment  necessary  in  order  to  preserve 
the  Divine  purpose  of  salvation,  yet  so  as  to  make  it  impossible 
that  this  development  should  become  the  medium  for  exhibiting  ^ 
the  cojunsel  of  sovereign  love.     Salvation  might  indeed  still  be 
-prepared  in  and  by  it,  if  not  positively,  at  least  negatively.    But," 
in-order  positively  to  prepare  the  way  of  salvation,  for  the  third 
time  a  new  commencement  required  to  be  made.  ■^ 

§7.   DIFFERENT  PURPOSES  WHICH  JUDAISM  AND   HEA- 
I  THENISM  WERE  INTENDED  TO   SERVE. 

'  In  Abraham  and  in  his  seed  God  chose  and  created,  called  and 
trained  a  people,  in  and  by  which  salvation  • —  in  its  positive 
aspect — was  to  be  prepared,  until,  when  fully  matured,  its  benefits 
might  be  shtired  by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  This  new  de- 
..^  velopment  commenced  on  the  principle  of  strictest  exclusion,  .- 
although  from  the  first  it  offered  the  prospect  of  finally  embracing 
all  nations.  Everything  connected  with  the  history  of  this  people 
^  bears  reference  to  the  coming  salvation.  Each  revelation  and 
dispensation,  all  discipline  and  punishment,  every  promise  and 
threatening  ;  their  constitution,  laws,  and  worship  ;  every  political, 
civil,  and  religious  institution  (so  far  as  they  were  legitimate  and 
proper),  —  all  tended  towards  .tljis  goal.  Meantime  the  Lord 
-allowed  the  other  nations  to  walk  in  their  own  ways  (Acts  xiv.^ 
16).  But,  while  leaving  them  to  themselves.  He  did  not  wholly 
forsake  them,  but  had  a  great  purpose  of  His  own  in  view,  to 
which  their  development  also  was  to  be  subservient     Their  his- 

tory  also  was  preparatory  for  salvation,  and  that  not  only  7icga- 

-tively,  in  so  far  as  they  learned  to  longjor,  and  to  become  sus- 
ceptible of,  the  salvation  which  was  destined  to  be  "  of  the  Jews" 
(John  iv.  22),  hut  positively  also,  in  so  far  as  they  were  rendered 
capable  of  finally  offering  a  contribution  which  should  prove  of 
__greatest  importance  for  the  spread  of  that  salvation.  In  this 
respect  pre-Christian  heathenism  is  not  witliout  its  Divine  sanc- 
tion. 

4 


44  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

In  its  fundamental  principles,  heathenism  denies  the  existence  of  a 
living  and  personal  God,  despises  the  salvation  Avhich  lie  has  prepared, 
and  embodies  the  idea  that  man  is  both  able  and  obliged^ to  deliver- 
"-iiimself  by  his  own  strength  and  wisdom.     Hence  the  endeavour,  with 
the  means  at  man's  command,  to  attain  a  salvation  devised  hy  man.    From 
the  sinfulness  and  impotence  of  human  natujje,  such  endeavours  could 
only  lead  to  entire  and  felt  ruin.     Desplje  increasing  worldly  culture  -• 
,    and  political  power,  heathenism  increasingly  sank  from  its  height  of 
moral  and  religious  strength  and  dignity,  into  a  state  of  spiritnal-ileciiy 
and  moral  laxity  and  helplessness.     It  became  more  and  more  cvjdent 
that  neither  nature  nor  art,  neither  worldly  culture  nor  wisdom,  neither 
oracles  nor  mysteries,  neither  philosophy  nor  J:heosophy,  neither  poli- 
_tical  institutions  nor  inclustry,  n cither  sensual  indulgehce~nor  luxury, 
..  could  satisfy  the  cravings  of  the,  soul,  created  for  the  enjoyment  o^G(^d. 
or  restore  to  man  that  ipwar(j,  „i^eace  which  he  had  l^st.     Experience 
such  as  this  was  calculated  to  humble  the  pride  of  heathenism,  and  to 
.         awaken  in  nobler  spirits  a  sense  of  need — a  longing  and  a  susceptibility      ^  ■ 
I  *•'  for  the  salvation  to  be  manifested  in  Christ.   Tims  Judaism  ivas  to  prepare    ^M  j 
I  V     sahationfor  mankind,  andheatlienism  mankind  for  salvation.  But  the  latter     I  M 
i  '^^    has  also  yielded  not  merely  negative,  but  positive  results.    In  its  sti'ug-         I 
glcs  after  light,  heathenism  called  every  natural  power  and  capacitj 
of  man  into  requisition,  in_order  to  attain  the  highest  possible  deyelfig- 
nient  of  worldly  culture  and  poAver.     In  this  respect  great  results  were 
attained,  which  in  turn  became  the  property  of  Christianity,  and,  in 
its  hands,  the  form  and  the  means  by  which  its  world-wide  mission 
was  to  be  realised  and  executed.     In  one  sentence,  Judaism  has  siip- 
plied  to  the  Church  the  substance,  the  Divine  reality ;  heathenism,  the 
human  form,  and  the  oidtvard  means  for  developing  and  carrying  out  the 
great  work. 

It  must  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  these  results  of  the  develop- 
ment of  Judaism  and  of  heathenism  were  either  entirely  or  generally 
understood  and  applied,  since  human  liberty  might  resist,  and  shut 
itself  up  against  these  methods  which  the  Lord,  in  His  grace,  took  for 
training  mankind.  A  comparatively  small  portion  only  of  the  Jewish  — 
and  heathen  world,  elevated  above  the  generality,  and  feeling  their  need 
of  salvation,  from  the  first  accepted  the  offer  of  the  Gospel.  All  the 
rest  shut  their  minds  and  hearts  to  its  claims,  opposed  it  with  more  or 
less  pertinacity,  and  commenced  a  determined  contest  against  the 
Church,  as  soon  as  it  appeared  formally  constituted.  Judaism  opposed 
Christianity,  because  it  attached  exclusive  value  to  the  husk  in  which  - 
the  fruit  had  ripened  to  maturity,  while  it  rejected  the  fruit  itself — 
and,  because  Jewish  pride  and  exclusiveness  could  not  brook  the  idea 
that  the  Gospel  should  place  the  Gentile  on  the  same  level  with  the 
Jew.  Heathenism  opposed  the  Church  because  it  regarded  Divine  Wis- 
dom as  folly,  Divine  Power  as  deceit,  and  built  itself  up  in  the  pride 
of  its  human  Avisdom,  in  the  fanaticism  of  its  unbelief  or  misbelief, 


HEATHENISM.  45 

and  in  the  self-reliance  of  its  power  and  wealth.  This  decisive  contest, 
in  wliich  the  Church  was  to  display,  and  on  which  it  brought  to  bear, 
the  strength  and  the  resources  with  which  the  Lord  had  endowed  it, 
became  the  more  bloody  and  desperate,  as  the  Church  spread  and 
increased  despite  all  persecutions  and  oppressions,  and  as  both  Juda- 
ism and  hoathenism  could  not  but  see  the  certain  approach  of  their 
final  doom. 

§8.   HEATHENISM. 

Full  of  native  vigor,  and  surrounded  by  a  nature  so  lavish  in 
her  gifts,  mankind  soon  denied  the  existence  of  a  living,  a  per- 
sonal, and  a  supra-mundane  God.  Nature,  with  her  inexhausti- 
ble fulness  of  life  and  of  enjoyments,  seemed  so  near,  and  so 
much  more  worthy  of  devotion  and  worship  than  this  Personal 
God,  in  His  snpra-unindane  elevation.  Thus  originated  heathen- 
ism—  in  its  general  character,  a  state  of  absorption  in  the  great 

Jife  of  Nature,  a  deification,  or,  in  one  word,  the  worship  and 
SERVICE  oF Nature  (Rom.  i.  21,  S.),  which  also  conditioned  the 

.character  of  its  inoralii)/.  Heathenism  most  decidedly  prepared 
the  way  for  the  spiritual  work  of  the  Church  by  its  intellectual 

.  culture,  especially  its  i)hilosoi)h\j.  But  the  i^olitical  state  of 
heathenism,  with  its  struggles  after  universal  dominion,  as  well 
as  its  commercial  activity,  likewise  proved  accessory  to  the  pro- 
gress of  Christianity. 

1.  The  Bellf/ioiis  Character  of  Heathenism.  —  Those  hidden  powers 
in  the  life  of  Nature,  and  of  the  soul,  were  not  viewed  abstractly,  but 
regarded  as  revelations  of  the  eternal  spirit  of  Nature.  Such  ideas 
were  further  developed  by  speculation  and  mysticism,  by  natural 
magic  and  by  divination,  and  applied  to  all  the  relations  of  human 
life.     Under   the    intluence    of  certain   prominent   individuals,  or  of 

_  geographical  and  ethnographical  peculiarities,  the  various  systems 
of  the  worship  of  nature  arose  in  this  manner.  The  common  charac- 
teristics of  all  these  systems,  which,  indeed,  is  connected  with  the 
very  essence  of  heathenism,  consists  in  a  line  of  demarcation  between 

.  the  esoteric  religion  of  the  priests  and  the  exoteric  worship  of  the 
multitude.  The  former  may  be  characterized  as  a  speculative  and 
ideal  Pantheism ;  the  latter,  as  a  Polytheism  full  of  myths  and 
ceremonies. 

Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  heathenism  was  entirely  devoid  of  every 
element  of  truth.  Not  to  mention  those  remains  of  original  revela- 
tion in  heathenism  which,  with  various  aberrations  from  pristine  purity, 
lay  at  the  foundation  of,  or  were  incorporated  in,  its  systems,  these 


46  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

religions  of  nature  have,  in  their  unnaturally  early  development,  anti^ 
cipatcd  some  of  those  religious  truths  which,  in  the  arrangement  of 
Divine  revelation,  only  unfolded  gradually,  and  at  a  comparatively  late 
period.  At  the  same  time,  however,  they  have  perverted  and  distorted 
these  truths  into  falsehoods  and  caricatures.  Among  them  vre  reckon, 
for  example,  the  pantheistic  theories  concerning  the  Trinity  and  the 
Incarnation,  the  dualistic  perversion  of  the  real  existence  of  evil, 
traced  back  to  an  uncreated  principle,  etc.  To  the  same  class  also 
belongs,  more  especially,  the  practice  of  offering  human  sacrifices, 
"which  prevailed  under  every  form  of  the  worship  of  nature  —  a  dread- 
ful, in  some  sense  a  prophetic,  cry  for  help  on  the  part  of  man,  con- 
sciously forsaken  by  God,  and  which  could  only  on  Golgotha  be  restdved 
into  hymns  of  j^raise  and  of  thanksgiving. 

The  almost  incredible  deeds  of  self-devotion  and  renunciation,  such  ■ 
as  hecatombs,  sacrifices  of  children,  emasculation,  prostitution,  etc., 
attest  the  power  and  energy  with  which,  in  its  high-day,  the  worship 
of  nature  had  kept  hold  on  the  hearts  of  its  adherents,  and  show  the 
enthusiasm  which  it  had  called  forth.  Another  evidence  in  the  same 
direction  is  the  almost  irresistible  charm  Avhich,  during  the  whole 
course  of  the  earlier  history  of  Israel,  heathenism  seems  to  have  had  ■ 
for  the  chosen  race.  Even  this  circumstance  proves  that  heathenism 
was  not  merely  a  lie  and  a  jn^ce  of  imposition.  The  worship  of  nature 
could  not  have  wielded  such  power  if  this  lie  had  not  concealed  some 
elements  of  truth  ;  the  charm  which  it  exercised  lay  in  its  anticipations 
of  a  future  salvation,  however  Satan  might  have  distorted  them  ;  while 
the  mysterious  manifestations  of  natural  magic,  and  of  the  power  of 
divination,  appeared  to  confirm  its  Divine  claim.  But  the  fate  reserved 
for  every  unnatural  and  premature  development  also  befell  the  worship 
of  nature.  The  remains  of  truth  were  swallowed  up  in  the  gigantic 
lie ;  the  powers  of  life  and  the  capacity  of  development,  which  had 
been  forced  on  beyond  their  real  strength,  were  soon  used  and  con- 
sumed ;  the  blossoms  fell  off  without  giving  place  to  fruit.  Mysteries 
and  oracles,  magic  and  divination,  liecame  either  empty  forms,  or  the 
means  of  gross  imposition  and  low  trickery.  Ultimately,  a  haruspex 
could  not  meet  his  fellow  without  laughing.  Among  some,  unbelief 
ridiculed  everything ;  among  others,  misbelief  assumed  the  most  disso- 
lute or  extravagant  shapes  ;  while  an  unthinking  religious  eclecticism 
vainly  endeavoured  to  infuse  fresh  life  into  decrepid  and  dying  heathen- 
ism. Most  miserable  impotence  and  emptiness  —  such  was  the  final 
issue  of  a  worship  of  nature,  once  so  vigorous  and  lively. 

2.  Moral  Condition  of  the  Heatlien.  —  The  morals  of  a  people  always 
keep  pace  with  their  religion.  It  was  so  with  the  heathen  nations  also, 
whose  moral  life  was  earnest,  vigorous,  and  genuine,  or  weak,  defective, 
and  perverse  in  measure,  as  religious  earnestness  increased  or  de- 
creased. The  moral  defects  of  heathenism  sprang  from  its  religious 
deficiencies.     It  was  a  religion  adapted  for  time,  not  for  eternity  ;  and 


HEATHENISM.  47 

the  gods  shared  all  those  failings  which  are  connected  -with  our  present 
state  of  existence.  Thus  religion  lost  all  that  power  by  which  it  ele- 
vates man  above  the  defilements  connected  with  our  present  state. 
Myths,  which  j£__part^  were  exceedingly  immoral  in  their  tendency, 
sanctified  or  excused — by  thejLs^mple  of  the  gods — even  gross  i mmo- 
rt^lit^T^Volivptuousness,  which  symbolized  the  generating  power  in  the 
divine  life  of  nature,  was  not  unfrequently  made  the  centre  and  the 
climax  of  worship.  Heathenism  AvhoUy  ignored  the  great  truths  con- 
nected with  the  general  idea  of  humanity  ;  it  was  only  conversant  with 
those  connected  with  nationality,  and  the  excellencies  it  cultivated 
were  merely  civic  virtues.  Eastern  despotism,  as  well  as  Woste^i-u 
conceit  and  pride  of  nationality,  slighted  the  common  rights  and  the 
dignity  of  man.  A  foreigner  or  a  slave  had  neither  position  nor 
claims.  As  the  value  of  an  individual  entirely  depended  on  his  politi- 
^al..p0sition,  the  place  belonging  to  woman  was  wholly  ignored  or  mis- 
understood. Generally  speaking,  shewas  regarded  only  as  the  hand- 
maid of  man ;  while,  in  the  East,  polygamy  degraded  her  to  the  lowest 
level.  Still,  notwithstanding  these  fundamental  and  great  defects,  in 
the  high-day  of  its  vigor,  heathenism  often  displayed  considerable 
moral  earnestness  and  energy,  at  least  in  those  departments  of  moral 
life  (such  as  in  the  state  and  in  civic  relations)  which  the  breath  of 
Pantheism  or  of  Polytheism  had  not  laid  desolate.  But  when  the 
ancestral  faith  had  become  empty  and  powerless,  when  it  ceased  to 
animate  and  to  pervade  these  departments  of  life,  they  also  lost  the 
moral  dignity  formerly  attaching  to  them.  The  general  decadence 
reached  its  climax  during  the  degenerate  times  of  the  Roman  Empe- 
rors. When  the  Church  entered  on  its  career  of  spiritual  conquest,  it 
found  heathenism  in  a  state  of  indescribable  moral  degradation. 

3.  The  Intellectual  Culture  of  the  Heathen.  —  The  intellectual  culture 
of  heathendom  exercised  a  twofold  and  an  opposite  influence  upon  the 
Church.  Partly  heathen  science  and  art  prepared  the  way  for,  and 
formed  a  link  of  connection  with,  Christianity ;  partly,  it  obstructed 
its  progress,  and  facilitated  a  relapse  into  heathenism.  To  the  mental 
activity  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  mankind  and  the  Church  are 
iildebted  for  general  culture  and  for  that  preparation  of  the  way  to 
which  we  have  already  adverted.  In  this  respect  we  would  specially 
point  to  the  philosophy,  the  poetry,  and  the  historical  productions  of 
these  nations.  The  philosophical  investigations  carried  on  in  the  East 
were  chiefly  of  a  theosophic  character,  and  for  the  purpose  of  develop- 
ing the  esoteric  worship  of  nature  into  the  various  speculative  religious 
systems.  Oriental  poetry  served  the  same  purpose  with  reference  to 
the  exoteric  religion  of  the  people.  Historical  works  —  in  the  proper 
sense  of  that  terra — were  not  produced  in  the  East.  —  The  mental  cul- 
ture of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  as  expressed  in  their  philosophical, 
poetic,  and  historical  writings,  prepared,  in  respect  both  of  form  and 
of  SUBSTANCE,  the  way  for  the  Christian  Church.  It  furnished  forms, 
4  * 


48  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

which,  from  their  depth,  distinctness,  and  correctness,  their  ready 
adaptation  and  general  suitableness,  proved  most  fit  for  presentino;  and 
developing  the  new  truths  which  were  to  issue  from  the  Holy  Land. 
It  also  produced  certain  ideas  and  views,  derived  from  a  profound  con- 
templation and  study  both  of  nature  and  of  mind,  of  history  and  of 
life,  which,  in  many  respects,  even  opened  the  way  and  prepared  a  soil 
for  the  great  realities  of  salvation.  —  On  the  other  hand  the  East,  not 
less  than  classical  antiquity,  contributed  elements  of  culture  which 
were  to  prove  a  hindrance  to,  and  a  corruption  in,  the  Church.  The 
hostile  and  antichristian,  the  distinctively  heathenish  substaxce  of 
their  philosophy  and  theosophy,  as  well  as  their  study  of  mysteries, 
were  by  and  by  introduced  into  Christianity,  along  with  the  forms  of 
culture  under  which  these  hostile  elements  had  formerly  appeared. 
Had  such  attempts  against  the  purity  of  the  Church  proved  successful, 
it  would  have  become  essentially  Pagan.  The  mysterious  depths  of 
Christianity  attracted,  indeed,  heathenism  ;  but  then,  to  those  highly 
cultivated  Gentiles  who  boasted  in  the  conceit  of  their  sublime  wis- 
dom, the  Gospel  appeared  too  simple,  too  void  of  philosoj^iliv  and  specu- 
lation, to  meet  the  demands  of  the  age.  They  deemed  it  necessary 
to  enrich  it  with  the  accumulated  stores  of  eastern  and  western  wis- 
dom, that  so  it  might  indeed  lay  claim  to  be  an  absolute  and  perfect 
religion. 

Only  classical,  i.  e.,  Greek  and  Roman  culture,  direcilii  prepared  the 
way  for  the  Church.  The  influences  of  Eastern  forms  of  culture  on  the 
history  of  the  kingdom  of  God  were  entirely  confined  to  Judaism.  The 
symbols  of  the  East  became  the  form  in  which  the  Divine  substance, 
communicated  by  Old  Testament  prophets,  appeared  and  developed. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  dialectics  of  classical  antiquity  furnished  an 
appropriate  medium  by  which  to  present  the  truths  of  Christianity 
when  the  symbolic  covering  of  Judaism  had  been  laid  aside,  and  the 
truths  of  salvation  were  to  appear  in  their  pure  and  spiritual  character. 

4.  Greek  Philosophy. — Our  remarks  about  the  form  and  the  substance 
of  heathen  culture,  and  their  preparatory  or  disturbing  influences  on 
Christianity  when  it  entered  on  its  world-mission,  apply  more  i^articu- 
lai-ly  to  Greek  Philosophy.  However,  even  where  these  speculations 
prepared  the  way  for  the  truth,  we  must  distinguish  between  their 
merely  negative  tendency,  which  served  to  destroy  heathenism,  and  the 
p)ositive,  in  so  far  as  both  in  substance  and  in  form  they  led  the  way 
towards  Christianity.  From  the  first  this  negative  tendency  appeared 
in  Grecian  philosophy.  It  undermined  the  popular  creed,  prepared  the 
downfall  of  idolatry,  and  led  to  the  self-despair  of  heathenism,  which 
pointed  to  Christianity  for  deliverance.  With  Socrates  [oh.  399  b.  c.) 
commenced  the  positive  preparation  for  the  truth,  accomplished  by 
Greek  philosophy.  If,  in  deep  humility,  he  confessed  his  ignorance,  if 
he  based  all  wisdom  on  "Know  Thyself,"  if  he  traced  his  deepest 


HEATHENISM.  49 

thoughts  and  motives  to  Divine  suggestions  (his  Aac.[j.6t'ioi>),  if  he  wil- 
lingly surrendered  the  enjoyments  of  this  world,  and  expressed  a  con- 
fident hope  in  that  which  was  spiritual  and  eternal, — we  may  be  allowed 
to  regard  all  such  expressions  as,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  faint  echoes, 
or,  rather,  as  the_]jrophetic  anticipations,  of  Christian  doctrine  and  life. 
The  speculations  of  Plato  even  more  closely  and  fully  approximated 
Christian  views.  That  philosopher  {ob.  348)  collected  the  scattered 
germs  of  his  great  predecessor's  teaching.  In  his  jjrofound,  specula- 
tive, and  poetic  mind,  they  sprung  up  and  unfolded  to  a  new  mode  of 
contemplating  the  world,  which  came  nearer  that  of  Christianity  than 
any  other  system  outside  revelation.  The  philosophy  of  Plato  spake  of 
man  as  claiming  kindred  to  the  Deity,  and  led  him  beyond  what  is  seen 
and  sensuous  to  the  eternal  prototypes  of  the  beautiful,  the  true,  and 
the  good,  from  which  man  had  fallen ;  thus  awakening  in  him  a  deep 
longing  for  the  blessings  he  had  lost.  If  the  system  of  Aristotle  [ob. 
322)  was  farther  distant  from  Christianity  than  that  of  Plato,  he  ren- 
dered even  greater  service  by  presenting  his  views  in  a  form  of  which 
Christian  science  afterwards  made  so  large  use  in  its  inquiries  and  dog- 
matic statements.  These  two  thinkers  represent  the  climax  of  philo- 
sophic speculation  among  the  Greeks,  and  the  farthest  limits  within 
which  inquiries  like  theirs  could  prepare  the  way  for  the  Gospel.  As, 
consciously  or  unconsciously,  philosophy  had  formerly  contributed  to 
the  decay  of  popular  religion,  it  now  entered  on  a  process  of  self-de- 
struction, and  with  increasing  clearness  disclosed  the  utter  helplessness 
of  heathenism.  This  phase  appears  most  distinctly  in  the  three  forms 
of  philosophy  which,  at  the  time  when  the  Church  appeared  on  the 
stage  of  the  world,  claimed  the  most  numerous  adherents :  we  mean, 
Epicureanism,  Stoicism,  and  Skepticism.  In  the  jihilosophy  of  Epicu- 
rus [oh.  271),  pleasure  was  considered  the  highest  good.  The  world 
was  left  at  the  mercy  of  chance,  the  soul  was  represented  as  mortal, 
and  the  gods  as  enjoying  their  pleasures,  entirely  careless  of  this  world. 
In  opposition  to  Epicurean  Deism,  Stoicism  (of  which  Zeno,  ob.  260, 
was  the  founder)  ^Jropounded  a  peculiar  kind  of  Pantheism,  in  which 
the  affairs  of  the  world  were  made  to  depend  on  the  unavoidable  neces- 
sities of  fate.  Meantime  the  world  was  hastening  towards  a  great  catas- 
trophe, from  the  flames  of  which  a  new  world  was  to  issue,  which,  in 
turn,  was  destined  to  describe  a  similar  cycle.  To  despise  pleasure 
and  pain,  and,  in  case  of  necessity,  to  put  an  end  to  an  existence  which 
had  missed  its  aim — such  was  the  climax  of  wisdom.  The  sage,  who 
had  reached  this  elevation,  from  which  he  could  command  himself  and 
the  world,  had  become  his  own  god,  and  found  all  satisfaction  in  him- 
self. Lastly,  Scepticism  (of  which  Arcesilaus,  ob.  240,  and  Carneades, 
ob.  128,  were  the  founders)  appeared  to  controvert  the  principles  of 
Stoicism.  Since  it  was  manifestly  impossible  to  arrive  at  truth,  this 
system  placed  the  sum  and  substance  of  theoretical  wisdom  in  refrain- 
5  D 


50  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

ing   [tfioxr;)  from  every  conclusion  ;  and  that  of  practical  wisdom  in 
abstaining  from  all  passion,  and  from  every  strong  emotion. 

5.  Political  Condition  of  Heathen  Countries.  —  The  leading  tendency 
in  heathenism  —  to  procure  salvation  by  the  unaided  power  of  man  — 
implied  an  endeavour  to  combine  every  force  and  capacity  into  a  colossal 
unity  (Gen.  xi.  4,  6).  When  heathenism  had  renounced  allegiance  to 
the  personal  and  living  God,  and  rejected  His  method  of  salvation 
and  of  union,  it  was  impelled,  by  a  kind  of  inward  necessity,  to  con- 
centrate the  mental  and  physical  powers  of  mankind,  and  through  them 
all  powers  of  nature,  and  the  j^roducts  of  the  various  zones  and  coun- 
tries, and  to  subject  them  to  one  person,  that  so  this  person  might  be 
acknowledged  as  the  personal  and  visible  representative  of  the  Deity. 
This  felt  necessity  r/ave  rise  to,  even  as  its  perverseness  led  to  the  ruin  of, 
one  empire  after  the  other,  until,  in  the  Roman  Empire,  the  goal  was 
_reachedj  while,  at  the  same  time,  this  tendency  was  finally  arrested 
and  destroyed  by  the  spiritual  power  of  the  kingdom  of  God  (Dan.  ii. 
14;  vii.  13,  24). 

This  aim  after  a  universal  empire  has,  as  all  the  tendencies  of  hea- 
thenism, its  twofold  aspect ;  and  we  must  distinguish  between  the  ways 
of  man  and  those  of  God,  between  the  ungodly  purposes  of  man  and 
the  happy  results  to  which,  in  the  Divine  government,  they  were  made 
subservient.  Although  we  only  refer  to  the  Roman  Empire,  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  all  the  great  monarchies  were  only  a  repetition 
and  a  more  vigorous  continuation  of  one  and  the  same  tendency  and 
endeavour.  Hence  our  remarks  about  Rome  equally  apply  to  other 
empires.  Theuniversal  domination  of  one  power  prepared  the  waj_ 
for  the  Church,  in  so  far  as,  by  the  union  of  nations  into  one  empire, 
the  various  stages  and  elements  of  civilization,  which  otherwise  might 
have  remained  isolated,  were  combined  into  a  more  universal  civiliza- 
tion, which  rendered  it  comparatively  easy  to  circulate  the  fresh  blood 
poured  l)y  the  Church  into  the  veins  of  nations.  This  union,  which 
was  first  brought  about  by  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great,  was 
completed  when  Rome  became  the  mistress  of  the  world.  Gradually 
the  Greek  language,  which,  when  the  Gospel  was  first  preached,  was 
understood  and  spoken  throughout  the  Roman  Empire,  obtained  uni- 
versal domination,  —  as  it  were  a  temporary  suspension  this  of  the 
^  judgment  by  which  languages  were  confounded,  and  which  indicated 
the  rise  of  heathenism  (Gen.  xi.),  —  that  thus  the  return  to  God,  and 
the_reception  of  His  Gospel,  might  be  facilitated. 

Impelled  by  a  principle  similar  to  that  which,  in  the  state,  led  to 
attempts  after  concentration  of  power.  Industry  and  Commerce  sought  ^ 
to  grasp  all  wealth.  But  while,  for  very  different  purposes  than  those  ; 
of  the  Gospel,  commerce  opened  ways  through  deserts  and  over  seas,  \ 
and  joined  the  most  distant  countries  and  zones,  without  knowing  or  ( 
willing  it,  in  the  arrangement  of  God  it  served  an  important  purpose  f 
for  the  diffusion  of  the  glad  tidings.  '' 


J  U  D  A  I  S  ISI  .  51 


§9.  JUDAISM. 

Israel  was  made  to  dwell  in  a  country  wliicb,  like  its  people, 
occupied  a,  central  and  yet  isolated  position  in  the  Old  World. 
There,  in  quiet  seclusion,  undisturbed  by  the  traffic  of  the  nations, 
should  it,  as  the  bearer  and  medium  of  the  revelation  of  God's  ^ 
grace  to  mankind,  abide  in  security  against  all  the  agitations  of 
heathen  conquest  and  oppression.  Too  often,  however,  did  Israel 
forget  its  proper  position  and  calling,  too  often  mix  in  with 
affairs  of  the  world  which  did  not  concern  it;  too  often  backslid€< 
from  God,  and  stoop  to  the  religion,  worship,  and  manners  of 
adjacent  heathen  tribes.  Hence  its  frequent  chastisements  under  * 
the  ^hard  yoke  of  Gentile  invaders.  But  the  holy  seed  which 
continued  faithful,  even  in  times  of  the  most  general  defection  ; 
and,  above  all,  the  patience  and  faithfulness  of  God,  did  not  suffer 
its  high  vocation  to  be  forfeited,  but  led  the  nation  to  a  glorious 
end^notwithstanding  the  final  rejection  of  salvation  by  the  irre- 
ligious masses  of  the  people. 

1.  Judaism  under  Special  Divine  Tuition  and  Discipline.  —  Abraham 
vras  chosen  and  called  alone  (Isa.  li.  2).  As  Creator,  God  called  the 
seed  of  promise  from  the  dead  body  of  Sarah ;  as  Saviour,  He  delivered 
the  chosen  race  fi-oin  the  oppressive  bondage  of  Egypt.  The  patri- 
archal family  -was  constituted  in  the  Holy  Land  ;  while  in  order  that 
the  family  might,  unimpeded,  develop  into  a  great  nation,  it  had  to  go 
down  into  Egypt.  From  this  strange  la-ad  Moses  brought  up  the  people, 
«^and  gave  them  a  theocratic  constitution,  laws,  and  worship,  to  serve  as 
the  means  by  which  they  were  to  fulfil  their  mission,  and  to  be  types 
of,  and  a  schoolmaster  unto,  future  perfectness  (Gal.  ill.  24 ;  Heb.  x.  1). 
The  Exodus  from  Egypt  constituted  the  birth  of  the  nation;  ]>j  the 
giving  of  the  law  on  Mount  Sinai,  Israel  was  sot  apart  to  be  a  holy 
nation.  When,  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua,  the  Israelites  took 
possession  of  the  home  of  their  ancestors  —  a  country  adapted  for  the 
purposes  which  the  people  were  to  serve  —  the  last  condition  of  their 
independent  existence  was  fulfilled.  Under  the  fostering  care  of  a  ' 
devout  priesthood,  the  purely  popular  institutions  of  the  theocracy 
should  now  have  borne  rich  fruit ;  but,  during  the  administration  of 
-  the  judges,  it  soon  appeared  that  these  appliances  were  insufficient, 
and  two  other  agencies  were  called  into  operation.  The  projjJietical 
office  was  a  special  but  continuous  institution,  intended  to  serve  as  the 
mouth-piece  of  God,  and  to  act  as  the  conscience  of  the  commonwealth  ; 
while  the  roi/al  office  was  designed  to  afford  external  security,  and  to 
bestow  internal  peace  upon  the  theocracy.     Then  followed  the  con- 


52  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

quests  of  David,  which  gave  the  Jewish  commonwealth  a  becoming 
political  impoi'tance,  while  the  temple  of  Solomon  fully  developed  its 
typical  worship.  But,  despite  prophetism  and  royalty,  the  people 
became  increasingly  estranged  from  their  peculiar  destiny,  and  hence 
unable  to  maintain  their  high  position.  The  division  of  the  kingdom, 
continued  internal  feuds,  improper  alliances,  growing  apostasy,  and 
conformity  to  idolatry,  brought  after  them  Divine  judgments,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  the  nation  became  subject  to  the  heathen.  These 
chastisements  remained  not  altogether  unimproved.  Cyrus  allowed  the 
return  of  the  captives,  and  their  reorganization  into  a  state  ;  and  pro- 
phets were  again  commissioned  to  direct  the  formation  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  community.  —  Amid  these  occurrences,  prophecy  served 
not  only  for  present  instruction,  reproof,  and  admonition,  but  kept 
before  the  public  mind  the  promise  of  a  coming  salvation,  thus  supply- 
ing comfort  and  hope  even  in  the  most  troublous  times.  The  happy 
periods,  when  David  had  conquered  and  Solomon  exercised  his  glorious 
sway  of  peace,  served  as  basis  for  depicting  the  future  transcendent 
glory  of  Messiah's  kingdom;  while  the  aberrations,  the  sufferings,  and 
the  humiliation  of  the  people,  during  the  period  of  their  decadence, 
led  those  who  cherished  such  hopes  to  look  for  a  Messiah  who  should 
suffer  for  the  sins  of  the  people,  and  take  upon  Himself  all  their 
misery.  And,  when  prophetism  had  done  the  work  allotted,  it  ceased — 
to  resume  and  complete  its  message  when  the  fulness  of  time  had 
come. 

2.  Judaism  after  the  Cessation  of  Special  Divine  Tuition.  —  The  period 
had  now  arrived  when  the  immediate  guidance  of  Divine  revelation 
was  to  be  withdrawn.  Furnished  with  the  results  and  experiences  of 
former  teaching,  followed  by  the  law  as  schoolmaster,  and  by  prophetic 
prediction  as  by  a  lamp,  the  chosen  race  was  now  to  give  evidence  of 
its  calling.  The  annihilation  with  which  the  fanaticism  of  Antioclivs 
Epiphanes  threatened  the  Jewish  commonwealth  was  happily  averted, 
and  under  the  Maccabees  the  nation  once  more  obtained  political  inde- 
pendence. But,  amid  tho  ineveasing  corruption  of  the  Maccabean 
rulers,  the  intrigues  of  Kome  again  deprived  the  country  of  this  boon. 
The  religious  persecutions  of  the  Syrians,  and,  after  them,  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  Romans,  transformed  the  national  feeling  of  attachment  to 
their  ancestral  religion  into  extreme  esclusiveness,  fanatical  hatred 
and  proud  contempt  of  everything  foreign,  and  changed  the  former 
longing  for  the  Messiah  to  merely  political,  extravagant,  and  carnal 
expectations.  True  piety  decayed  into  petty  legalism  and  ceremonial- 
ism, into  works  and  self-righteousness.  The  priests  and  scribes  were 
zealous  in  fostering  this  tendency,  by  increasing  external  ordinances 
and  perverting  the  sense  of  Scripture ;  thus  rendering  the  mass  of  the 
people  only  more  insusceptible  to  the  spirituality  of  that  salvation, 
which  was  now  so  near  at  hand. 


THE    SAMARITANS.  53 

-  The  institution  of  synagogues  proved  of  great  importance  for  the 
development  of  Judaism  during  the  period  succeeding  the  return  from 
Babylon.  They  owed  their  origin  to  the  consciousness  that,  after  the 
cessation  of  prophecy,  it  was  both  desii'able  and  duty,  not  only  to  con- 
tinue the  symbolical  services  of  the  temple,  but  also  to  seek  edification 
by  a  careful  study  of  the  truths  which  God  had  revealed  in  the  law  and 
by  the  prophets.  But  in  these  synagogues  the  tendency  to  enlarge  the 
Mosaic  law,  and  to  hedge  it  about  by  rabljinical  enactments,  the  aim 
after  an  external  legalism  and  work-righteousness,  national  pride  and 
carnal  anticipations  of  Messianic  times  w^ere  nursed,  and  from  them 
they  spread  among  the  body  of  the  people.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
synagogues,  especially  those  out  of  Palestine  (among  the  Diaspora), 
proved,  from  their  missionary  influence,  of  great  use  to  the  Church. 
.  These  meetings,  in  which  the  Holy  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament 
I  were,  every  Sabbath,  read  in  the  Greek  version  of  the  LXX.  and 
explained,  offered  to  the  heathen,  who  felt  their  need  of  salvation,  pre- 
cious opportunities  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  revelation  and 
the  promises  of  God  under  the  Old  Covenant ;  while  to  the  first  mes- 
sengers of  the  Gospel  they  afi'orded  an  opportunity  of  announcing  the 
Gospel  to  numerous  assemblages,  composed  of  Jews  and  Gentiles.  The 
strict,  traditional^  exclusive,  and  carnal  direction  of  Judaism  was  more 
particularly  represented  and  developed  by  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees. 
To  them  the  Sadducees  were  opposed,  who,  estranged  from  the  pecu- 
liar genius  of  the  people  and  hostile  to  ti-aditionalism,  sympathized 
with  the  Romans  and  the  Ilerodians — in  theory  Rationalists,  in  prac- 
tice Epicureans.  A  third  sect,  that  of  the  Essenes,  consisted  of  a  close 
association  of  men,  who  retired  from  the  world  in  order  to  carry  out 
the  original  idea  of  Moses  concerning  the  priesthood  (Ex.  xix.  5,  6), 
and  whose  direction  was  that  of  mysticism  and  ascetism.  As  each  of 
these  three  parties  (the  orthodox,  the  rationalistic,  and  the  mystical) 
represented  more  or  less  unhealthy  aberrations  from  genuine  Judaism, 
they  could  not  prepare  the  way  for  the  Church,  but  either  occupied  a 
position  of  antagonism,  or  else  sought  to  introduce  dangerous  corrup- 
tions (^  48).  But  with  all  these  perverse  and  growing  tendencies,  a 
holy  seed  of  genuine  spirituality  remained  in  obscurity  and  retirement 
(Jofin  i.  47;  Luke  i.  6;  ii.  25,  38) — a  soil  this,  prepared  by  the  Lord 
for  receiving  the  salvation  offered  by  Christ. 

I  10.   THE  SAMARITANS.  » 

CoMP.  Th.  Chr.  J.  Jmjnhole,  Comm.  in  hist,  genti  Samarit.  Lugd. 
Bat.  184G,  4to. — Jos.  Grimm,  die  Samarater  u.  ihre  Stellung  in  d.  Welt- 
gesch.  Mlinch.  1854. 

The    Samaritans    originated   at   the    time   of  the   Captivity, 
from  a  mixture   of  Jewish  and  heathen   elements.     After  the 
5* 


54  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

return  from  the  Babylonian  exile,  they  wished  to  amalgamate— 
with  the  Jews ;  but  their  overtures  were  rejected  on  account  of 
the  heathen  defilements  which  the  Samaritans  had  contracted. 
The  reformatory  labours  carried  on  among  them  by  Manasse,  a 
Jewish  refugee,  who  sought  to  purify  their  religion,  and  to  base 
it  on  the  Pentateuch  (of  which  the  text,  however,  was  in  some 
particulars  purposely  altered),  and  who  gave  them  a  temple  and 
worship  on  Mount  Gerizim,  only  served  to  increase  the  hatred  of 
the  Jews.  The  Samaritans  kept  by  the  Judaism  which  Manasse 
had  brought  among  them,  and  remained  equally. strangers  to  the 
developments  and  the  perversions  of  Rabbinism.  Their  Mes- 
.  sianic  hopes  were  consequently  more  pure  and  their  exclusive- 
ness  less  violent.  These  circumstances  enabled  them  moi'e 
impartially  to  examine  the  claims  of  Christianity ;  while  the 
hatred  and  contempt  with  which  Pharisaical  Judaism  treated 
them, '  disposed  them  more  favourably  towards  the  Gospel, 
which  was  likewise  disowned  and  persecuted  by  the  synagogue 
(John  iv.  41 ;  Acts  viii.  5  etc.).  On  the  other  hand,  Chris- 
tianity also  suffered  from  the  attempts  at  change  and  reaction 
made  by  that  party,  in  the  spirit  of  the  heathen  principle  of 
eclecticism,  which  was  inherent  to  Samaritanism  from  its  com- 
mencement (§  22). 

g  11.   COMMUNICATIONS  BETWEEN  JUDAISM  AND 
HEATHENISM. 

The  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great  brought  the  various 
elements  of  civilization  in  the  ancient  world  into  contact  and 
connection.  The  Jews  (of  the  Diaspora)  who  lived  beyond  the 
limits  of  Palestine,  especially  those  who  resided  in  Egypt,  which 
was  really  the  focus  of  this  movement,  were  necessarily  affected 
by  the  influences  brought  to  bear  upon  them.  The  Jews  of 
Eastern  Asia  maintained  more  intimate  fellowship  with  the  ex- 
clusive Rabbinism  of  Palestine  ;  and  the  heathen  (Chaldaic-Per- 
sian)  elements  which  there  invaded  their  religions  views  and 
customs,  became,  mainly  through  the  Talmud,  the  common  pro- 
perty of  Judaism  as  it  existed  after  Christ. — But  the  heathen, 
also,  contemptible  as  they  mostly  seemed  to  the  Jews,  having 
become  convinced  of  the  profound  truths  of  the  Israelitish  sys- 
tem, and  of  the  emptiness  and  impotence  of  their  own  religion, 
yielded,  in  exceptional,  but  by  no  means  rare,  cases,  to  the  better 
influences  of  Judaism. 


I 


JUDAISM    AND    HEATHENISM.  55 

1.  Influence  of  HeaiJienism  upon  Judaism. — This  operated  most  power- 
,  fully  in  Egypt.    Thus  the  sect  of  the  Esscues,  which  had  fouud  its  way 

thither,  underwent  various  modifications,  and,  under  the  name  of 
^^/lerapeutce,  occupied  an  influential  position.  The  Jewish  Hellenism 
of  Alexandria  embodied  the  mala  principles  of  this  party ;  enlarged, 
however,  by  elements  of  Grecian  culture,  and  reared  on  a  broader  basis, 
chiefly  of  Platonic  philosophy.  Of  this  school  Aristohulus  [t^rjyriasct] 
tijg  Mtdvuf'ioj  ypa^rji,  about  the  year  175),  the  author  of  "the  Book  of 

^Wisdom,"  and  the  Alexandrian  Jew  Fhilo  {ob.  39,  a.  d.),  were  the 
principal  representatives.  His  Platonism  is  peculiarly  modified  by  Old 
Testament  elements,  and  by  Essene  and  therapeutic  views.  Hence  his 
speculations  have  served  as  the  ground-work  of  heathen  Neo-Platonism, 
of  the  Jewish  Cabbala,  of  Gnosiifiigpa,  and  even  of  the  philosophy  of 
some  of  the  Fathers.  He  taught  that  originally  all  nations  had  ob- 
tained some  knowledge  of  Divine  truth,  but  that  Moses  alone  had  been 
the  founder  of  true  philosophy;  that  the  legislation  and  teaching  of 
Mosaism  was  the  source  whence  Grecian  philosophy  and  Grecian  mys- 
teries had  drawn  their  inspiration.  The  deep  things  of  Scripture 
could  only  be  understood  by  means  of  allegorical  interpretation.  God 
•  was  to  ov,  and  matter  to  (xri  ov  ;  the  xoa^ioi  vorjto^  was  an  intermediate 
world  (corresponding  to  Plato's  world  of  ideas),  and  consisted  of  innu- 
merable spirits  and  potencies  (angels  and  souls  of  men),  which,  viewed 
in  their  unity,  and  as  proceeding  from  the  Word  of  God  —  the  Xoyoj 
ivSM^itoi  which  from  all  eternity  had  been  in  God  —  had  in  creation 
come  forth  from  God  —  the  /.oyoj  rtpo^optxoj  (thought  and  word).     The 

«  visible  world  was  an  imitation  of  the  xoofioi  vorjto^, — imperfect,  however, 
on  account  of  the  physical  incapability  of  the  Ui/le,  etc. 

2.  Influence  of  Judaism  upon  Heathenism.  —  Generally  speaking, 
heathen  nations  extended  toleration  to  Judaism.  Alexander  the  Great, 
the  Ptolemies,  and  in  part  the  Scleucidas  also,  accorded  them  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion,  and  even  certain  privileges.  Rome  recog- 
nized Judaism  as  a  "  religio  licita."  Still  the  Jews  were,  for  the  most 
part,  despised  and  hated  by  the  heathen  (Tac.  calls  them,  "  despectis- 
sima  jyars  servientium,  —  teterrima  gens")  ;  and  even  able  writers,  such 
as  Manetho,  Justin,  Tacitus,  etc.,  recited  the  most  absurd  fables  and 
odious  calumnies  against  them.  Flavins  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian, 
endeavoured  to  dispel  the  prejudices  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  against 
his  people,  by  presenting  their  history  and  institutions  in  the  most 
favorable  light.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Old 
Testament  (the  Septuagint),  and  the  great  number  of  synagogues 
which,  during  the  time  of  Roman  domination,  had  sprung  up  all  over 
the  world,  offered  the  heathen,  who  cared  for  it,  an  opportunity  of  be- 
coming personally  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  character  and  spirit 
of  Judaism.  Considering  the  decay  of  heathenism  at  the  time,  it  could 
scarcely  happen  otherwise  than  that  the  high  antiquity  of  Judaism, 
the  sublime  simplicity  of  its  creed,  the  solemn  import  of  its  rites,  and 

5 


56  PREPARATORY    HISTORY. 

its  Messianic  anticipations,  should  —  despite  the  common  contempt  for 
the  synagogue  —  have  attracted  many  of  the  better  and  expectant 
heathen,  whose  cravings  their  degraded  religion  no  longer  could  satisfy. 
Although  comparatively  few  joined  the  Jewish  nation  by  undergoing 
circumcision  and  becoming  prosehjics  of  rigldeonsness,  the  number  of 
those  who,  without  observing  the  whole  ceremonial  law,  became  prose- 
lytes of  the  gate,  abstained  from  idolatry  and  served  -Jehovah,  was  pro- 
portionally groat.  These  adherents  consisted  of  high  and  low,  chiefly 
of  females  ;  and  among  them  Christianity  made  its  earliest  converts. 

§  12.  THE   FULNESS   OF   TIME. 

When  the  fulness  of  time  had  come,  the  dawn  of  a,  ne-w-era 
appeared  on  the  mountains  of  Judtca.  According  to  the  Divine 
purpose,  Judaism  and  heathenism  had  completed  that  cycle  of 
positive  and  negative  preparation  for  the  coi^jing  salvation  of 
which  they  were  capable.  The  latter  had  now  become  perfectly 
conscious  of  its  entire  impotence  and  incompetency  for  satisfying 
the  religious  cravings  of  the  soul;  and  where  not  sunk,  into 
dreary  unbelief  or  wild  misbelief,  it  earnestly  longed  and  sought 
for  something  bettei*.  Thus,  negatively,  the  way  was  prepared 
for  the  Church.  Heathenism  had  produced  great  and  imperish- 
able results  in  the  domains  of  scignce,  art,  and  of  human  culture 
generally.  However  impotent  it  proved  to  restore  to  man  the 
peace  he  had  lost,  and  for  which  he  sought,  it  could  furnish 
important  aid,  if  brought  to  own  the  power  of  that  truth  which 
the  Lord  had  revealed.  In  this  respect,  heathenism  served  also 
as  positive  preparation  for  the  Church.  Among  Jews  and 
Gentiles  there  was  a  general  presentiment  that  a  great  era  in 
history  was  at  hand.  A  deep-felt  sense  of  want  had  become 
almost  a  prophecy  of  the  approaching  provision.  All  who  were 
Israelites  indeed,  waited  for  the  promised  consolation  —  some 
even  in  the  hope  or  expectation  that  they  might  live  to  see  its 
advent.  Among  the  heathen  also  the  long-cherished  hope  of  a 
return  of  the  Golden  Age  was  again  prominently  brought  for- 
ward, and  derived  fresh  support  and  a  new  object  from  what  had 
been  gathered  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  learned  in  the  syna- 
gogues of  the  Jews.  Heathen  Politij  had  also  contributed  its 
quotum  of  preparation  for  the  Church.  One  empire  and  one 
language  combined  the  whole  world  —  universal  peace  prevailed, 
and  most  extensive  commerce  and  intercourse  facilitated  the 
rapid  spread  of  the  new  truths  brought  to  light  by  the  Gospel. 


HISTORY 


THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  CHURCH  BY  CHRIST;   ITS  CONSTITUTION 
IN  THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE. 

TO  ABOUT  THE  YEAR  100  A.  D. 

I  13.  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THIS  PRIMITIVE  HISTORY, 
AND  ITS  RELATION  TO  THE  OTHER  PERIODS  OF  ECCLE- 
SIASTICAL HISTORY. 

The  distinctive  pecuHarities  of  the  Apostolic  Age  (the  first 
century)  are  our  warrant  for  presenting  it  as  an  independent  and 
separate  branch  of  General  Church  History.  The  difference 
between  the  history  of  the  primitive  and  that  of  the  ancient 
Church,  is  based  on  the  difference  between  Apostolicifi/  and 
Catholicity.  The  former  is  the  root,  the  latter  the  stem,  of  the 
Church.  The  position  and  the  qualifications  of  the  apostles 
were,  in  consequence  of  their  immediate  Divine  enlightenment 
and  assistance,  so  unique,  that  the  results  of  their  activity  became 
the  basis  of  all  future  development.  What  they  taught,  and 
what  they  instituted,  required  not  any  Divine  law  or  warrant 
other  than  itself.  Itself  was  the  Divine  law  and  warrant  for 
every  succeeding  development  or  institution.  Every  later  appear- 
ance in  the  Church  must  be  judged  by  the  model  of  apostolic 
teaching  or  practice,  not,  indeed,  as  if  it  had  been  quite  complete 
and  perfected,  exhausting  every  future  development ;  but  as 
being  the  sole  authentic  germs  and  commencement  of  the  Church. 
Hence,  in  all  later  developments  of  the  Church,  every  organic 

(57) 


58  THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH    (l  — lOOA.  D.). 

development  and  continuation  of  the  Apostolic  Church  —  not 
merely  what,  in  the  same  form,  had  existed  in  the  primitive 
Church — must  be  regarded  as  of  genuine  Christian  origin.  But 
this  remark  does  not  apply  to  the  Church  in  its  catholicity.  Its 
organs  neither  required  nor  enjoyed  immediate  Divine  enlighten- 
ment and  assistance.  It  was  their  mission  to  superintend  the 
natural  development  of  the  germs  which  the  Lord  had  already 
planted,  and  to  remove  all  spurious  plants  (sects  and  heretics). 
Both  the  parent  stem  and  the  wild  branches  laid,  indeed,  equal 
claim  to  genuineness,  on  account  of  real  or  supposed  connection 
with  the  root.  But  even  where  prejudice,  arbitrariness,  or  error, 
disabled  or  prevented  from  distinguishing  between  the  genuine 
and  the  spurious,  the  Spirit  of  Christ  has  made  a  separation  in 
the  development  of  a  history  which  God  has  never  wholly  left 
to  its  own  course.  The  parent  stem  remained,  while,  sooner 
or  later,  the  wild  branches  or  the  spurious  plants  withered  and 
perished. 

I.    The  Life  of  Jesus. 

CoMP.  /.  F.  Kleul-er,  menschl.  Versucli  lib.  den  Sohn  Gottef?  und  d. 
Menschen  (Essay  on  the  Son  of  God  and  of  Man).  Brem.  1776.  The 
same  author's  bibl.  Svmpathien,  od.  erlauterndeBemerk.  lib.  d.  Berichte 
d.  Ev.  von  Jesu  Lehren  u.  Thaten  (Bibl.  Sympathies,  or  Explanatory 
Remarks  on  the  Account  of  the  Evang.  about  the  Teachings  and  Deeds 
of  Christ).  Schlesw.  1820. — /.  /.  Hess,  Lebensgesch.  Jesu  (Biography 
of  Christ).  8th  ed.  Zurich  1822.  3  vols.— i-'.  F.  ^ei/i/iarrf,  Vers,  uber 
den  Plan,  den  d.  Stifter  d.  christl.  Rel.  zum  Besten  d.  Menschen  ent- 
Avarf  (Essay  on  the  Plan  Avhich  the  Founder  of  Christianity  devised 
for  the  Welfare  of  Man).     5th  ed.  by  Eeuhner.     Wittenb.  1830. 

K.  Base,  Leben  Jesu  (Life  of  Jesus).  Leipz.  1829.  4th  ed.  1854.— 
E.  Fr.  Strauss,  d.  Leben  Jesu  krit.  bearb.  Tub.  1835.  2  vols.  4th  ed. 
1840. —  C.  H.  Weisse,  die  ev.  Gesch.  krit.  u.  philos.  bearb.  (Evangel. 
Hist,  treated  critically  and  philosophically).  Leipz.  1838.  2  vols. — ■ 
A.  F.  Gfrdrer,  Gesch.  d.  Urchristenthmus  (Ilist.  of  Origin.  Christianity). 
Stuttg.  1838.  3  vols,  in  5  parts. — C.  F.  v.  Amnion,  die  Gesch.  d.  Lobens 
Jesu.  Leipz.  1842-47.  3  vols.  —  Br.  Barter,  Kritik.  d.  evang.  Gesch. 
d.  Synopt.  (Crit.  of  the  Evang.  Hist,  of  the  Synopt.).  Leipz.  1841. 
3  vols. 

A.  Keander,  das  Leben  Jesu  (trans,  in  Bohn's  Series,  London  1852). — 
0.  Krahhe,  Vorlesungen  u.  d.  Leben  Jesu.  Hamb.  1849. — /.  P.  Lange, 
das  Leben  Jesu.  3  vols.  Heidelberg  1847.  —  A.  Tholtick,  d.  Glaub- 
wurdigkeit  d.  ev,  Gesch.  (the  Credibility  of  Gospel  Hist.).    2d  ed. 


JESUS    CHRIST   THE   SAVIOUR   OP   THE   WORLD.      59 

Hamb.  1838. — J.  H.  A.  Ebrard,  wissensch.  Kritik  d.  ev.  Gesch.  (Scien- 
tific Crit.  of  Ev.  Hist.).  2ded.  Erlang.  1850.  —  Z^.  Wieseler,  chvon(A. 
Synopse  d.  4  Ev.  (Chronol.  Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels).  Hamb.  1843. 

I  14.  JESUS   CHRIST   THE   SAVIOUR  OF   THE   WORLD. 

"When  the  fuhiess  of  time  was  come,  God  sent  forth  His  Son, 
made  of  a  woman,  made  under  the  law,  to  redeem  them  that  were 
under  the  law,  that  we  might  receive  the  adoption  of  sons"  (Gal. 
iv.  4,  5).  According  to  promise,  the  Son  of  David  was  born  at 
Bethlehem.  After  John  the  Baptist,  the  greatest  and  last  of  the 
Old  Testament  prophets,  had,  by  the  preaching  and  the  baptism 
of  repentance,  prepared  His  way,  Jesus  commenced,  when  about 
thirty  years  old,  that  glorious  work  in  which  He  fulfilled  the  law 
and  the  prophets.  Accompanied  by  twelve  chosen  disciples.  He 
passed  through  Palestine,  everywhere  proclaiming  the  kingdom  of 
God,  helping,  healing,  and  confirming  by  signs  and  miracles  both 
His  Divine  mission,  and  the  doctrine  about  His  person,  office,  and 
kingdom.  The  Pharisees  gainsayed  and  persecuted  Him  ;  the 
Sadducees  discarded  Him  ;  while  the  people  alternated  between 
hailing  and  rejecting  Him.  After  continuing  in  this  work  for 
three  years.  He  made  solemn  entrance  into  the  city  of  His  royal 
ancestors  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people.  But  many  days 
had  not  elapsed,  when  the  same  multitude,  disappointed  in  their 
hopes  of  a  political  and  temporal  Messiah,  cried  out,  "  Crucify 
Him,  crucify  Him  !  "  Thus,  according  to  the  good  pleasure  of 
the  Father,  He  died  on  the  cross,  a  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  the 
world.  By  His  suffering,  the  God-man  procured  a  righteous- 
ness of  infinite  and  eternal  value,  in  virtue  of  which,  whosoever 
in  faith  appropriates  it,  has  all  his  sins  forgiven,  and  is  justified 
before  God.  But  death  could  not  hold  the  Prince  of  life.  He 
burst  the  gates  of  Hades  and  the  bonds  of  the  grave,  and  on  the 
third  day  rose  with  glorified  body.  Thus  has  He  brought  life 
and  immortality  to  light,  that  we  also  might  in  Him  share  the 
same.  For  forty  days  He  still  continued  on  earth,  subject  to  the 
limitations  of  humanity.  He  promised  to  His  disciples  the  gift 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  set  them  apart  to  preach  the  Gospel  to 
all  nations.  Then  He  again  took  unto  Himself  His  Divine  form, 
which  He  had  put  off  in  His  incarnation,  ascended  into  heaven, 
where,  as  God-man,  He  now  sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  power — 
the  Almighty  and  ever-present  Head  of  the  Church,  the  Lord  of 
all,  whether  in  heaven  or  on  earth,  and  who  at  the  completion 
5* 


60  THE    PRIMITIVE     CHURCH    (l— lOOA.D.). 

of  all  things,  shall  return  to  this  earth,  visibly,  and  in  His  own 
and  His  Father's  glory. 

1.  Despite  many  learned  and  ingenious  inquiries  into  the  subject,  it 
has  as  yet  been  impossible  exactly  to  fix  either  tlie  year  of  ChrisVs  hirih, 
or  that  of  His  death.  In  the  Christian  era,  which  was  proposed  by 
Dionysius  Exiguus  in  the  6th  cent.,  adopted  by  Beda  Yenerabilis,  and 
introduced  into  common  use  by  Pepin  and  Charlemagne,  the  year  754 
after  the  building  of  Rome  is  assumed  as  the  starting-point.  But  this 
is  manifestly  erroneous,  as  Herod  the  Great  died  (750  or)  751  p.  U.  c. 
Sanclementius  (de  vulg.  aevao  emendatione,  Romte  1793)  on  historical 
grounds,  and  Fr.  Muiiter  (dor  Stern  der  AVeisen — the  Star  of  the  Wise 
Men — Copenh.  1827)  on  astronomical  grounds,  iix  on  the  year  7  before 
our  era  as  that  of  Christ's  birth;  Wieseler  [tit  stijjra)  on  the  year  4, 
Seyjf'arth  (Chronol.  s.  Leipz.  1846)  on  the  year  2,  Weigl  (theol.  chronol, 
Abhandl.  iiber  d.  wahre  Geburts-  u.  Sterbejahr  J.  Chr.,  Sulzb.  1849) 
on  the  year  5,  before  the  present  era.  Many  of  the  Fathers,  appealing 
to  Isa.  Ixi.  1,  2,  and  Luke  iv.  19,  supposed  that  Christ  had  only  taught 
during  one  year,  and  hence  that  (Luke  iii.  23)  He  was  crucified  in  the 
30th  year  of  His  life.  But  although  the  synoptic  Gospels  speak  of  only 
one  (the  last)  passover  during  the  ministry  of  Christ,  John  (ii.  13  ;  vi, 
4 ;  xxii.  23)  refers  to  three  such  feasts,  and  besides  (v.  1)  to  a  Jopr'^  -tuv 
'lovSatcov. 

2.  Among  genuine  non-biblical  testimonies  about  Christ,  probably 
the  most  ancient  is  a  Syriac  letter  of  Mara,  addressed  to  his  son  Sera- 
pion  [see  Ciireton,  Spicil.  Syriacum.  Lond.  1855),  written  about  the  year 
73,  Mara,  a  man  thoroughly  versed  in  Greek  philosophy,  but  not  satis- 
fied with  the  consolations  it  offered,  writes  from  his  place  of  exile  a 
letter  of  comfort  and  instruction  to  his  son,  in  Avhich  he  ranks  Christ 
along  with  Socrates  and  Pythagoras ;  he  honours  Him  as  a  wise  king ; 
ho  charges  the  Jews  with  His  murder,  declares  that  thereby  they  had 
brought  upon  themselves  the  destruction  of  their  commonwealth,  but 
that  Christ  continued  to  live  in  the  new  law  which  He  had  given. 
From  the  same  period  dates  the  testimony  of  Josephus,  the  Jewish  his- 
torian. In  that  portion  of  the  passage  of  Josephus  which  is  undoubt- 
tedly  genuine,  Christ  is  extolled  as  having  wrought  miracles,  and  been 
a  wise  teacher  of  truth ;  His  death  on  the  cross  under  the  administra- 
tion of  Pilate,  and  the  foundation  of  the  Church,  are  also  mentioned. 
F.  H.  Schoedel,  (YindiciEe  Flavianse,  Lps.  1840)  has  contended  for  the 
genuineness  of  the  ivhole  passage  in  Josephus.  The  following,  how- 
ever, are  spurious  records :  1)  the  Syriac  correspondence  between  Christ 
and  Abgarus,  King  of  Edessa,  in  which  the  latter  entreats  the  Lord  to 
come  and  heal  him,  while  Christ  replies  by  promising,  after  His  ascen- 
sion, to  send  one  of  His  disciples  (the  genuineness  of  these  documents  has, 
however,  of  late  been  again  maintained  by  Einck  in  Illgen's  Journal 
for  1843,  and  by  Welte  in  the  Tub.  Quarterly  for  1842) ;  2)  two  letters 


PENTECOS  T  —  ACTIVITY  OF  APOSTLES.     61 

addressed  by  Pilate  to  Tiberius;  3)  the  letter  of  Lentulus  (a  friend  of 
Pilate)  to  the  Roruan  Senate,  giving  a  description  of  the  appearance  of 
Christ.  Since  the  fourth  century,  legends  also  circulated  about  a  statue 
of  Christ,  which  the  woman  who  had  been  cured  of  the  issue  of  blood 
had  erected  in  Paneas,  and  about  certain  miraculous  portraits  of  Jesus 
(such  as  that  in  the  napkin  of  Veronica,  perhaps  originally  =  vera  icon, 
ftxcif).     For  other  legends  and  fables,  see  the  apocrypha  gospels. 

II.    The  Ajiostolic  Age. 

CoMP.  A.  Neander,  History  of  the  Planting  of  the  Christian  Church 
(translated  by  J.  E.  Ryland,  Bohn's  Series).  2  vols.  1851.  —  /.  B. 
Trautmann,  die  ap.  K.  (the  Ap.  Ch.).  Leipz.  1848.  —  M.  Baumgarten, 
transl.  by  Morrison  and  Meyer,  in  Clark's  For.  Theol.  Library.  3  vols. — 
J.  P.  Lange,  Gesch.  d.  K.  d.  ap.  Zeit.  (Hist,  of  the  Ch.  in  Ap.  Times). 
2  vols.  Braunschw.  1852. — Ph.  Schaff,  Hist,  of  the  Apostolic  Church. 
Scribner,  New  York,  1853.  —  H.  W.  J.  Thiersch,  d.  K.  im  ap.  Zeit. 
Frkf.  1852. — G.  W.  Lechler,  d.  ap.  u.  nachap.  Zeitalter  (the  Apost.  and 
Post-Apost.  Age).  Haarl.  1852.  4to. —  C.  Eeuss,  Hist,  de  la  theologie 
au  si^cle  ap.  Strassb.  1852. — H.  Ewalcl,  Gesch.  d.  apost.  Zeitalt.  bis  z. 
Zerstcir.  Jerus.  Gottg.  1858.  —  K.  Wicseler,  Chronol.  d.  apost.  Zeitalt, 
Giittg.  1848. 

§  15.  THE  FEAST  OF  PENTECOST— ACTIVITY  OF  THE  APOS- 
TLES BEFORE  THE  CALLING  OF  PAUL  (30-48  a.  d.). 

After  the  number  of  apostles  had  by  lot  been  again  made  up 
to  twelve,  the  Holy  Ghost  was  poured  out  upon  the  assembled 
disciples  who  had  waited  for  His  coming.  This  event,  which 
was  accompanied  by  miraculous  signs,  took  place  on  the  feast 
of  Pentecost  (anno  30),  ten  days  after  the  ascension  of  the  Lord. 
It  became  the  birth-day  of  the  Church,  whose  first  members  were 
now  gathered  In  large  numbers,  in  consequence  of  a  sermon  by 
Peter.  Through  the  exertions  of  the  apostles  (chiefly  of  Peter 
and  of  John),  which,  however,  at  first  were  confined  to  Jerusa- 
lem, the  Church  grew  daily.  But  when  a  violent  persecution, 
which  commenced  with  the  stoning  of  Stephen,  scattered  the 
faithful,  the  Gospel  was  carried  all  over  Palestine  to  Phoenicia 
and  Syria,  although  the  apostles  remained  in  the  Jewish  capital. 
The  preaching  of  Phili]?,  a  deacon,  was  specially  owned  in 
Samaria  (about  the  year  39  or  40).  Soon  afterwards  Peter 
visited  the  churches  in  Judaea  ;  and  in  consequence  of  a  Divine 
command,  received  by  baptism  the  first  Gentiles  (the  family  of 
Cornelius)  into  the  Church,  At  the  same  time,  and  indepen- 
6 


62  THE    PRIMITIA^E    CHURCH     (1—100  A.  D.).    ■ 

dently  of  this  event,  the  earnest  inquiries  of  many  Gentiles  in 
Antioch  led  to  the  formation  of  a  church  composed  of  Jews  and 
Gentiles.  Barnabas,  a  Levite,  and  a  man  strong  in  the  faith, 
was  despatched  from  Jerusalem  to  Antioch,  and  undertook  the 
care  of  this  community,  conjoining  in  this  work  with  his  own  the 
labours  of  Paul,  a  converted  Pharisee,  whom  some  years  before 
(about  40  A.  D.)  a  revelation  of  Christ,  on  the  way  to  Damascus, 
had  transformed  from  a  fanatical  persecutor  into  a  most  devoted 
Christian  and  preacher.  In  consequence  of  these  events,  the 
missionary  efforts  of  the  apostles  were  henceforth  divided  into 
purely  Jewish,  with  Jerusalem  as  the  centre  of  operations,  and 
into  mixed,  which  had  chiefly  the  Gentiles  for  their  object,  and 
issued  from  Antioch.  A  conference  of  the  apostles,  held  at 
Jerusalem  (Gal.  ii.  1-9),  formally  sanctioned  this  arrangement. 

§16.  LABOURS  OF  THE  APOSTLE  PAUL  (45-64  a. d.). 

CoMP.  /.  T.  Hemsen,  der  Ap.  Paul.  Gottg.  1830.—  C.  Sclirader,  der 
Ap.  P.  Leipz.  1830. — Paley,  Woi-x  Paulinre,  in  his  collected  Avorks,  and 
since  often  printed  separately. —  Conyheare  and  Hoirson,  The  Life  and 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  2  vols.  2d  Ed.  1856.— (F.  Chr.  Baiir,  Paul.  d.  Ap. 
J.  Chr.  Ein  Beitrag  zu  einer  krit.  Gesch.  d.  Urchristth. — Paul  the  ap. 
of  J.  Chr.     A  Contrib.  to  a  crit.  Hist,  of  orig.  Chr.  Tiibg.  1845.) 

Having  been  specially  separated  by  the  Holy  Ghost  for  the 
work,  and  set  apart  by  the  Church  by  the  laying  on  of  hands, 
Paul  and  Barnabas  left  Antioch  in  the  year  45,  to  make  their 
first  missionary  tour  to  Asia  Minor.  The  Lord,  by  signs  and 
wonders,  gave  testimony  to  their  preaching;  and,  notwithstand- 
ing the  contradiction  and  persecution  of  hostile  Jews,  they 
founded  at  Antioch  (in  Pisidia),  at  Iconium,  Lystra,  and  Derbe, 
mixed  churches,  consisting  chiefly  of  Gentile  Christians  ;  preach- 
ing also  in  many  other  places.  Not  long  afterwards,  Paul 
undertook  a  second  missionary  journey  (50-54).  On  this  occa- 
sion Barnabas  had  separated  from  Paul,  because  he  would  take 
with  him  John  Mark,  his  nephew,  who  on  the  first  missionary 
tour  had  left  the  work.  In  company  with  his  nephew,  Barnabas 
now  went  to  Cyprus,  his  own  country ;  but  no  record  of  the  suc- 
cess of  this  mission  has  been  left.  Accompanied  by  Silas,  by 
Luke,  and  afterwards  also  by  Timotlyj,  Paul  meantime  passed 
again  through  Asia  Minor,  and  was  about  to  return  to  Antioch, 
when  a  call  from  the  Lord,  in  a  night-vision,  induced  him  to 


LABOURS    OF    THE    APOSTLE    PAUL.  03 

land  on  the  shores  of  Europe.  Here  he  founded  Christian  com- 
munities at  Philippi,  at  Thessalonica,  Berea,  Athens,  and  Co- 
rinth ;  and  then  returned  to  Syria  through  Asia  Minor,  touch- 
inc;  at  Ephesus  by  the  way.  During  his  stay  at  Jerusalem  the 
conference  with  Peter,  James,  and  John,  to  which  Gal.  ii.  refers 
took  place  (fourteen  years  after  Paul's  conversion),  and  soon 
afterwards,  in  Antioch,  the  conflict  with  Peter,  alluded  to  in  the 
same  passage.  In  the  year  54,  he  undertook,  in  company  with 
Luke,  Titus,  and  Timothy,  his  third  missionary  expedition 
(54-58).  This  time,  Ephesus,  where  a  numerous  congregation 
was  gathered,  became  the  centre  of  his  operations.  An  extraor- 
dinary success  attended  his  labours,  and  the  very  existence  of 
heathenism  in  Asia  Minor  seemed  threatened.  Driven  from 
Ephesus  in  consequence  of  a  tumult,  Paul  travelled  through 
Macedonia,  penetrated  as  far  as  Illyricura,  then  visited  the 
churches  in  Greece,  and  returned  to  Jerusalem  to  fulfil  a  vow. 
In  the  Jewish  capital  his  life  was  only  preserved  through  the 
interference  of  the  Roman  tribune,  who  took  him  prisoner,  and 
sent  him  to  Ctesarea.  An  appeal  to  the  Emperor,  to  which  as 
Roman  citizen  he  was  entitled,  led  to  his  departure  to  Rome  (in 
the  year  60),  where  for  some  years  he  continued  a  prisoner  in  his 
own  house,  being  still  allowed  to  preach.  The  further  course 
of  his  life  and  activity  is  involved  in  some  uncertainty.  Proba- 
bly his  imprisonment  became  more  severe,  either  in  consequence 
of  increasing  enmity  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  or  of  his  favour- 
ites towards  Christianity,  or  on  account  of  the  importunities  of 
hostile  Jews.  In  the  year  64  he  was  beheaded,  under  the  reigu 
of  Nero. 

1.  The  very  common  opinion,  first  mooted  by  Eusebius,  that  about 
the  year  64  Paul  had  been  set  at  liberty,  and  undertaken  a  fourth  mis- 
sionai'y  tour,  iu  which  he  had  penetrated  as  far  as  Spain,  that  thence 
lie  had  a  second  time  been  sent  prisoner  to  Rome,  and  been  beheaded  in 
that  city  about  the  year  67,  owes  its  origin  to  manifest  chronological 
mistakes.  It  has  of  late  been  again  advocated  (by  Neander,  Guericke, 
Credner,  Gieseler,  Huther,  Wiesinger,  etc.),  from  the  erroneous  suppo- 
sition that  some  events  noticed  in  the  letters  of  Paul  could  not  have 
occurred  during  the  period  pi-eceding  the  (supposed  first)  imprison- 
ment of  Paul  at  Rome.  What  is  regarded  as  a  testimony  of  Clement 
to  the  journey  of  the  apostle  into  Spain  {ijti,  to  tip/xa  r^?  Svatui  eX^wi^)  is 
by  no  means  conclusive,  even  irrespective  of  the  dubious  particle  irtl. 
The  Muratori  Canon  refers  indeed  to  a  journey  into  Spain,  but  only  as 


64  THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH     (l— 100     A.  D.). 

an  unsupported  legend  (Rom.  xv.  24),  on  which  the  book  of  Acts  is 
silent.     Comp.  especially  Wieseler,  nt  supra,  p.  521  etc. 

§  17.   LABOURS  OF   THE   OTHER   APOSTLES    (AFTER   THE 
YEAR  48). 

We  only  possess  authentic  data  about  the  labours  of  the  most 
prominent  among  the  apostles.     At  an  early  period  (about  the 
year  44),  James  the  Elder,  tlie  brother  of  John,  suffered  martyr- 
dom at  Jerusalem.     During  that  persecution  Pete?-  was  obliged 
for  a  time  to  leave  Jerusalem.     By  inclination  and  calling  he 
acted  as  apostle  to  the  circumcision   (Gal.  ii.   7-9).     In   the 
course  of  his  labours,  which  were  shared  by  Mark,  he  penetrated, 
according  to  1  Pet.  v.  13,  as  far  as  Babylon,  if  indeed  that  desig- 
nation does  not  symbolically  apply  to  Rome,  as  the  centre  of 
antichristian  heathenism.     The  report  that  he  had  also  labored 
in  Asia  Minor  and  in  Greece  is  doubtful ;  and  the  legend,  that 
for  twenty-five  years  before  his  death  he  had  been  Bishop  of 
Rome,  is  manifestly  erroneous,  although  no  valid  ground  can  be 
urged  against  the   statement  that  he  was  crucified   at  Rome, 
under  the  reign  of  Nero,  in  the  year  64. — Philip  spent  the  last 
years  of  his  life  at  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia.     John  betook  himself 
to  Ephesus.     Ancient  legends  declare  that  Thomas  preached  in 
Parthia,  Bartholomew  in  India,  and  that  John  Mark  founded 
the  church  at  Alexandria. — After  the  time  of  the  apostolic  con- 
ference, James  the  Just,  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  seems  to  have 
presided  over  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  having  been   specially 
commissioned  to  labour  amongst  the  Jews.     In  Gal.  ii.  9  Paul 
speaks  of  him,  of  Peter  and  of  John,  as  being  regarded  "pillars" 
of  the  Church.     He  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  left  Jerusa- 
lem.    Soon  after  the   imprisonment  of  Paul  he  was  killed  by 
fanatical  Jews  (64).     After  the  martyrdom  of  Paul,  John,  who 
among  the  twelve  disciples  approximated  most  closely  the  mental 
direction  of  Paul,  occupied  the  former  field  of  labour  of  that 
apostle  in  Asia  Minor.     He  took  up  his  abode  at  Ephesus,  a 
city  which,  at  that  period,  was  the  focus  and  centre  of  ecclesias- 
tical movements.     Even  during  the  time  of  Paul,  the  antagon- 
isms peculiar  to  the  apostolic  age — that  of  Literalism,  Pharisee- 
ism,  and   Legal   Righteousness,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other,  that  of  Antinomianism,  Idealism,  and    Gnosticism — had 
appeared,  and  rapidly  developed  almost  into  antichristian  ten- 
dencies.    Circumstances  like  these  rendered  the  presence  of  an 


LABOURS  OF  THE  OTHER  APOSTLES,      65 

apostle,  who  was  a  pillar  of  the  Church,  all  the  more  requisite 
in  a  city  which  otherwise  also  was  so  important.  Of  all  the 
apostles  none  was  so  eminently  adapted  and  qualified  for  such  a 
post  as  John,  who  combined  the  most  ready  charity  and  mild- 
ness with  the  most  strict  and  unbending  earnestness,  and  whose 
spiritual  tendency  embodied  in  their  purest  and  highest  aspects 
the  truths  lying  at  the  foundation  of  these  antagonisms.  Ban- 
ished by  Domitian  to  Patmos,  an  island  in  the  ^geau  Sea,  he 
returned  again  to  Ephesus,  where  he  laboured  for  other  thirty 
years  (to  his  death  under  Trajan),  his  ministrations  being  greatly 
blessed  to  the  church  of  Asia  Minor. 

1.  The  legend  about  Peter's  bishoprick  at  Rome  (according  to  Euse- 
bius,  from  the  year  42-G7),  is  derived  from  the  heretical,  pseudo-epi- 
graphic  Clementines  and  Recognitions, — an  authority  entirely  untrust- 
worthy [v.  I  55,  4).  On  the  other  hand,  it  can  be  proved  that  Peter 
had  come  to  Rome  only  in  the  year  63.  The  silence  of  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans  is  alone  sufficient  to  prove  the  worthlessness  of  the  above 
legend.     Comp.  Wieseler  vt  supra,  p.  552  etc. 

2.  The  question,  whether  the  New  Testament  refers  to  two  or  to 
THREE  James'  —  i.e.,  Avhether  the  apostle  James  the  Less,  the  son  of 
Alpheus  and  cousin  of  Jesus,  was  the  same  as  James  the  Just,  the  bro- 
ther of  the  Lord  and  president  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  or  not — is 
one  of  the  most  difficult  problems  in  New  Test.  History.  The  strongest 
argument  in  favour  of  their  identity  is  derived  from  Gal.  i.  19,  where 
James  the  brother  of  the  Lord  is  called  an  apostle  (comp.,  however, 
Acts  xiv.  14;  Ileb.  iii.  1).  But,  on  the  whole,  the  balance  of  evidence 
is  against  this  supposition.  In  John  vii.  the  brethren  of  Jesus  are 
represented  as  still  unbelieving  at  a  time  when  James  the  son  of 
Alpheus  was  already  one  of  the  apostles ;  according  to  Matt,  xxviii. 
19,  none  of  the  twelve  could  be  permanent  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  ;  Hege- 
sippus  represents  James  the  Just  as  /^fra  r'wi'  drtotr-foXcoj'  the  president 
of  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  and  ho  speaks  of  rtox^oi  'Idxui&oi  (which,  at 
any  rate,  implies  more  than  two).  The  older  Fathers  regarded  the 
"  brothers  and  sisters"  of  the  Lord  as  the  children  of  Joseph  by  a 
former  marriage  (a  view  which  leaves  untouched  the  delicate  question 
as  to  the  interpretation  of  Matt.  i.  25).  Jerome  and  Chrysostom  are 
the  first  of  the  Fathers  to  identify  James  the  son  of  Alpheus  with 
James  the  Just. — Regarding  the  death  of  James  the  Just  ancient  testi- 
monies do  not  fully  agree.  According  to  Hegesippus  the  Jews  asked 
him,  at  the  feast  of  the  Passover,  to  bear  witness  against  Christ,  from 
the  pinnacle  of  the  temple.  But  James  earnestly  testified  in  favour  of 
Christ,  and  for  this  was  cast  down,  stoned,  and  whilst  praying  for  his 
enemies,  was  killed  by  a  blow  from  the  club  of  a  tanner.  Ctem.  Alex- 
ander corroborates  this  account.     Jcsephns  simply  reports  that  after 

6*  E 


66 


THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH     (l_100A.  D.), 


the  removal  of  Festus,  and  before  the  arrival  of  Albinus  (anno  64),  the 
cruel  high-priest  Ananus  procured  a  hasty  condemnation  of  James,  and 
of  others  to  whom  he  bore  enmity,  and  had  caused  the  apostle  —  tbv 
aSiX^bv  'Ir^aov  fov  Xf yO|U£rou  'Xpidtoi  —  to  be  stoned. 

3.  Irenasus,  Eusebius,  and  Jerome  speak  of  the  hanisliment  of  John 
as  having  taken  place  under  the  reign  of  Domitlan ;  only  obscure  or 
later  evidence  (the  superscription  in  the  Syr.  Book  of  Revel,  and 
Theophylact)  is  in  favour  of  placing  it  in  the  time  of  Nero.  TertuUian 
records  a  legend,  according  to  which  he  had,  at  the  time  of  Nero,  been 
put  into  a  cask  of  boiling  oil ;  and  Augustin  relates  that  he  had  emptied 
a  poisoned  cup  without  deriving  harm  from  it.  These  are  manifestly 
apocryphal  stories ;  but  the  narrative  of  Clement  Alex,  about  the 
tender  care  with  which  the  aged  apostle  had  watched  over  a  youth  who 
had  fearfully  gone  astray,  appears  to  be  authentic.  The  same  remark 
applies  to  the  account  of  Jerome,  according  to  whom,  when  too  old  to 
Avalk,  John  had  caused  himself  to  be  carried  to  the  meetings  of  the 
Christians,  and  ever  repeated  to  them  only  this  admonition,  "Little 
children,  love  one  another;"  and  to  the  statement  of  IrenJBus,  that 
when,  on  one  occasion,  he  happened  to  meet  with  Cerinthus,  the 
heretic,  in  a  bath,  the  apostle  immediately  left  the  place  so  as  to  avoid 
even  outward  communion  Avith  him. 

I  18.  CONSTITUTION,  LIFE,  DISCIPLINE,  AND  WORSHIP  OF 
THE   CHURCH. 

Cf.  K.  LecMer,  die  N.  T.  Lehre  von  h.  Amte  Stuttg.  1857. 

The  institution  of  a  special  human  priesthood,  characteristic 
of  Old  Testament  times,  had  now  merged  in  the  One  only  and 
Eternal  Mcdiatorship  of  the  God-man;  at  the  same  time,  the 
Gospel  distinctly  laid  down  the  principle,  that  all  Christians 
formed  part  of  the  Universal  Priesthood  (Heb.  iv.  16  ;  1  Pet. 
ii.  9  ;  Rev.  i.  6).  Connected  together  into  an  organism  under 
Christ,  as  its  only  Head,  the  Church  was  to  edify  itself  and  to 
grow  by  the  co-operation  of  all  its  members,  according  to  their 
respective  calling,  gifts,  and  position  (Eph.  1.  22  etc.  ;  1  Cor. 
xii.  12  etc.).  The  natural  talents  and  the  inward  calling  of 
Christians  were,  in  apostolic  times,  specially  quickened  and 
enlarged  by  the  ecctraordinary  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (the 
Charismata).  With  the  natural  exception  of  females  (1  Cor. 
xiv.  34;  1  Tim.  ii.  12),  every  Christian  was  allowed  to  teach 
and  to  exhort  in  the  Church.  But  from  the  commencement 
regularly  appointed  officials  were  set  apart,  in  order  that  this 
process  of  contributing  to  the  edification  of  the  Church,  on  the 


CHURCH    CONSTITUTION,   LIFE,    ETC.  67 

part  of  all  its  members,  might  not  degenerate  into  arbitrariness, 
presumption,  and  anarch}',  and  that,  amidst  the  changes  of  time, 
the  government  and  edification  of  the  Church  might  continue 
uninterrupted.  On  them  the  preservation  of  order,  the  pre- 
vention of  abuses,  the  direction  of  public  worship,  the  preaching 
of  the  word,  the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments,  the  cure  of 
souls,  the  exercise  of  discipline,  and  the  outward  representation 
of  the  Church,  devolved  as  their  peculiar  and  fixed  calling.  The 
need  of  such  an  order  of  men  must  have  been  all  the  more  felt, 
when  the  extraordinary  qualifications  of  charismata  gradually 
ceased.  It  became  now  more  than  ever  necessary,  by  means  of 
a  regular  outward  call,  to  assign  proper  limits,  and  to  give  a 
settled  character  to  the  inward  call.  So  long  as  the  apostles 
laboured  in  the  churches  which  they  bad  founded,  the  duty  of 
teaching  and  of  governing  devolved  upon  them. 

1.  The  Charismata.  —  According  to  1  Cor.  xii.  8  etc.,  28  etc.,  the 
special  and  extraordinary  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  Apostolic 
Church  were  of  twofold  character,  as  they  manifested  themselves  either 
in  word  or  in  deed.  The  former  were  momentary,  such  as  the  gifts  of 
speaking  in  tongues  and  of  prophecy ;  and  again,  supplementary  to 
these,  the  gift  of  interpreting  tongues  and  trying  the  spirits.  Some 
charismata  were  lasting,  such  as  the  gift  of  teaching  —  i.  e.,  either  the 
speculative  gift  of  wisdom  and  of  knowledge  (Gnosis),  or  the  practical 
and  didactic  gift  of  faith  (Pistis).  Among  the  practical  charismata  we 
reckon  the  supernatural  gift  of  directing  and  administering  the  affairs 
of  a  church,  and  the  gifts  of  performing  miracles  and  of  healing 
the  sick. 

2.  BisJiops  and  Presbyters.  —  To  aid  them  in  their  work,  or  to  supply 
their  places  in  their  absence  (Acts  14 :  23),  the  apostles  ordained  rulers 
in  every  church,  who  bore  the  common  name  of  Elders  (rtpso.Svtfpoi) 
from  their  dignity,  and  of  Bishops  [iTtiaxoTtoi,)  from  the  nature  of  their 
office. 

That  originally  the  rtpfa/Surspot  were  the  same  as  the  iTiCaxortoi,  we 
gather  with  absolute  certainty  from  the  statements  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment and  of  Clement  of  Rome,  a  disciple  of  the  apostles  (see  his  First 
Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  chaps,  xlii.  xliv.  Ivii.).  1)  The  presbyters 
are  expressly  called  iniexoriot,  —  comp.  Acts  xx.  17  with  ver.  28,  and 
Tit.  i.  5  with  ver.  7.  —  2)  The  office  of  presbyter  is  described  as  next 
to  and  highest  after  that  of  apostle  (Acts  xv.  6,  22).  Similarly,  the 
elders  are  represented  as  those  to  -n^hom  alone  the  rule,  the  teaching, 
and  the  care  of  the  Church  is  entrusted  (1  Tim.  v.  17  ;  1  Pet.  v.  1  etc.) ; 
ou  account  of  which  the  apostles  designate  thomyelves  also  as  ovjXTt^es- 
6 


68  THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH     (l  — 100   A.  D.)  . 

iSurfpoc  (1  Pet.  V.  1,  2,  and  3  John  1).  —  3)  The  various  offices  of  the 
Church  are  summed  up  under  the  expression  iniaxoTtoi,  xai  hidxovoi 
(Phil.  i.  1;  Clem.  Rom.  1.  c.  ch.  xlii.  comp.  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  8).— 4)  In 
the  above  quoted  passages  of  the  N.  T.  and  of  Clement  we  read  of 
many  bishops  in  one  and  the  same  church.  In  the  face  of  such  indu- 
bitable evidence,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  pertinacity  with  which 
Romish  and  Anglican  theologians  insist  that  these  two  offices  had  from 
the  first  been  different  in  name  and  functions ;  while  the  allegation  of 
some,  that  although,  originally,  the  tAvo  designations  had  been  identical, 
the  offices  themselves  were  distinct,  seems  little  better  than  arbitrary 
and  absurd.  Even  Jerome,  Augustin,  Urban  II.  (a.  1091),  and  Petrus 
Lombardus  admit  that  originally  the  two  had  been  identical.  It  was 
reserved  for  the  Council  of  Trent  to  convert  this  truth  into  a  heresy. 

3.  Othej'  Church  Offices. — (Comp.  B.  Itothe,  die  Anfange  d.  christl. 
Kirche  und  ihrer  Verfass.  (Commenc.  of  the  Chr.  Ch.  and  of  its  Consti- 
tut.).  Wittcmb.  1837.  Vol.  1.  —  /.  W.  Bickell,  Gesch.  d.  Kirchenrechtes 
(Hist,  of  Eccl.  Law).  Frankf.  1849.  I.  2,  p.  02  etc.)— Conjoined  with,  but 
subordinate  to,  the  office  of  presbyter  or  bishop,  of  which  the  apostles 
themselves  for  so  considerable  time  discharged  the  duties  at  Jerusalem, 
was  the  office  of  Deacon.  It  was  first  instituted  by  the  apostles,  with  con- 
sent of  the  peojjle,  for  the  purpose  of  caring  for  the  poor  and  the  sick  at 
Jerusalem  (Acts  vi.).  Thence  it  spread  to  most  other  Christian  communi- 
ties ;  the  number  of  deacons  being  always  seven,  until  the  original  func- 
tions of  the  office  were  enlarged,  and  the  deacons  called  to  assist  in  the 
cure  of  souls  and  in  preaching  the  word.  Functions  corresponding  to  those 
of  the  deacons  —  but  only  so  far  as  the  original  design  of  the  deaconate 
was  concerned  (according  to  1  Cor.  xiv.  34,  and  1  Tim.  ii.  12) — devolved 
on  the  Deaconesses  (Rom.  xvi.  1),  who  took  charge  of  Christian  females. 
From  1  Tim.  v.  9  we  gather  that,  commonly,  only  widows  above  the 
age  of  sixty  were  admitted  to  this  office.  The  presbyters  and  deacons 
were  set  apart  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  apostles,  or  of 
their  delegates  (Acts  vi.  6;  1  Tim.  iv.  14  etc.).  Individual  churches 
were  also  in  the  habit  of  employing  special  evangelists,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  travel  about  in  order  to  preach  to  the  heathen  (Eph.  iv.  11 ; 
Acts  xxi.  8).  When,  one  after  aiiother,  the  apostles,  who  even  when 
absent,  were  regarded  as  concentrating  in  themselves  the  supreme 
guidance  of  the  churches,  were  called  to  their  rest,  gradually  and 
almost  necessarily  one  of  the  elders  obtained  prominence  over  the  rest, 
though  at  first  only  as  the  primus  inter  pares,  and  with  it  the  distinctive 
title  of  Bishop,  in  contradistinction  to  the  other  presbyters.  The  rela- 
tion of  James  to  the  church  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.  13;  xxi.  18),  and 
the  full  powers  which  Paul  claimed  for  his  assistants  (Timothy,  Titus, 
and  others)  in  individual  churches,  may  have  served  as  a  commence- 
ment and  a  type  of  the  later  Episcopate  (Cf.  |  30). 


CHURCH    CONSTITUTION,    LIFE,    ETC.  69 

4.  Christian  Life,  and  Ecclesiastical  Discipline,  —  (Comp.  O.Arnold, 
erste  Liebe,  d.  i.  wahre  Abbildung  d.  ersten  Christen.  (First  Love, 
i.  e.,  Faithful  Portraiture  of  the  first  Christians)  Frkft.  1G9G.— In 
accordance  with  the  command  of  the  Lord  (John  xiii.  34,  35),  brotherly 
love,  in  opposition  to  the  selfishness  of  the  natural  heart,  became  the 
principle  of  the  new  Christian  life.  In  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  the 
power  of  first  love,  stimulated  by  the  expectation  of  a  speedy  return 
of  the  Lord,  manifested  itself  in  a  voluntai\y  community  of  goods  —  an 
experiment  this,  which,  without  denying  its  internal  value,  was  soon 
found  to  be  impracticable,  and  hence  neither  repeated  nor  even  pro- 
longed. But  the  more  wealthy  Gentile  Christian  churches  continued 
to  show  their  brotherly  afi'cction  by  making  collections  for  the  poor 
saints  at  Jerusalem,  whom  providential  dispensations  (such  as  famine) 
rendered  still  more  dependent.  —  According  to  the  direction  of  the 
apostle  in  Gal.  iii.  38,  the  threefold  evil  under  which  the  old  world 
laboured — contempt  of  foreign  nationalities,  degradation  of  woman,  and 
slavery  —  was  removed  by  a  gradual  and  internal  renovation  of  the 
world,  carried  on  without  any  violent  infringement  of  existing  rights. 
At  the  same  time,  a  deep  consciousness  of  the  fellowship  subsisting 
between  the  members  of  the  Church  in  their  subordination  to  the  One 
Head  in  heaven,  pervaded  and  sanctified  all  the  relationships  of  life. — 
However,  even  in  apostolic  times  pristine  Christian  purity  and  sim- 
plicity occasionally  gave  place  to  other  feelings.  In  the  Mother  Church, 
hypocrisy  (Acts  v.)  and  dissension  (Acts  vi.)  appeared  at  a  very  early 
period.  But  the  former  was  visited  by  a  dreadful  judgment ;  the  latter 
removed  by  charity  and  mutual  forbearance.  Among  the  more  wealthy 
Gentile  Christian  churches  (such  as  in  Corinth  and  Thessalonica)  the 
spirit  of  the  world  manifested  its  presence  by  luxuriousness,  selfish- 
ness, pride,  etc. ;  but  it  was  broken  or  removed,  partly  in  consequence 
of  the  admonitions  and  the  discipline  of  the  apostles,  and  jiartly  in 
consequence  of  the  early  persecutions  which  sifted  and  purified  the 

%hurches.  Any  member  who  had  caused  public  scandal  by  a  gross 
violation  of  pure  doctrine  or  of  Christian  duty,  and  who  persisted  in 
his  sin  despite  the  admonitions  of  pastors  and  elders,  was  expelled 
from  the  Church.  But  if  sufficient  proof  of  genuine  repentance  had 
been  given,  the  offending  brother  was  gladly  welcomed  back.  The 
account  about  the  incestuous  person  at  Corinth  affords  an  example 
of  the  apostolic  arrangements  in  this  respect  (1  Cor.  v.  1  etc. ;  2  Cor. 
ii.  5  etc. ;  comp.  also  1  Tim.  i.  19,  20 ;  Gal.  i.  8,  9 ;  1  John  ii.  19 
etc.).    Cf.  I  36. 

5.  Christian  Worship. —  (Comp.  2%.  Harnach,  der  chr.  Gemeinde- 
gottesd.  im  apost.  u.  altkath.  Zeitalter  (Chr.  Congregat.  Worship  in  the 
Apost.  and  Anc.  Cath.  Ch.).Erl.  1854.— TV*. -fiT/je/bifA,  Liturg.  Abhandl. 
IV.  A.  u.  d.  T. :  Die  urspr.  Gottesdienstordn.  &c.,  I.  p.  175,  &c.,  2 
Aufl.  Schwerin.  1858). — Even  in  Jerusalem,  where   Christians  con- 


70  THE    PRIMITIVE    C  II  U  R  C  H   (l— 100  A.  D,). 

tinned  their  attendance  on  the  temple,  the  religious  wants  of  the  Church 
rendered  distinctively  Christian  and  common  -worship  necessary.  But 
as  Jewish  worship  was  twofold  in  its  character,  consisting  of  instruc- 
tion and  edification  by  the  word  in  the  synagogues,  and  of  the  typical 
and  sacramental  service  of  symbols  in  the  temple,  so,  in  the  Church 
also,  Christian  worship  was,  from  the  first,  either  liomiletic  and  didactic, 
or  else  eucharisiic  and  sacramental.  (Cf.  |33)  The  former,  like  the 
service  of  the  synagogue,  was  not  only  intended  for  the  edification  of 
the  congregation,  but  for  missionary  purposes,  on  which  ground  non- 
Christians  also  were  allowed  and  invited  to  attend.  At  first  the  church 
at  Jerusalem  held  these  {morning)  sei'vices  in  the  halls  of  the  temple, 
where  the  people  were  wont  to  assemble  for  prayer  (Acts  iii.  11)  ; 
afterwards,  in  private  houses.  They  consisted  of  reading  certain 
passages  and  sections  from  the  Old  Testament  —  at  a  later  period,  also 
apostolic  letters  and  portions  from  the  Gospels  —  of  addresses  for  the 
purposes  of  instruction  and  exhortation,  of  prayer  and  of  singing  of 
psalms.  The  sacramental  portion  of  public  worship  took  place  Avithin 
the  circle  of  the  Church  alone.  The  main  part  and  object  of  these 
(evening)  services  was  to  celebrate  the  Lord's  Snpper,  which,  after  the 
model  of  the  institution,  was  accompanied  by  prayer  and  the  singing 
of  hymns,  and  taken  along  with  a  common  meal,  called  the  oxdriyi,  to 
denote  that  its  purpose  was  the  expression  of  brotherly  love.  The  ele- 
ments were  set  apart  for  sacramental  purposes  by  prayer,  in  which 
thanks  and  praise  were  oS'ered  up  [ivxa.pi6tia,,  1  Cor.  xi.  24;  or  av^oyJa, 
1  Cor.  X.  16).  This  prayer  was  probably  followed  by  the  "  lioly  kiss" 
{^Ar;ixa  ayto)/,  Rom.  xvi.  16  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  20).  In  public  worship,  besides 
the  psalms,  distinctly  Christian  hymns  and  doxologies  were  probably 
in  use  even  in  apostolic  times  (Eph.  v.  19  ;  Col.  iii.  16),  of  which  Eph. 
ii.  14,  1  Tim.  iii.  16,  2  Tim.  ii.  11-13,  possibly  contain  specimens  and 
fragments.  See  also  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  16  ;  James  i.  17  ;  Rev.  i.  4  etc.  ;  iv. 
11 ;  V.  9  etc. ;  xj.  15  etc. ;  xv.  3  etc.  ;  xxi.  1  etc.  ;  xxii.  10  etc.  At  first, 
both  the  homiletic  and  eucharistic  services  took  place  daily  (Acts  ii.  4^ 
6).  But  even  in  apostolic  times,  besides  the  Sabbath — among  Gentile 
Christians  instead  of  it  —  the  Lord's  Bay  was  observed  as  a  day  of 
special  solemnity,  being  that  of  Christ's  resurrection  (John  xx.  26 ; 
Acts  XX.  7;  1  Cor.  xvi.  2;  Rev.  i.  10).  But  we  cannot  discover  that 
any  other  feast  days  had  been  observed  at  that  period.  Equally  im- 
possible is  it  strictly  to  demonstrate  that  iiifant  baptism  had  been 
practised  by  the  apostles,  although  this  is  probable  (Acts  ii.  39;  xvi. 
33  ;  1  Cor.  vii.  14).  Baptism  was  administered  by  complete  immersion, 
in  the  name  of  Christ,  or  else  of  the  Triune  God  (Matt,  xxviii.  19). 
The  charisma  of  healing  the  sick  was  applied  along  with  prayer  and 
anointing  with  oil  (James  v.  14,  15).  The  practice  of  confessing  sins 
one  to  another,  and  praying  for  each  other,  was  recommended  without 
having,  however,  any  necessary  connection  with  public  worship  (James 
v.  16).  The  Holy  Ghost  (as  a  charisma),  and  ordination  (Acts  vi.  6; 
siii.  3  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  14),  were  imparted  by  prayer  and  laying  on  of  hands. 


APOSTOLIC    OPPOSITION    Tt)    SECTARIANS,    ETC.      71 

I  19.   APOSTOLIC   OPPOSITION    TO   SECTAEIANS  AND 
HERETICS. 

CoMP.  Tliiersch,  Versuch  zur  Ilerstcll.  d.  Hist.  Standp.  flir.  d.  Kri- 
tik  d.  Nel.  Schrifteu.  Erlg.  1Mb.— W.  Mangold,  d.  Irrlehre  d.  Pastoral- 
briefe.  Marb.  185G. 

From  the  first,  when,  by  the  preaching  of  the  apostles,  Chris- 
tianity entered  on  its  mission  of  conquering  the  world,  the  intel- 
lectual powers  of  the  old  world  occupied  one  of  three  relations 
with  reference  to  the  Gospel.  Either  their  representatives  en- 
tirely gave  themselves  up  to  the  truth,  or  they  prepared  as 
enemies  to  resist  it,  or  they  admitted  certain  of  the  elements  of 
Christianity,  retaining,  however,  along  with  these,  their  old  and 
unchristian  views.  This  combination  and  commingling  of  hete- 
rogeneous elements  gave  rise  to  many  heresies.  —  The  first 
enemy  which  appeared,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  Christian  camp 
itself,  was  the  well-known  j^harisaical  Judaism,  with  its  tradi- 
tionary ossification  of  doctrine,  its  righteousness  of  dead  works, 
its  narrow-minded  pride  of  nationality,  and  its  carnal  and  per- 
verted views  about  the  Messiah.  It  was  the  shibboleth  of  that 
party,  that  the  Gentiles  should  be  constrained  to  observe  the 
ceremonial  law  (of  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  of  meats,  of  circumci- 
sion), as  being  the  necessary  condition  of  salvation.  This  ten- 
dency had  first  appeared  in  the  Chui'ch  at  Jerusalem,  where, 
however,  the  resolutions  agreed  to  at  the  conference  of  the  apos- 
tles condemned  the  peculiarities  of  the  party.  Still  it  continued 
to  follow  Paul  in  his  missionary  labours,  attacking  him  with  the 
weapons  of  malice,  enmity,  and  calumny.  To  his  contest  with 
these  sectaries  we  owe  the  most  precious  of  his  Epistles  (espe- 
cially those  addressed  to  the  Romans,  the  Galatians,  and  the 
Corinthians).  Traces  of  Sadducean  and  sceptical  opposition 
may  perhaps  be  discovered  in  the  objections  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  resurrection  to  which  Paul  replies  in  1  Cor.  xv.  On  the 
other  hand,  Grecian  Pliilosopliy  also,  at  an  early  period,  made 
havoc  in  the  Church.  Apollos,  a  Jew  from  Alexandria,  who 
had  received  a  philosophical  training,  viewed  Christianity  mainly 
in  its  speculative  aspect,  and  in  this  manner  eloquently  and  suc- 
cessfully expounded  its  doctrines  at  Corinth.  Paul  did  not 
oppose  this  method  of  presenting  the  Gospel.  He  rather  left  it 
to  the  judgment  of  history  (1  Cor.  iii.  11-14)  ;  but  he  warned 
6* 


72  THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH    (l— 100   A.  D.). 

against  laying  excessive  value  on  human  wisdom  (1  Cor.  ii.  1-10). 
Still,  among  some  of  the  lovers  of  philosophy  at  Corinth,  the 
simple  and  positive  preaching  of  Paul  in  consequence  declined 
in  authority,  although  this  result  had  not  been  intended  by 
Apollos.  This  circumstance  was  perhaps  the  first  occasion  of 
the  split  in  the  church  at  Corinth,  where  four  parties  appeared 
under  different  names  (1  Cor.  i.).  The  Judaising  Christians 
appealed  to  the  authority  of  the  Apostle  Peter  {ol  vov  K);f»), 
while  the  Gentile  Christians  called  themselves  either  the  fol- 
lowers of  Apollos  or  of  Paul,  or  refusing  to  own  the  authority 
of  any  apostle,  assumed  the  boastful  designation  of  ol  tov  Xpiof  oi). 
This  split  was  effectually  opposed  by  Paul  in  his  two  Epistles  to 
the  Corinthians. — Much  more  dangerous  than  the  heretical  ten- 
dencies to  which  we  have  above  adverted  was  a  kind  of  Jewish- 
Gentile  Gnosis,  which  began  to  intrude  into  Christianity  during 
the  latter  years  of  Paul's  labours,  being  probably  imported  by  the 
Essenes  and  Therapeuta),  who  had  formed  a  connecting  medium 
between  the  synagogue  and  the  heathen.  Asia  Minor  was  the 
principal  focus  of  this  ■^svBawixoi  yvojat-^.  To  it  Paul  first  directed 
attention  in  his  farewell  address  at  Miletus  (Acts  xx.  29,  30). 
Afterwards  he  expressly  opposed  it  in  the  Epistles  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  and  to  the  Colossians,  and  especially  in  his  pastoral  letters, 
even  as  Peter  combated  it  in  his  First  Epistle.  Still  it  assumed 
many  and  varied  forms.  It  appeared  in  the  shape  of  Oriental 
Theosophy,  Magic  and  Theurgy,  in  voluntary  ascetism  with 
reference  to  meats  and  marriage,  in  fancied  mysteries  about  the 
nature  and  subordination  of  heavenly  powers  and  spirits,  and  in 
the  transformation  of  certain  doctrines  of  Christianity  (sucli  as 
that  of  the  resurrection,  2  Tim.  ii.  18)  into  a  mere  idealism. 
These  seeds  of  evil  had  already  borne  abundant  fruit,  when  John 
came  to  take  up  his  residence  in  Asia  Minor.  Accordingly,  in 
his  First  Epistle  the  apostle  opposed  the  growing  heresy,  and 
more  especially  that  form  of  Gnosis  in  which,  under  the  garb  of 
docelic  views,  the  incarnation  of  God  in  Christ  was  denied. 
The  Second  Epistle  of  Peter  and  the  Epistle  of  Jude  are  more 
particularly  directed  against  the  antinomian  excesses  of  Gnosti- 
cism.— its  unbounded  immorality,  and  its  infamous  licentiousness 
under  guise  of  magical  and  theurgic  services. — According  to  the 
statement  of  the  Fathers,  the  Nicolaitans  of  the  Book  of  Reve- 
lation (Rev.  ii.  6,  15)  were  a  distinct  sect,  which  originated  with 
Nicolaus  the  deacon  (Acts  vi.  5),  who  taught  that  it  was  lawful 


APOSTOLIC    OrrOSITION    TO    SECTARIANS,    ETC.       13 

to  yield  to  the  lusts  of  the  flesh,  since  this  could  not  affect  tho 
spirit.  Traces  of  an  antinomian  and  Gnostic  sect  of  Nicolaitans 
are  found  so  late  as  the  second  century. 

1.  The  Apostolic  Conference.  —  The  Lord  had  commanded  His  dis- 
ciples to  preach  the  Gospel  to  all  nations  (Matt,  xxviii.  19).  They 
could  not,  therefore,  doubt  that  the  whole  Gentile  world  was  destined 
to  become  the  inheritance  of  the  Church.  But,  apparently  following 
the  Old  Testament  statements  about  the  eternal  obligation  of  the  law 
of  Moses,  and  as  yet  unable  fully  to  understand  the  utterance  of  the 
Lord  (Matt.  v.  17  etc.),  they  deemed  it  necessary  by  circumcision  to 
make  the  Gentiles  Jews  before  admitting  them  into  the  kingdom  of 
Christ.  The  views  of  Stephen,  who  was  a  Grecian,  seem,  however,  to 
have  been  more  liberal  (Acts  vi.  14).  Philip,  also  a  Grecian,  preached! 
among  the  Samaritans,  and  the  apostles  owned  and  completed  his 
labours  through  Peter  and  John  (Acts  viii.  14  etc.).  Still,  a  direct 
revelation  was  necessary  before  Peter  could  feel  convinced  that,  with- 
out any  further  preparation,  a  Gentile  who  felt  his  need  of  salvation 
was  fit  for  the  kingdom  of  God  (Acts  x.).  Even  this  revelation,  how- 
ever, exercised  no  decisive  influence  on  the  common  mode  of  carrying 
on  missionary  operations.  Grecian  Jews  in  Antioch  were  again  the 
first  to  take  the  bold  step  of  addressing  themselves  directly  to  the  work 
among  the  Gentiles  (Acts  xi.  19).  To  watch  the  movement  in  that 
city,  the  apostles  commissioned  Barnabas,  who  at  once  entered  into  it 
with  all  his  soul,  and  conjoined  with  himself  Paul,  who  was  destined 
to  prove  so  eminent  a  labourer.  After  the  success  of  their  first  missionary 
tour  had  proved  their  calling  as  apostles  of  the  Gentiles,  and  the  Divine 
sanction  to  their  work,  Jewish-Christian  zealots  raised  discussions  at 
Antioch,  which  issued  in  a  journey  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Jerusalem, 
for  the  purpose  of  having  the  disputed  questions  settled  (about  the  year 
50).  At  a  meeting  of  the  apostles  in  that  city,  Peter  and  James  the  Just 
carried  the  resolution,  that  converted  Gentiles  should,  from  a  regard  to 
relations  then  existing  (Acts  xv.  20),  submit  to  certain  legal  restric- 
tions, analogous  to  those  to  which  proselytes  of  the  gate  had  hitherto 
been  subject.  A  private  conference  between  the  two  apostles  of 
Antioch,  and  Peter,  James,  and  John,  led  to  their  mutual  recognition 
of  one  another  as  respectively  the  apostles  of  the  Gentiles  and  of  the 
Jews  (Gal.  ii.  1-10).  Still,  during  his  stay  at  Antioch,  Peter  was 
guilty  of  a  practical  inconsistency  in  weakly  yielding  to  the  fanaticism 
of  some  Jewish  Christians,  for  which  he  was  sharply  reproved  by  Paul 
(Gal.  ii.  11-14.)  But  the  conclusions  at  which  the  meeting  of  apostles 
had  arrived  did  not  put  a  stop  to  this  controversy,  and  the  understand- 
ing that  mutual  toleration  should  be  extended  was  sadly  traversed,  at 
least  by  one  of  the  parties.  During  the  whole  course  of  his  labours, 
Paul  had  continually  to  contend  with  sectarian  Jewish  converts,  who 
tried  their  utmost  to  undermine  his  apostolic  authority,  and  to  introduce 

7 


74  THE    PRIMITIVE    CHURCH     (l— 100   A.  D.). 

elements  of  discord  into  the  churches  which  he  planted. — James  ilie 
Just  remained  till  his  death  the  representative  of  the  sound  Judjso- 
Christian  direction,  whose  adherents,  from  habit  and  personal  liking, 
continued  to  observe  the  ceremonial  law,  but  in  nowise  made  salvation 
dependent  on  such  conformity.  —  The  destruction  of  the  temple,  and 
with  it  the  cessation  of  Jewish  worship,  prepared  the  way  for  a  gradual 
termination  of  the  Jewish  Christian,  which  henceforth  merged  in  the 
Gentile  Christian  Church.  To  this  result  contributed  also  the  labours 
of  the  Apostle  John  in  Asia  Minor, — a  man  whose  every  action  seemed 
influenced  by  the  love  of  Christ,  and  breathed  the  spirit  of  conciliation. 
The  remainder  of  the  party,  who,  despite  the  change  to  which  we  have 
adverted,  continued  their  former  principles  and  practices,  assumed  more 
and  more  the  character  of  a  sect,  and  in  part  became  decidedly  heretical. 

2.  The  Basis  of  Apostolic  Teaching. — (Comp.  LidterbecJc,  Lechler,  Retiss 
ut  supra,  and  the  Sketches  of  the  Teaching  of  Paul  by  Usteri  (5th  ed. 
Zurich  1834)  and  by  Ddhne  (Halle  1835),— of  that  of  John,  by  From- 
viann  (Leipz.  1839),  Kostlin  (Berl.  1843),  and  Hilgenfeld  (Halle  1849, 
— and  of  that  of  Peter,  by  B.  Weiss  (Berl.  1855).  See  also  H.  Messner, 
die  Lehre  d.  Apostel.  (the  Teaching  of  the  Ap.)  Leipz.  1856.) — It  was 
soon  felt  necessary  to  write  down  the  apostolic  and  authentic  accounts 
of  the  life  of  the  Saviour,  in  order  to  give  them  a  stable  form.  If  in 
this  manner  the  Gospels  were  compiled,  the  continuous  intercourse 
between  the  missionary  apostles  and  the  churches  which  they  had 
founded,  or  else  the  exercise  of  their  general  authority,  led  to  the  com- 
position of  the  Apostolic  Epistles.  At  an  early  period  the  mutual 
exchange  of  apostolic  communications  (Col.  iv.  16)  prepared  the  way 
for  a  collection  and  diffusion  of  the  New  Testament  writings ;  and, 
accordingly,  Peter  could  assume  (2  Pet.  iii.  15,  16)  that  the  contents 
of  the  epistles  of  Paul  were  commonly  known.  There  was  not  at  the 
time  any  creed  to  serve  as  a  generally  authentic  test  of  orthodoxy, 
although  a  commencement  had  already  been  made  in  the  profession  of 
faith  exacted  from  converts  at  their  baptism  (on  the  basis  of  Matt, 
xxviii.  19).  In  the  age  succeeding  that  of  the  apostles,  this  profession 
was  enlarged  into  what  is  known  as  the  Apostolic  Creed.  Already 
Paul  had  intimated  that  justification  by  faith  alone  (Gal.  i.  8,  9)  was 
one  of  the  indispensable  tests  of  a  genuine  Christian  profession,  while 
John  had  asserted  the  same  with  reference  to  the  incarnation  of  God  in 
Christ  (1  John  iv.  3).  In  the  three  principal  apostles  appeared  the 
threefold  fundamental  tendency  of  Christian  doctrine  in  apostolic 
times.  Paid  represented  the  pneumatico-theological  direction ;  John, 
the  religious  and  idealistic;  and  Peter  (as  also,  in  the  main,  James  the 
Just),  the  practical  and  ethical.  The  views  of  John  brought  out  pro- 
minently and  most  emphatically  the  Divine  aspect  of  the  appearance 
of  Christ  (John  i.  14) ;  those  of  Peter,  its  human  aspect,  as  the  ideal 
of  holy  walk  and  conversation  (1  Pet.  ii.  21) ;  and  those  ot  Paul,  being 


APOSTOLIC    OPPOSITION    TO    SECTARIANS,   ETC.      75 

more  comprehensive  than  the  others,  the  fulness  in  the  God-Man  (Col. 
ii.  9  ;  2  Cor.  v.  19).  Faith  was  the  central  and  moving  point  in  the 
teaching  of  Paul,  love  in  that  of  John,  and  hope  in  that  of  Peter.  But 
while  we  admit  this  diversity,  springing  from  the  natural  bias  of  dif- 
ferent minds,  and  sanctified  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  it  were  quite  erro- 
neous to  regard  it  either  as  implying  an  exclusive  and  one-sided  pecu- 
liarity, or  diversity.  On  the  contrary,  each  of  these  directions  admits 
of  and  presupposes  the  others  as  complementary  to  it.  More  especially 
do  the  teaching  of  John  and  of  Peter  fit  into  that  of  Paul,  which  was 
the  most  fully  developed  and  comprehensive  of  all. 


FIRST     SECTION. 

HISTOM  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT 

OF    THE 

CHURCH  IN  ITS  ANCIENT  CLASSICAL  FORM. 

(77) 


SOURCES. 


Sources:  1.  Church  Fathers:  Maxima  Bibliotheca  Patrum  et  ant. 
Scriptt.  ecclest.  Lugd.  1677.  27  voll.  fol.— ^.  Gallandi,  Biblioth.  vett. 
Patr.  et  ant.  Scriptt.  ecclest.  Venet.  1765.  14  voll.  fol. — /.  P.  Migne, 
Patrologise  cursus  completus,  s.  Biblioth.  universalis  ss.  Pp.  et  Scr. 
ecclest.  Series  II. :  Eccl.  Lat.  Par.  1844,  etc.  220  vols.  (The  Greek 
series  has  not  yet  appeared.) — J.E.  Grabe,  Spicilcgium  ss.  P.  etHtsrett. 
Sec.  I.  II.  Oxon.  1698.  2  voll.  —  iV.  J.  Routh,  Reliquiae  ss.  1814. 
4  voll. 

2.  Byzantine  Writers  (from  500  — 1500) :  Hist.  Byzantinae  Scr. 
Par.  1645.  42  voll.  fol.  (Ven.  1729.  22  voll.  io\.)  —  Niebuhr,  corpus 
Scr.  hist.  Byz.     Bonn.  1828,  till  now,  47  vols. 

3.  On  Eastern  Antiquity  :  Jos.  Sim.  Assemanus,  Bibl.  Orientalis 
Clementino-Vaticana.     Rom.  1719.     3  voll.  fol. 

4.  Treatises  on  these  Subjects  :  Tillemont,  m^moires  pour  servir  k 
I'hist.  ecclest.  des  six  prem.  sifecles.  Par.  1693.  16  voll.  4to.  —  J.  F. 
Bamberger,  synchr.  Gesch.  d.  K.  u.  d.  W.  im  Mittelalt.  (Synchron.  Hist. 
of  the  Ch.  and  the  World  in  the  Middle  Ages).     Regensb.  1850. 

§20.    CHARACTER  AND  LIMITS  OF   THIS  PHASE   OF 
DEVELOPMENT. 

The  universalistic  spirit  of  Christianity  had,  even  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Apostolic  Age,  broken  through  the  narrow 
boundaries  of  Judaism  ;  while  towards  the  close  of  that  period, 
what  at  first  had  been  a  natural  antagonism  between  Jewish  and 
Gentile  Christianity  had  been  wholly  removed.  The  Divine  truths 
of  salvation  had  been  stripped  of  the  Jewish  envelope  in  which  the 
kernel  had  attained  its  full  maturity.  These  truths  were  now 
committed  to  the  Roman  and  Grecian  world  for  their  reception, 
that  by  means  of  those  elements  of  culture  which  had  there 
sprung  up,  they  might  be  fully  unfolded  and  applied.  Hence 
the  leading  characteristics  of  this  period  in  Church  History  are 
both  negative :  in  so  far  as  the  spirit  of  Christianity  was  to  over- 
come the  ungodly  heathenism  of  the  old  world — and  positive :  in  so 
7  (79) 


80       CHARACTER,  ETC.,  OF  THIS  PHASE. 

far  as  Christianity  was  now  to  develop  under  the  form  of  Grceco- 
Roman  culture.  This  development  issued  in  a  transition  from 
apostolicity  to  that  genuine  and  pure  catholicity,  which  was  to 
serve  as  the  common  basis  for  all  later  Christian  churches.  Such, 
then,  was  the  task  performed  by  the  old  Church  of  the  Greeco- 
Byzantine  world  ;  not,  however,  without  exhibiting  in  the  result 
a  mixture  of  false  ingredients,  derived  from  the  substitution  of 
unevangelical  for  genuine  evangelical  catholicity.  Thenceforth  ' 
the  Germanic-Sclavonic  races  became  the  centre  of  gravitation 
for  the  movements  of  the  Church.  The  Romish  Church  preserved 
and  increased  her  authority  by  making  common  cause  with  those 
races  whose  training  she  had  undertaken,  while  the  Byzantine 
Church,  left  to  internal  decay,  and  exposed  to  Mohammedan 
oppression,  rapidly  declined. 

The  history  of  this  phase  in  the  development  of  the  Church  may  be 
arranged  under  three  periods.  The  Jirst  of  these  reaches  to  the  time 
of  Constantine  the  Great,  under  whom  Christianity  and  the  Church 
obtained  final  victory  over  heathenism  (323)  ;  the  second  extends  to  the 
close  of  the  grand  development  of  doctrine  which  the  Church  was  to 
attain  under  the  ancient  classical  form  of  culture,  i.  e.,  to  the  close  of 
the  Monotheletic  controversy  by  the  6th  oecumenical  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople (680).  But  as  the  concilium  quinisexhim  (692)  was  in  reality 
only  a  completion  of  the  former  two  oecumenical  Councils  —  so  far  as 
the  constitution  and  vrorship  of  the  Church  were  concerned  —  and  as 
there  the  great  split  between  the  East  and  the  West  may  be  said  to 
have  commenced,  we  prefer  closing  our  second  period  with  the  year  692. 
The  difference  obtaining  between  these  two  periods  appears  most  dis- 
tinctly in  the  outward  position  of  the  Church.  Before  the  time  of 
Constantine,  the  Church  lived  and  grew  in  strength,  despite  the  oppres- 
sion of  a  heathen  government.  If  its  outward  existence  was  continually 
threatened  by  an  almost  unbroken  succession  of  bloody  persecutions, 
the  Divine  power  which  sustained  and  gave  it  the  prospect  of  ultimate 
victory,  only  appeared  the  more  gloriously  under  these  difficulties. 
Under  the  reign  of  Constantine  the  state  became  Christian,  and  the 
Church  enjoyed  all  those  advantages  and  that  fostering  care  which 
earthly  protection  can  afford.  But  with  worldly  glory  came  a  worldly 
spirit ;  the  state  also  speedily  transformed  its  protection  of,  into  auto- 
cratic domination  over,  the  Church.  In  respect  of  the  internal,  and 
especially  of  the  dogmatic  development  of  the  Church,  also,  these  two 
periods  materially  differ.  So  long  as  the  Church  was  engaged  in  the 
process  of  appropriating  i\\Q  forms  of  ancient  heathenism,  while  setting 
aside  its  atheism  and  falsehoods,  the  latter  too  frequently  made  them- 
selves felt  by  the  introduction  of  dangerous  admixtures  of  error  with 
Christian  truth.     Judaism  also,  whose  narrow  bonds  had  so  lately  been 


CHARACTER,  ETC.,  OF  THIS  PHASE.       81 

cast  off,  threatened  similar  dangers.  Hence,  during  the  first  period, 
the  Church  was  chiefly  engaged  in  eliminating  antichristian  elements, 
whether  Jewish  or  heathen.  But  during  the  second  period,  when  the 
power  of  heathenism  was  broken,  the  Church  was  free  to  devote  its 
entire  energies  to  the  development  of  distinctively  Christian  dogmas, 
and  to  the  establishment  of  catholic  doctrine  in  its  fullest  and  most  com- 
prehensive aspects,  in  opposition  to  the  limitations  and  mistakes  of 
heretics.  —  This  great  work  exhausted  the  capabilities  of  the  ancient 
Greek  and  Roman  world.  The  measure  of  development  which  it  was 
capable  of  giving  to  the  Church  was  full :  henceforth  the  future  of  the 
Church  lay  with  the  Saxon  and  Sclavonic  races.  While  the  Byzantine 
empire,  and  with  it  the  glory  of  the  ancient  Eastern  Church,  was 
exposed  to  Mohammedanism,  a  new  empire,  gifted  with  the  full  vigour 
of  youth,  sprang  up  in  the  West,  and  became  the  medium  of  a  new 
phase  of  development  in  the  history  of  the  Church.  While  thus  in  the 
West  the  Church  reached  another  height  of  development,  in  the  East 
it  sunk  under  outward  pressure  and  internal  decay.  The  split  between  the 
East  and  the  West,  which  had  commenced  in  a  former  period,  became 
complete,  and  effectually  prevented  an  accession  of  fresh  political  or 
ecclesiastical  influences  which  might,  perhaps,  have  been  derived  from 
the  West.  The  fall  of  the  Eastern  empire  removed  the  last  prop  of  its 
splendour  and  activity.  With  this  event  closed  the  outward  history  of 
the  Church  under  the  ancient  classical  form  of  culture  (1453).  What  of 
the  Eastern  Church  still  remained,  was,  under  the  pressure  of  Turkish 
domination,  incapable  of  real  history. 


FIRST    PERIOD 


ECCLESIASTICAL     HISTORY 

UNDER  THE  ANCIENT  CLASSICAL  FORM  OF  CULTURE. 

TO  THE  YEAR  323. 

CoMP.  L.  Moshemius,  Commentarii  de  reb.  Christianorum  ante  Con- 
stant. M.  Helmst.  1753.  4.  —  A.  Scliwegler,  d.  nachapost.  Zeitalt.  (the 
Post-Apost.  Age).  2  vols.  Tiib.  1846.  — i^.  Clir.  Bmir,  d.  Christth.  u.  d. 
chr.  K.  d.  3  erst.  Jahrh.  (Christ,  and  the  Chr.  Ch.  of  the  first  3  Cent,) 
Tiib.  1832.  — J:.  EitscJd,  die  Entsteh.  d.  altkath.  K.  (the  Rise  of  the 
Anc.  Cath.  Ch.)  Bonn  1850.  Cave,  Primit.  Christ,  and  Lives  of  the 
Fathers ;  Burton's  Lect.  upon  the  Eccl.  Hist,  of  the  First  Three  Cent. ; 
Kai/e,  Eccl.  Hist,  of  the  Second  and  Third  Cent. ;  Jeremie,  Hist,  of 
the  Chr.  Ch. ;  Maurice,  Lect.  on  Eccl.  Hist. ;  Ph.  Schaff,  Hist,  of  the 
Chr.  Ch. 

L  RELATIONS  OF  JUDAISM  AND  HEATHENISM  TO  THE  CHURCH. 
§21.   HOSTILITY  AND   PERSECUTIONS  OF   THE   JEWS. 

Even  in  apostolic  times  the  Synagogue  was  violently  opposed 
to  Christianity.  To  the  Pharisees  and  to  the  mass  of  the  people, 
who  cherished  expectations  of  a  political  Messiah,  a  Saviour 
who  had  been  crucified  by  the  Gentiles  could  only  prove  a  rock 
of  offence  (1  Cor.  i.  23).  The  position  of  equality  assigned  to 
the  Samaritans,  and  ultimately  even  to  the  heathen,  most  deeply 
wounded  their  national  pride,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Gospel 
tried  and  rejected  their  work-righteousness  and  hypocrisy.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  emphasis  which  Christianity  laid  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  resurrection  excited  the  bitterest  opposition  of 
the  Sadducees  (Acts  iv.  2  ;  xxiii.  6).  The  same  spirit  prevailed 
generally  among  the  Jews  "of  the  dispersion."  The  men  of 
Berea  are  expressly  mentioned  as  forming  an  exception  to  this 
state  of  feeling  (Acts  xvii.  II).  —  At  last,  the  fearful  judgment 
of  God   burst   over  the   covenant-people   and  the   Holy   City 

(82) 


RESTORATION    AND    REACTION,  83 

(to  A.  D.).  In  obedience  to  the  prophetic  warning  of  the  Lord 
(Matt.  xxiv.  16),  the  Christians  withdrew,  and  found  a  secure 
retreat  in  the  little  town  of  Pella,  on  the  other  side  Jordan.  But 
when  Bar  Cochba  (the  Son  of  a  Star,  called  so  in  allusion  to 
Num.  xxiv.  17),  the  false  Messiah,  incited  the  Jews  of  Palestine 
to  a  general  rebellion  against  the  Romans  (132),  the  Christians, 
who  refused  to  take  part  in  this  rising,  or  to  acknowledge  the 
claims  of  the  impostor,  underwent  a  bloody  persecution.  In 
135  Bar  Cochba  fell ;  and  Hadrian  founded,  on  the  ruins  of 
Jerusalem,  MWa.  Capitolina,  a  Roman  colony,  to  which  the  Jews 
were  forbidden  all  access  on  pain  of  death.  From  that  time  they 
were  deprived  of  the  power  and  opportunities  of  directly  perse- 
cuting Christians.  However,  they  shared  in,  and  even  excited 
the  heathen  to,  persecutions  of  the  Church. —  In  their  schools  — 
of  which  that  of  Tiberias  was  the  principal  —  abominable  calum- 
nies about  Christ  and  Christians  circulated,  and  thence  spread 
among  the  heathen  (Celsus,  see  §  45,  2). 

I  22.  ATTEMPTS  AT  RESTORATION  AND  REACTION  ON 
THE  PART  OF  THE  SYNAGOGUE  AND  OF  THE  SAMA- 
RITANS. 

In  proportion  as  the  fall  of  their  commonwealth  had  rendered 
the  Jews  impotent,  their  opposition  to  the  Gospel  increased. 
They  now  sought  safety  against  the  advances  of  Christianity  in 
fettering  all  inquiry  by  traditionary  interpretations  and  human 
ordinances.  This  mental  direction  was  fostered  by  the  schools 
of  Tiberias  and  Babylon.  The  Talmud,  of  which  the  first  por- 
tion was  compiled  at  that  period,  represents  the  antichristian 
tendency  of  Judaism,  after  it  had  fallen  from  its  highest  stage 
of  development  and  become  ossified  as  Traditionalism.  —  Some 
of  the  followers  of  John  (Acts  xviii.  24,  etc.)  also  opposed 
Christianity,  and,  under  the  name  of  Hemerohaptists,  formed  a 
separate  sect.  The  Christians  who  presently  in  Persia  bear  that 
name,  and  are  also  called  Sahceans  or  Mandeans,  are  probably 
the  successors  of  that  sect,  which  in  course  of  time  had  admitted 
Gnostic  elements.  —  While  the  first  labours  of  the  apostles  were 
crowned  with  such  eminent  success,  the  Samaritans  endeavoured 
to  outstrip  Christianity  by  introducing  new  forms  of  religion. 
Dositheus,  Simon  Magus,  and  3Ienander,  whom  the  Fathers 
designate  as  Heresiarchs,  disguised  their  Samaritan  Judaism 
7* 


84  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

under  heathen  and  theosophic  Gnosticism  and  goetic  impostures, 
while  each  of  them  claimed  to  be  the  Messiah. 

1.  DosiTiiEUS  pretended  to  be  the  Messiah  promised  in  Deut.  xviii. 
18.  He  insisted  on  most  rigorous  Sabbath-obserA'ance,  and  is  said  to 
have  at  last  miserably  perished  in  a  cave,  in  consequence  of  boasted 
achievements  in  fasting. 

2.  Simon  Magus  came  from  Gitton,  in  Samaria.  He  gave  himself 
out  to  be  the  Sma/xis  tov  ^eov  rj  x'^'^o^f^^^V  /i*fy"^'?i — '^^^  baptized  by 
Philip,  and  solemnly  warned  and  reproved  by  Peter,  fi'om  whom  he 
wished  to  purchase  the  power  of  giving  the  Holy  Ghost.  Afterwards 
he  purchased,  in  a  brothel  at  Tyre,  Helena,  a  slave,  to  whom  he  assigned 
the  part  of  the  'KvvoCa  who  had  created  the  world.  In  order  to  deliver 
her  (who  was  held  captive  by  the  lower  angels),  and  ivith  her  the  world, 
held  in  bondage  by  these  angels,  he,  the  Supreme  God,  had  come  into 
the  world  in  the  form  of  a  man,  but  without  being  really  a  man.  He 
had,  in  appearance,  suffered  in  Judea,  and  manifested  himself  to  the 
Jews  as  the  Son,  to  the  Samaritans  as  the  Father,  and  to  the  Gentiles 
as  the  Holy  Ghost.  According  to  his  teaching,  salvation  only  depended 
on  acknowledging  him  and  his  Helena  as  supreme  gods :  only  his 
mercy,  not  good  works,  could  save  a  man.  The  law  had  originated 
with  the  fallen  angels,  and  was  introduced  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
reducing  men  to  bondage.  The  followers  of  Simon  developed  the 
Gnostic  system  of  their  master,  and  gave  themselves  up  to  the  utmost 
licentiousness.  Irenoeus  speaks  of  Simon  as  the  "magister  ac  progeni- 
tor omnium  haereticorum,"  —  and,  in  point  of  fact,  his  views  embody 
the  fundamental  ideas  of  every  later  form  of  Gnosticism.  Justin  Mar- 
tyr even  imagined  that  he  had  seen  at  Rome  a  statue,  bearing  the 
inscription  :  "  Simoni  sancteo  deo" — a  mistake  this,  explained  by  the 
excavation  of  a  statue  dedicated  to  the  Sabinian  god  Semo  Sanctis. 
Of  his  discussion  with  Peter  at  Rome,  we  read  only  in  the  Clemen- 
tines ;  of  his  projected  ascension  to  heaven,  in  which  he  perished  in 
the  sea,  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions. 

3.  Menander  was  at  first  a  disciple  of  Simon,  but  afterwards  pre- 
ferred himself  also  to  play  the  part  of  a  Messiah.  However,  he 
remained  sufficiently  modest  not  to  claim  the  honours  of  supreme  deity, 
and  only  pretended  that  he  was  the  Saviour  whom  God  had  sent.  He 
taught  that  whosoever  received  his  baptism  should  neither  grow  old 
nor  die. 

^23.   PERSECUTION   OF   CHRISTIANS   IN   THE   ROMAN 
EMPIRE. 

CoMP.  Ad.  Schmidt,  Geshichte  d.  Denk-  und  Glaubensfreih.  in  den 
ersten  Jahrh.  der  Kaiserherrschaft  (Hist,  of  Intell.  and  Relig.  Liberty 
during  the  First  Cent,  of  the  Emp.).  Berl.  1847. — Fr.  M'unter,  die  Chris- 


PERSECUTION    OF    CHRISTIANS.  85 

tin  im  heidnischcn  Hause  vor  den  Zeiten  Konst.  (The  Chr.  Female  in 
the  Heath.  Family  before  the  time  of  Const.)  Copenh.  1828.— H,  G. 
TzscHiRNEK,  der  Fall  des  Heidenthums  (The  Fall  of  Heathenism),  edit, 
hy  Niedner.  Vol.  I.  Leipz.  1829. —  if.  Krilzler,  die  Ileldenzeitcn  des 
Christenth.  I.  Der  Kampf  mit  d.  Heidcnth.  (The  Heroic  Ages  of 
Christ.     I.  The  Struggle  with  Heathen.)  Leipz.  1856. 

One  of  tire  "twelve  tables"  laws  had  already  interdicted, 
throughout  the  Roman  empire,  the  exercise  of  foreign  rites  of 
worship  (religioues  peregrinte,  collegia  illicita).  As  religion 
was  entirely  an  institution  of  the  state,  and  most  intimately  per- 
vaded all  public  and  civic  relations,  to_endanger  the  religion  of 
the  state  was  to  endanger  the  state  itself.  But  from  political 
considerations,  vanquished  nations  were  allowed  to  retain  their 
ancient  peculiar  rites..  This  concession  extended  not  to  the 
Church,  as  distinct  from  the  Synagogue.  Christianity  had 
openly  avowed  its  mission  to  set  aside  all  other  religions,  and  its 
rapid  march  of  progress  sufficiently  showed  that  this  was  not  an 
^iiTpty  boast.  The  intimate  connection  subsisting  between  Chris- 
tians, their  closed  meetings,  which  during  times  of  persecution 
were  held  in  secret,  awakened  and  strengthened  the  suspicion 
that  they  were  dangerous  to  the  state.  Their  aversion  to  public 
and  military  service,  mixed  up  as  it  was  with  heathen  ceremo- 
nies;  tlieir.j*efusal  to  .oiffer  incense  to  the  statues  of  the  empe- 
rors ;  the  constancy  of  their  faith,  which  equally  resisted  violence 
and  persuasions  ;  their  retirement  from  the  world,  etc.,  were 
regarded  by  the  state  as  indifference  or  hostility  to  the  common 
weal,  as  hopeless  stubbornness,  as  disobedience,  rebellion,  and 
high  treason.  The  common  people  saw  in  the  Christians  daring 
enemies  and  despisers  of  their  gods ;  and  a  religion  which 
wanted  temples,  altars,  and  sacrifices,  seemed  to  them  no  better 
than  sheer  atheism.  The  most  shameful  calumnies  —  such  as 
that,  in  their  assemblies,  they  practised  abominable  vices  (concu- 
bitus  Oedipodeij,  slaughtered  infants  and  ate  human  flesh  (epulffi 
Thyesteae)  —  were  industriously  spread  and  readily  believed. 
Besides,  the  most  absurd  stories,  such  as  that  they  worshipped 
the  head  of  an  ass  (Deuss  Onocdoetes),  circulated  about  them. 
Every  public  calamity  was  imputed  to  the  Christians,  as  being  a 
manifestation  of  the  displeasure  of  the  gods  whom  they  despised  : 
"  Non  pluit  Deus,  due  ad  Christianos  !  "  The  heathen  priests, 
conjurers,  and  traffickers  in  idols,  were  also  ever  ready,  for  the 
sake  of  their  own  sordid  interests,  to  excite  the  passions  of  the 


S^a,««i«Jt«.  0t6>iU4^i 


86  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

populace.  Even  Tacitus  speaks  of  the  Christians  as  "odium 
generis  humani,"  and  "per  flagitia  invisos;"  and  Pliny  the 
Younger,  who  knew  so  much  that  reflected  credit  on  them,  de- 
cries their  religion  as  a  "  pertinacia  et  inflexibilis  obstinatio," 
and  as  a  "  superstitio  prava  etimmodica."  Under  such  circum- 
stances, we  can  scarcely  wonder  that  for  three  centuries  popular 
fury  spent  itself  in  a  series  of  almost  continual  persecutions. 

1.  There  may  have  been  some  historical  foundation  for  the  legend 
(however  absurd  at  first  sight  it  may  appear),  that  Tiberius  (14-37 
A.  D.),  moved  by  the  report  of  Pilate,  had  made  a  proposal  to  the 
senate  to  elevate  Christ  among  the  Roman  deities,  and  when  baffled  in 
this,  had  threatened  with  punishment  those  who  accused  the  Chris- 
tians. At  least,  there  is  nothing  in  the  character  of  Tiberius  to  render 
such  a  circumstance  incredible. — At  first  the  Christians  were  simply 
regarded  as  Jews;  and  therefore  a  number  of  them  (Acts  xviii.  2) 
were  expelled  from  Rome  when,  in  consequence  of  a  tumult,  the  Empe- 
ror Claudius  (41-54)  banished  the  Jews  from  the  capital.  Much  more 
serious  were  the  persecutions  of  Christians  (a.  d.  64)  which  took  place 
under  Nero  (54r-68),  on  the  occasion  of  a  great  fire  which  lasted  for 
nine  days,  and  which  was  commonly  imputed  to  incendiarism  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor  himself.  Nero  threw  the  whole  blame  on  the 
hated  Christians,  and  visited  them  with  exquisite  tortures.  They  were 
sewn  into  skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  thrown  to  the  dogs  to  be  torn  in 
pieces ;  they  were  cov^ered  with  wax  and  pitch,  nailed  to  sharp  poles, 
and^set  on  fire  to  illuminate  the  imperial  gardens  at  night.  The  per- 
secution was  not  confined  to  Rome,  and  lasted  to  the  end  of  Nero's 
reign.  Peter  and  Paul  obtained  at  that  time  the  martyr's  crown. 
Among  the  Christians  the  legend  spread  that  Nero  had  retired  to  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates,  whence  he  would  return  as  Antichrist. 

In  consequence  of  the  suspiciousness  and  avarice  of  D.qiuii4N" 
(81-96),  individual  Christians  had  their  property  confiscated  or  were 
exiled.  That  monarch  put  a  political  interpretation  on  the  kingdom 
of  Christ,  and  accordingly  summoned  before  him  two  relatives  of  Jesus 
from  Palestine  ;  but  the  marks  of  hard  labour  on  their  hands  soon  con- 
vinced him  that  there  was  no  cause  for  his  apprehensions.  The  humane 
■  Emperor  Nerva  (96-98)  recalled  the  exiles,  and  refused  to  listen  to 
accusations  against  Christians  as  such.  Still  Christianity  remained  a 
"  religio  illicita." 

2.  Under  the  reign  of  Trajan  (98-117)  commenced  a  new  stage  in 
the  persecution  of  Christians.  He  renewed  the  former  interdict  against 
secret  associations  (the  "Heteriai"),  which  was  soon  applied  to  those 
of  Christians.  In  accordance  with  this  law,  Pliny  the  Younger,  when 
Governor  of  Bithynia,  punished  with  death  those  who  were  accused  as 
Christians  and  persisted  in  their  profession.     But,  partly  staggered  by 


PERSECUTION    OF    CHRISTIANS.  87 

the  great  number  of  persons  accused,  -who  belonged  to  every  rank  and 
age,  and  to  both  sexes — partly  convinced  by  strict  judicial  investiga- 
tion that  the  tendency  of  Christianity  was  morally  pure  and  politically 
harmless,  and  that,  as  it  appeared  to  him.  Christians  could  only  be 
charged  with  unyielding  supcrstitiousness,  the  Governor  applied  for 
fresh  instructions  to  the  Emperor.  Trajan  approved  both  of  his  con- 
duct and  his  proposals ;  and  accordingly  commanded  that  Christians 
should  not  be  sought  out,  that  no  notice  should  be  taken  of  anonymous 
accusations,  but  that  if  parties  were  formally  accused  and  found 
guilty,  thej_should  be  put  to  death  if  they  obstinately  refused  to  sacri- 
fice to  the^ods.  This  persecution  extended  as  far  as  Syria  and  Pales- 
tine. There  Sj/nieon,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  the  successor  of  James  and 
a  relative  of  the  Lord,  after  cruel  scourging,  died  a  martyr's  death  ou 
the  cross,  at  the  advanced  age  of  120  years  (107).  Ignatius  also,  the 
excellent  Bishop  of  Antioch,  after  an  audience  with  tHe^^mperor,  was 
by  "Els  command  sent  in  chains  to  Rome,  and^  there  torn  by  wild  beasts 
(115). — Under  the  reign  of  Hadrian  (117-198),  the  people  were  wont, 
on  occasions  of  heathen  festivals,  loudly  to  call  for  the  execution  of 
Chjristians.  On  the  representation  of  Serenms  Granianus,  Hadrian 
addressed  a  rescript  to  Minucius  Fnndanus  (the  successor  in  office  of 
Serenius),  forbidding  such  irregular  proceedings.  But  the  legal  pro- 
secution for  the  profession  of  the  Gospel  continued  as  before.  The 
legend — dating  from  the  fourth  century — that  Hadrian  had  intended 
to  build  a  temple  to  Christ,  is  destitute  of  all  historical  foundation. 
His  dislike  to  Christianity  and  Christians  appears  even  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  he  erected  a  temple  to  Venus  on  the  spot  where  Christ 
had  been  crucified,  and  a  statue  of  Jupiter  over  the  rock  where  He  had 
been  buried,  for  the  purpose  of  desecrating  these  localities. — Under 
the  reign  of  Antoninus  Pius  (138-161),  the  populace,  excited  in  con- 
sequence of  a  number  of  public  calamities,  renewed  its  tumults  against 
the  Christians,  from  which,  however,  that  mild  Emperor  sought  to 
protect  them.  "Rvii  the  rescript  "  arf  commune  ^sice,"  which  bears  the 
name  of  Antoninus,  is  in  all  probability  spurious  and  of  Christian 
authorship. 

3.  Under  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius  (161-180)  the  persecutions 
took  a  fresh  turn.  That  Emperor,  who  otherwise  was  one  of  the  noblest 
among  the  heathen,  in  the  j^ride  of  his  Stoic  philosophy,  looked  with 
contempt  on  the  enthusiasm  of  Christians.  On  this  ground -he  gave 
full  scope  to  the  outbursts  of  popular  fury,  and  introduced  a  system  of 
espionage  and  of  tortures  in  order  to  oblige  Christians  to  recant.  The 
result  proved  a  great  triumph  to  Christian  heroism.  We  possess  de- 
tailed accounts  about  the  persecution  at  Smyrna  (167),  and  those  at 
Liigdnnnm  and  Vienna  in  Gaul  (177).  At  Smyrna,  the^  aged  bishop 
Polycarp  died  on  the  stake,  because  he  would  not  consent  to  curse  that 
Lord  whom  for  eighty-six  years  he  had  served.  With  his  latest  breath 
he^offered  thanks  for  having  been  deemed  worthy  of  the  martyr's  crown. 


88  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD     (100— 323  A.  D.). 

More  general  and  bloody  than  that  of  Smyrna  "were  the  persecutions  at 
Lugduniiin  and  at  Vienna.  Bkhog  Po/ZuVn/s,  a  man  ninety  years  of 
age,  died  in  a  loathsome  prison  in  consequence  of  the  sufferings  to 
■which  he  had  been  subjected.  BJandina,  a  delicate  female  slave,  was 
scourged  in  the  most  dreadful  manner,  roasted  on  a  red-hot  iron  chair, 
thrown  to  the  wild  beasts,  and  then  executed.  But  under  all  sufferings 
she  continued  her  confession  :  "  I  am  a  Christian,  and  there  are  no  evil 
practices  among  us."  Ponlicus,  a  lad  fifteen  j-ears  of  age,  showed 
similar  constancy  under  like  tortures.  The  dead  bodies  of  the  martyrs 
lay  in  heaps  on  the  streets,  till  they  were  cast  into  the  flames,  and  their 
ashes  thrown  into  the  Rhone. 

The  legend  about  the  legio  fiilminatrix  —  to  the  effect  that,  in  the 
•war  with  the  Marcomanni  (174),  rain  and  lightning  had  been  sent  in 
answer  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christian  soldiers  of  that  legion,  whereby 
Marcus  Aiirelius  had  been  delivered  from  imminent  danger,  and  that 
in  consequence  the  Emperor  had  issued  an  edict  to  punish  all  who 
accused  the  Christians  —  rests  on  some  historical  foundation,  at  least 
so  far  as  the  first  part  of  it  is  concerned.  However,  the  heathen  traced 
this  miracle  to  their  prayers,  addressed  to  Jupiter  Pluvius.  —  Several 
of  the  succeeding  emperors  were  favourable  to  the  Christians ;  more 
especially  did  Commodus,  the  son  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  show  considera- 
ble favour  for  them,  being  influenced  by  the  representations  of  Marcia, 
his  concubine. 

4.  Septimius  Seterus  (193-211),  -whom  Procuhis,  a  Christian  slave, 
had  healed  from  dangerous  illness  by  anointing  him  with  oil  (James 
V.  14),  -was  at  first  friendly  to  Christians.  But  political  suspicions  or 
the  extravagances  of  Montanism  changed  this  disposition.  He  forbade 
conversion  to  Christianity  (203)  ;  and  in  Egypt  and  North  Africa  per- 
secution again  raged.  In  Alexandria,  Leonidas.  the  father  of  Origen, 
was  beheaded.  Potamicena,  a  virgin  equally  distinguished  for  moral 
purity  and  for  beauty,  suffered  the  most  exquisite  tortures,  and  was 
then  to  be  given  up  to  the  gladiators  for  the  vilest  purposes.  The 
latter  indignity  she  knew  to  avert;  but  she  and  her  mother  Marcella 
were  slowly  immersed  into  boiling  pitch.  Basilides,  the  soldier  who 
had  been  commissioned  to  lead  her  to  martyrdom,  himself  became  a 
Christian,  and  was  beheaded  on  the  day  following.  Not  less  searching 
and  cruel  was  the  persecution  at  Carthage.  Perpetua,  a  lady  of  noble 
descent,  and  only  twenty-two  years  old,  with  a  babe  in  her  arms,  re- 
mained steadfast,  despite  the  entreaties  of  her  father,  imprisonment,  and 
tortures.  She  was  gored  by  a  wild  cow,  and  finally  despatched  by  the 
dagger  of  a  gladiator.  Felicitas,  a  slave,  -who  in  prison  had  become  a 
mother,  displayed  equal  constancy  in  suffering.  In  his  mad  attempts 
at  combining  all  creeds,  Heliogabalcs  (218-222)  desired  to  amalgamate 
Christianity  also  with  the  others  —  a  piece  of  folly  -which,  however, 
secured  a  season  of  quietness  and  toleration.  The  eclecticism  of 
Alexander  Severvs  (222-235)  was  of  a  much  more  elevated  character. 


PERSECUTION    OF    CHRISTIANS.  89 

He  placed  in  his  lararium  a  bust  of  Christ,  by  the  side  of  those  of 
Abraham,  of  Orpheus,  and  of  ApoUonius  of  Tyana,  and  displayed 
kindly  feelings  towards  the  Christians.  His  noble  mother,  Julia 
ManDiuea,  at  the  same  time,  protected  and  encouraged  the  investiga- 
tions of  Origen.  Severus  caused  the  saying  of  Christ  recorded  in  Luke 
vi.  31  to  be  engraven  on  the  walls  of  his  palace.  Maximinus,  the 
Thracian,  (235-238),  the  murderer  of  that  Emperor,  showed  himself 
hostile  to  Christians,  if  only  to  oppose  the  conduct  of  his  predecessor, 
and  accordingly  gave  full  scope  to  popular  fury,  which  had  again  been 
excited  by  earthquakes.  Under  the  reign  of  Gordianus  the  Christians 
enjoyed  peace  ;  and  Philip  tue  Arabian  (244-249)  favoured  them  in  so 
open  and  prominent  a  manner,  that  he  has  even  been  regarded  as  a 
Christian. 

5.  But  with  the  accession  of  Decius  (249-251)  commenced  a  fresh, 
and  indeed  the  first  general  persecution,  surpassing  in  extent,  com- 
bination, continuance,  and  severity,  all  that  had  preceded  it.  In  other 
respects  Decius  was  an  able  monarch,  who  combined  the  ancient 
Roman  earnestness  with  firmness  and  energy  of  purpose.  But  this 
very  circumstance  induced  him  to  resolve  on  Avholly  exterminating 
Christianity,  as^a,feligion  ciiuall}-  lidstilo  to  tlic  roiiuniinwealth  and  ta 
thegods.  Every  conceivable  means  —  cunfiscatiuu,  banishment,  ex- 
quisite tortures,  and  death  —  were  employedT  to  induce  Christians  to 
apostatise.  In  too  many  cases  these  measures  proved  successful,  the 
more  so  as  the  long  period  of  peace  had  led  to  a  false  security.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  longing  after  the  martyr's  crown  led  many  of  their  own 
accord  to  rush  into  prison  or  to  the  scaffold.  Those  who  recanted 
{lapsi)  were  either,  1.  tMjlilic^i  M  JS(M:rificati,  "ffdio.  in  order  to  pre- 
serve their  lives,  had  sacrificed  to  the  gods ;  or,  2.  libeUaijci^^i^ha^ithr 
out  having  actually  sacrificed,  had  bribed  the  magistrates  to  give  them 
a  certificate  of  having  done  SQ  ;  or,  3.  ctcla  J'acientes,  who  made  false 
drixisitinns  in  reference  to  their  Christianity.  Again,  those  who  openly 
cuufrssoil  Christ,  even  amidst  tortures,  but_e£caj)ed  with  their  lives, 
were  eallod  confessoj^  (confessores)  ;  while  the  name  of  martyrs  was 
given  to  thdso  wh()^for  their  profession, had  suffered  death.  —  The  per- 
secution continued  under  the  reign  of  Gallus  (251-253),  being 
stimulated  by  famine  and  pestilences,  although  often  arrested  by 
political  troubles.  Valerianus  (253-260)  had  originally  been  friendly 
to  the  Christians,  but  the  influence  of  Marciaims,  his  favourite,  changed 
him  into  a  persecutor  (from  the  year  257).  At  first  the  clergy  were 
banished,  and  meetings  interdicted.  When  these  measures  failed, 
Christianity  was  made  a  capital  crime.  At  that  time  ^Cyprian  of  Car^ 
thage,  and  Sixtus  II.,  Bishop  of  Rome,  obtained  the  jniartyr's  crown^ 
The  latter  was  soon  followed  by  Laiuxnthis,  a  deacon,  who  proved  a 
hero  even  among  Christian  martyrs.  When  the  Governor  demanded^ 
frojnhini  the  ticas'ures  of  the  church,  he  brought  forward  the  sick,  the 
noor,  and  the  orphans  of  the  congregation.  He  was  roasted  alive  on  a 
8* 


90  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.)  . 

red-liot_  brander.  But  Gallienus  (260-268),  the  son  of  Valerian,  on 
his  accession,  put  an  end  to  the  persecution,  and  at  last  accorded  to  the 
Church  a  legal  standing  and  free  exercise  of  religion.  Still,  Aurelian, 
shortly  before  his  assassination.  (270-275)  issued  a  fresh  edict  of  per- 
secution, which,  however,  was  not  carried  into  execution.  After  that 
the  Christians  enjoyed  forty  years  of  repose. 

6.  In  284  Diocletian  and  Maximianus  Herculius  became  joint  Em- 
perors. In  292  the  two  Cgesars,  Galerius  and  Constaniius  Chlorus  (in 
the  West),  were  associated  with  them,  Diocletian  was  an  excellent 
monarch  ;  but  being  zealously  attached  to  the  old  faith,  he  hated 
Christianity  as  introducing  an  element  of  disturbance.  Still  the  edict 
of  toleration  issued  by  Gallienus,  political  considerations  in  regard  to 
the  large  number  of  Christians  throughout  the  empire,  and  a  certain 
amount  of  natural  kindness,  for  some  time  retarded  decisive  measures. 
At  last  the  continued  urgency  of  his  son-in-law  and  colleague,  Galerius, 
led  to  the  most  terrible  of  all  persecutions.  As  early  as  the  year  298, 
Galerius  commanded  that  all  soldiers  in  his  army  shovild  take  part  in 
the  sacrifices,  —  a  measure  by  which  he  obliged  all  Christians  to  leave 
the  ranks.  At  a  meeting  between  the  two  monarchs,  at  Nicomedia  in 
Bithynia  (303),  he  prevailed  on  the  Emperor  to  disregard  what  had 
formerly  been  the  causes  of  his  toleration.  An  imperial  ordinance  to 
pull  down  the  splendid  church  at  Nicomedia  was  the  signal  for  the 
persecution.  Soon  afterwards  an  edict  was  affixed  which  forbade  all 
Christian  meetings,  and  ordered  that  the  churches  should  be  pulled 
down,  the  sacred  writings  destroyed,  and  all  Christians  deprived  of 
their  offices  and  civil  rights,  A  Christian  who  tore  down  this  edict 
was  executed.  A  fire  broke  out  in  the  imperial  palace,  when  Galerius 
immediately  accused  the  Christians  of  incendiarism.  The  persecution 
which  now  commenced  extended  over  the  whole  empire,  with  the 
exception  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain,  where  the  protection  of  Con- 
staniius Clilorus  shielded  the  Church.  Whatever  tortures  or  modes  of 
death  ingenuity  could  devise  were  put  in  requisition.  When,  in  305, 
Diocletian  and  Maximianus  abdicated,  Maximinus,  the  colleague  of 
Galerius,  proved  quite  as  bitter  an  enemy  as  his  predecessors,  and 
raised  anew  the  storm  of  persecution.  In  the  year  308  Galerius  even 
caused  all  articles  of  food  or  drink,  sold  in  the  market,  to  be  moistened 
or  mixed  with  sacrificial  water  or  wine.  At  last,  when  a  fearful  disease 
brought  Galerius  to  a  different  state  of  mind,  he  ordered  in  311  a 
cessation  of  this  persecution,  and  in  return  demanded  the  prayers  of 
the  Church  for  the  Emperor  and  the  empire.  During  those  eight  years 
of  unceasing  and  unprecedented  ^persecution.  Christians  had  given  the 
brightest  proofs  of  moral  heroism,  and  of  enthusiastic  readiness  to 
suffer  as  martyrs.  In  proportion,  the  number  of  lapsi  was  much 
smaller  than  it  had  been  during  the  Decian  persecution.  But  the 
command  to  give  up  the  sacred  writings  had  originated  a  new  kind 
of  recantation.     Those  avIio   had   complied  with  this   demand  were 


PERSECUTION     OF    CHRISTIANS.  91 

called  traditores.  Some,  instead  of  delivering  the  sacred,  handed  in 
heretical  Avritings,  on  pretence  that  they  ■were  the  sacred  books.  But 
the  spiritual  earnestness  of  that  period  was  such,  that  these  parties 
■were  ranked  ■with  the  ordinary  traditores,  and,  like  them,  -tt'ere  excom- 
municated. 

7.  The  fanaticism  of  Maximinus,  ■who  ruled  in  Asia,  "was  not  checked 
by  the  edict  of  toleration  ■which  Galerius  had  granted.     lie  gladly 
acceded  to  the  request  of  certain  cities  to  be  allowed  to  expel  the 
Christians,  and  on  memorial  tablets  of  brass  recorded  his  praise  of 
those  measures.   He  interdicted  the  building  of  churches,  and  punished 
confessors  by  the  loss  of  property  and  by  defamation  —  occasionally 
also  with  chastisement  or  death ;    and  officially  circulated  the  most 
abominable  calumnies  about  Christians.     In  innumerable  copies,  he 
diffused   the   "  acta  Pilati,"   a  malicious   libel,   of  spurious    heathen 
authorship,  introducing  it  even  in  schools  as  an  exercise  in  reading. 
But  fear  of  his  colleague  obliged  him  to  adopt  more  moderate  measures. 
In  Britain,  Gaul,  and  Spain  ruled,  from  30G,  Constantine,  the  son  and 
successor  of  Constantius  Chlorus,  who,  with  the  Neo-Platonic  eclecti- 
cism of  his  father,  had  also  inherited  his  mild  disposition  towards 
Christians.     In  Italy,  Maxenthis,  a  savage  and  bigoted  heathen,  of 
obscure  origin,  had  in  306  seized  the  reins  of  government.     He  also, 
from  political  motives,  for  some  time  extended  toleration  to  the  Chris- 
tians ;  but  antagonism  to  Constantine,  who  was  friendly  to  them,  ulti- 
mately induced  him  to  make  common  cause  with  the  heathen  party. 
The  usurper  was  utterly  defeated  in  a  campaign  in  312,  during  which 
Constantine,  as  he  maintained,  was  vouchsafed  a  heavenly  vision.     In 
the  same  year,  this  monarch,   and  his  brother-in-law  Licinius,  who 
ruled  over  the  east  of  Europe  (Illyricum),  issued  an  edict  which  gave 
liberty  to  all  forms  of  worship.     In  a  second  edict,  dated  from  Milan 
in   313,    Constantine   expressly   allowed   conversion    to    Christianity. 
Maximinus  was  under  the  necessity  of  giving   his   assent  to   these 
measures,  and  died  in  the  same  year.     But  gradually  the  friendly 
relations  between  Licinius  and  Constantine  gave  place,  first  to  coolness, 
and  then  to  hostility.     The  former  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the 
heathen  party ;   the  latter  adopted  the  cause  of  Christianity.     Thus 
the  war  between  these  two  monarchs,  which  broke  out  in  323,  became 
also  a  struggle  for  life  or  death  between  heathenism  and  Christianity. 
Licinius  was  vanquished,  and  Constantine  became  master  of  the  whole 
empire.  —  The  incident  in  the  campaign  against  Maxentius,  to  which 
we  have  above  referred,  is  differently  related  even  by  cotemporary 
writers.     According  to  Eusebius,  whose  account  is  derived  from  depo- 
sition on  oath  by  the  Emperor,  Constantine  having  sought  the  aid  of  a 
higher  power,  had  at  mid-day  seen  in  the  heavens  a  luminous  cross, 
with  the  superscription :  Toi)rw  vixa.     Afterwards,  in  a  dream,  Christ 
had  commanded  him  to  make  the  cross  his  banner.     In  remembrance 
of  this  miraculous  vision,  he  caused  the  splendid  banner  of  the  cross — 
the  Labdnim  —  to  be  made.    (Cf.  |  42.) 


92  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD   (100— 323  A.  D.)  . 

§  24.  POSITIVE  REACTION  ON  THE  PART  OF  HEATHENISM. 

CoMP.  K.  Vogt,  Neoplatonismus  und  Christenthum  (Neo-Plat.  and 
Christ.).  I-  Berlin  1836.  Tzschirner,  d.  Fall  d.  Heidenth.  Lpz.  1829.— 
G.  H.  von  Setiden,  Gesch.  d.  Apolog.  2  Bde.  Stuttg.  1846. 

For  a  long  time  the  more  intelligent  adherents  of  heathenism 
had  felt  that  if  their  system  was  to  continue,  it  must  undergo 
thorough  reform  and  reconstruction.  This  was  attempted  during 
the  Augustan  age  by  introducing  a  Neo-Pythagoreanism,  propped, 
up  by  Theurgy  and  Magic.  The  principal  representative  of  this 
direction  was  Apollonius  of  Tyana  {pb.  96).  In  the  second 
century  an  attempt  was  made  to  revive  the  secret  rites  of  the*, 
ancient  mysteries  of  the  Dea  Syra,  and  of  Mythras.  But  all 
this  proved  insufficient.  It  was  felt  necessary  to  produce  a  form 
of  heathenism  which  should  meet  the  great  religious  wants  as 
fully  as  Christianity  had  done,  by  its  supranaturalism,  its  mono- 
theism, and  its  universalism,  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  should 
be  free  from  the  absurdities  and  incongruities  that  hitherto  had 
attached  to  the  popular  creeds.  This  task  was,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  third  century,  undertaken  by  the  Neo-Pla- 
TONiSTS.  But  they  had  as  little  power  as  heathen  polemics,  to 
stay  the  triumphant  progress  of  Christianity.  When  heathen 
authors  (Tacitus,  Pliny,  Marcus  Aurelius,  comp.  §  42)  make 
passing  mention  of  Christians  or  of  Christianity,  they  employ 
the  most  opprobrious  or  contemptuous  terms ;  Lucian  of 
Samosata  simply  ridicules  it  as  a  piece  of  absurdity  (de  vita 
Peregrini).  The  first  heathen  who  expressly  wrote  against 
Christianity  was  Celsus,  in  the  second  century.  With  consider- 
able ingenuity,  and  still  greater  hostility,  he  attempted  to  show 
that  the  religion  of  Christians  was  the  climax  of  absurdity.  The 
controversial  writings  of  Porphyry,  tlie  Neo-Platonist  (ob.  304), 
are  more  elevated  and  becoming  in  their  tone.  A  much  inferior 
position  than  that  of  either  of  these  writers  must  be  assigned  to 
Hierocles,  Governor  of  Bithynia,  who,  in  his  official  capacity, 
took  part  in  the  persecution  of  Galerius.  —  These  attacks  were 
either  expressly  or  incidentally  met  in  the  writings  of  the  most 
prominent  Christian  teachers.  They  rebutted  the  calumnies  and 
charges  of  the  heathen ;  demanded  that  Christians  should  be 
treated  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  laws  ;  they  defended 
Christianity  by  proving  its  internal  truth,  by  showing  how  it 
was  confirmed  by  the   walk   and    conversation    of   Christians, 


POSITIVE    REACTION    OF    HEATHENISM.  93 

authenticated  by  miracles  and  prophecies,  and  in  accordance 
with  the  statements  and  anticipations  of  the  greatest  philoso- 
phers, the  sources  of  whose  wisdom  they  in  part  even  traced, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  the  Old  Testament;  and  they  endea- 
voured to  demonstrate  that  the  heathen  deities  had  no  claim 
upon  worship,  and  that  heathenism  was  a  moral  and  religious 
perversion,     (Comp.   §  41,  1.) 

1.  Even  Lucian  and  Apulejus  speak  of  Apollonius  of  Ttana  as 
only  a  renowned  Goeta  and  Magician.  But,  at  the  commencement  of 
the  third  century,  Philostrahis,  senior,  excogitated  a  biography  of 
Apallonius,  in  which  he  appears  as  a  religious  reformer  and  worker  of 
miracles, — in  short,  as  a  heathen  imitation  of  Christ.  (Comp.  F.  Chr. 
Baur,  Apoll.  von  Tyana  und  Christus.  Tiib.  1832.) 

2.  It  was  the  purpose  of  Neo-Platonism,  by  combining  what  was 
most  elevated  and  best  in  exoteric  and  esoteric  religion,  in  the  philosophy 
and  theosophy  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  of  the  East  and  of  the 
West,  to  exhibit  a  universal  religion,  in  which  faith  and  knowledge, 
philosophy  and  theology,  theory  and  practice,  should  be  perfectly 
reconciled  and  combined,  and  in  which  all  religious  wants  should  be 
met  with  so  much  fulness,  that,  in  comparison,  Christianity  itself 
should  appear  but  one-sided,  poor,  and  defective.  The  noblest  spirits 
in  the  heathen  world,  which  was  fast  sinking  into  decay,  took  part  in 
this  movement.  The  devout  and  thoughtful  Plutarch  of  Chjeronea 
(o6.  120)  may  be  regarded  as  the  precursor  of  this  party.  But,  properly 
speaking,  Ammonitis  Saccas  [oh.  243)  was  the  founder  of  the  Neo- 
Platonic  school,  which  was  further  developed  especially  by  Plotinus 
[oh.  270),  by  Porphyrins  [oh.  304),  and  by  Jamhlichus  [ob.  333). 

3.  According  to  Lucian,  Peregrinus,  a  Cynic,  who  had  first  been 
guilty  of  the  lowest  crimes,  afterwards  became  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent men  among  Christians  ;  having  been  again  excluded  by  them  be- 
cause he  had  partaken  of  some  forbidden  meat,  he  had  ended  his  days 
by  throwing  himself  into  the  flames  during  the  Olympic  games.  In 
the  person  of  this  Cynic,  Lucian  ridicules  the  foolish  hope  of  immor- 
tality of  Christians,  their  readiness  to  become  martyrs,  their  silly  ex- 
pectation of  retribution  in  another  world,  the  simplicity  of  their  bro- 
therly love,  in  which  only  impostors  could  rejoice  as  most  useful  to 
them,  their  credulity,  their  love  of  miracles,  and  their  sombre  antagon- 
ism to  the  world  and  its  pleasures.  From  the  life  of  the  Apostle  Paul, 
and  from  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  and  of  Ignatius,  he  borrowed  the 
traits  of  the  caricature  which  he  drew.  (Comp.  A.  Planck  in  the  "  theol. 
Studien  u.  Krit."  for  1851.  IV.) 

4.  The  %6yoi  oxri^rii  of  Celsus  is  in  great  part  preserved  in  the  reply 
by  Origen.  That  writer  introduces  first  a  Jew,  who  disputes  the 
accounts  furnished  in  the  Gospels ;  then  a  heathen  philosopher,  who 


94  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

shows  the  absurdity  both  of  Judaism  and  of  Christianity.  Origen 
identifies  the  writer  as  Celsus  the  Epicurean,  about  the  year  150 ;  but 
from  his  own  remarks,  he  appears  rather  to  have  been  an  eclectic  phi- 
losopher. His  polemics  are  acute  but  superficial,  sarcastic  but  disho- 
nest. According  to  him,  Christ  was  a  common  Goeta.  —  Porphyry 
wrote  fifteen  books  xata,  Xpwrtai'wi'.  He  was  desirous  of  proving  that 
there  were  contradictions  in  the  Bible,  ransacked  the  dispute  between 
Paul  and  Peter  in  Gal.  ii.,  declared  that  the  prophecy  of  Daniel  was  a 
"vaticinium  post  eventum,"  and  challenged  the  allegorical  interpreta- 
tions of  Christians.  He  was  also  the  author  of  a  system  of  heathen 
(Neo-Platen.)  theology  [ex  tZiv  ^oyt'coi/  (^LXoao^ia).  Of  both  works  only 
fragments  have  been  preserved. — Hierocles  (2  books  of  Xoyot  ^tXaX^- 
Jif  cj)  only  reproduced  shameless  falsehoods  about  Christ  and  Christians, 
and  placed  Jesus  far  below  ApoUonius  of  Tyana. 

§25.    SPREAD  OF   CHRISTIANITY. 

Amid  the  many  persecutions  through  which  the  Church  had 
to  pass  during  that  period,  the  Gospel  rapidly  spread  through- 
out the  whole  Roman  empire,  and  even  beyond  its  limits.  So 
early  as  1*70,  Abgar  Bar  Mann,  a  Christian  prince,  reigned  at 
Edessa,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Osrhoene,  in  Mesopota- 
mia. At  the  same  period  Christianity  had  found  a  lodgment  in 
Persia,  Media,  Bactria,  and  Parlhia.  In  the  third  century  it 
had  spread  to  Armenia.  The  Apostle  Thomas  is  said  to  have 
already  carried  the  Gospel  to  India.  In  Arabia,  Paul  had 
laboured  (Gal.  i.  It).  In  the  third  century  Origen  was  called  to 
that  country  by  a  jyyovasi'oj  t^j  ^Apa^ia^,  who  wished  to  be  in- 
structed in  Christianity.  On  another  occasion  he  went  thither 
in  order  to  settle  an  ecclesiasticaj  dispute  (§  40,  5).  From 
Alexandria  (§  lY)  the  Gospel  also  spread  to  other  countries  of 
Africa — to  Cyrene,  and  among  the  Copts  (the  aboriginal  Egyp- 
tians). The  Church  of  Proconsular  Africa,  especially  that  of 
Carthage,  its  capital,  was  in  a  vigorous,  thriving  state,  and  kept 
up  close  communication  with  Rome.  In  the  third  century  Mau- 
ritania and  Numidia  numbered  so  many  Christian  communities 
that  Cyprian  could  collect  at  Carthage  a  synod  of  eighty-seven 
bishops.  Rome  remained  the  central  point  for  the  Churcli  in 
Europe.  Colonies  and  teachers  from  Asia  Minor  foiuned  in 
Gaul  a  number  of  flourishing  churches  (such  as  those  of  Lugdu- 
num,  Vienna,  etc.).  At  a  later  period  seven  missionaries  from 
Italy  arrived  in  Gaul.  Among  them,  St.  Dionysius  founded  the 
Church  at  Paris.     Among  the  Roman  colonies  in  the  countries 


SURVEY.  95 

of  the  Rhine  and  of  the  Danube,  flourishing  churches  existed  so 
early  as  in  the  third  century. 

The  insufficiency  and  the  decay  of  heathenism  were  the  negative, 
the  Divine  power  of  the  Gospel  the  positive,  means  by  M'hich  the  Gos- 
pel spread  with  such  astonishing  rapidity.  This  Divine  power  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  zeal  and  self-denial  of  Christian  teachers  and  mis- 
sionaries, in  the  saintly  walk  and  conversation  of  Christians,  in  the 
depth  of  their  brotherly  love,  in  the  unshaken  steadfastness  and  confi- 
dence of  their  faith, — above  all,  in  the  joyousness  with  which  they  met 
martyrdom  under  the  most  exquisite  tortures.  The  blood  of  martyrs 
was  the  seed  of  the  Church ;  and  not  jjnfrequently  did  it  happen  that 
the  executioners  pf^  Christian  martyrs^immediately  followed  themjo^ 
simiIarly_suJfmng;^for  the_Gospel^ — In  special  instances,  miracles  and 
signs  —  the  echoes  of  the  apostolic  age  —  may  have  led  to  analogous 
results.  This  is  borne  out  by  the  evidence  of  men  such  as  Justin 
Martyr,  TertuUian,  and  Origen,  who  in  confirmation  appeal  to  heathen 
.eye-witnesses. 


n.   DANGERS   ACCRUING  FROM  A  LEAVEN   OF  JUDAISM  AND 

HEATHENISM  REMAINING  IN 'THE  CHURCH. 

I  2G.   SURVEY. 

Of  almost  greater  danger  to  the  Church  than  even  the  direct 
hostility  and  persecution  of  Jews  and  pagans,  were  certain 
Jewish  and  heathen  elements  imported  into  the  Christian  com- 
munity. The  unspiritual,  unbending,  and  narrow  formalism  of 
the  one,  and  the  ungodly,  antichristian  tendency  of  the  other, 
not  only  reappeared,  but  claimed  equal  standing  with  what 
really  and  distinctively  was  Christian.  The  attempt  to  force 
Christianity  into  the  narrow-minded  particularism  of  the  Syna- 
gogue produced  Ebionism ;  the  desire  to  amalgamate  with 
Christianity  Grecian  and  Oriental  theosophy  introduced  Gnosti- 
cism. These  two  directions  were  also  combined  into  a  Gnostic 
Ebionism, — a  system  for  which  the  doctrines  of  the  Essenes 
served  as  point  of  transition  and  connecting  link. — The  Church 
had  to  put  forth  all  its  energies  in  order  to  defend  itself  against 
this  dangerous  admixture  of  other  creeds,  and  to  clear  its  soil 
from  weeds  which  spread  so  rapidly.  What  of  antichristian 
Judaism  had  intruded  was  speedily  overcome  and  cast  out. 
8* 


96  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

But  much  more  difficult  was  the  contest  with  Gnosticism  ;  and 
although  the  Church  ultimately  succeeded  in  uprooting  on  its 
own  soil  these  weeds,  many  of  their  seeds  were  for  centuries 
secretly  preserved,  and  sometimes  of  a  sudden  sprung  up  into 
fresh  crops.  However,  these  contests  also  brought  blessings  to 
the  Church  ;  from  them  it  issued  with  views  more  enlarged 
and  liberal,  witii  the  deep  conviction  that  scientific  culture  was 
necessary  for  its  theology,  and  prepared  by  victory  for  new 
struggles. 

Gnosticism  must  ultimately^b^raced  to  a  peculiar  and  powerful 
tendency  inherent  in  many  minds  during  the  first  centuries.  A  deep 
conviction  that  the  old  world  liad  run  its  course,  and  was  no  longer 
able  to  resist  the  dissolution  which  threatened  it,  pervaded  the  age. 
It  also  impelled  many,  by  a  syncretism  the  boldest  and  grandest  that 
history  has  recorded — we  mean,  by  the  amalgamation  of  the  various 
elements  of  culture,  which  hitherto  had  been  isolated  and  heteroge- 
neous—  to  make  a  last  attempt  at  renovating  wdiat  had  become  anti- 
quated. While  under  one  aspect  this  tendency  was  intended  to  oppose 
Christianity  (by  Neo-Platonism),  under  another  the  Church  itself  Avas 
drawn  into  the  vortex,  and  by  an  amalgamation  of  Oriental  theosophy, 
of  Grecian  theosophy,  and  of  Christian  ideas,  a  widely  ramified  system 
of  most  extravagant  religious  philosophy  came  forth  from  the  crucible 
of  this  peculiar  kind  of  speculation.  This  system  bore  the  general 
name  of  Gnosticism.  Various  sects  of  Gnostics  viewed  the  Scriptures 
in  a  difi"erent  manner.  Some,  by  means  of  allegorical  interpretations, 
sought  to  base  their  system  on  the  Bible.  Others  preferred  to  decry 
the  apostles  as  having  falsified  the  original  Gnostic  teaching  of  Christ, 
to  attempt  recasting  the  apostolic  writings  in  accordance  with  their 
own  views,  or  by  Gnostic  spurious  writings  to  make  up  a  Bible  after 
their  own  fashion.  The  teaching  of  primitive  sages,  handed  down  by 
tradition  as  secret  doctrine,  they  placed  above  Sacred  Writ. —  Gnostic 
speculation  biisied  itself  witJi  such  questions  as  the  origin  of  the  world 
and  of  evil,  or  the  purpose,  means,  and  goal  of  the  development  of  the 
world.  To  solve  these  problems  the  Gnostics  borrowed  from  heathen- 
ism its  theory  about  the  origin  of  the  world,  and  from  Christianity  the 
idea  of  salvation.  iyj^^Gm)sti£_.sy;stem8_arebased  on  a  kind  of  Dual- 
ism of  God  andjof  master  {vXrj).  Only  that  some,  witirthe"Piatonists, 
regarcTecnnatter  as  unreal  (having  no  real  existence)  and  without  form 
{=^lxrjov),  hence  as  not  directly  hostile  and  opposed  to  the  Deity; 
while  others,  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  the  Parsees,  supposed  it 
to  be  animated  and  ruled  by  an  evil  principle,  and  hence  to  be  directly 
opposed  and  hostile  to  the  Good  Deity.  The  theogonic  and  cosmogonic 
process  was  explained  on  the  principle  of  an  emanation  {rtpajjoXr;),  by 
which  from  the  hidden  God  a  long  series  of  Divine  formations  (aiwif j) 


EBIONISM    AND    EBIONITE    GNOSIS.  97 

had  emanated,  whose  indwelling  Divine  potency  diminished  in  mea- 
sure as  they  removed  from  the  original  Divine  Source.  These  j^ons 
are  represented  as  being  the  media  of  the  creation,  development,  and 
redemption  of  the  world.  The  original  matter  from  which  the  world 
Avas  created  consisted  of  a  mixture  of  elements,  derived  partly  from 
the  kingdom  of  light  (the  rtTtjjfjto^ua),  and  partly  from  the  Ilyle 
(iicrra'p^/ia,  x^vu/xa).  This  mixture  was  differently  represented  as 
brought  about  naturally,  by  the  fall  or  by  a  contest.  The  world  was 
created  by  one  of  the  lowest  and  weakest  jEons,  called  the  Stjixiovpyos. 
Creation  is  the  preparation  and  the  commencement  of  redemption. 
But  as  the  Demiurgos  cannot  and  will  not  accomplish  the  latter,  one 
of  the  highest  ^Eons  appears  in  the  fulness  of  time  as  llcdeemcr,  in 
order  to  accomplish  the  deliverance  of  the  captive  elements  of  light  by 
the  imparting  of  yi'wotj.  As  matter  is  in  itself  evil,  the  {pneumatic) 
Saviour  had  only  an  apparent  body,  or  else  at  baptism  descended  into 
the  psychical  Messiah,  whom  the  Demiurgos  had  sent.  The  death  on 
the  cross  was  either  only  an  optical  delusion,  or  the  heavenly  Christ 
had  left  the  man  Jesus  and  returned  to  the  Pleroma,  or  else  lie  had 
given  His  form  to  another  person  (Simon  of  Cyrene),  so  that  the  latter 
was  crucified  instead  of  Jesus  (Docetism).  According  as  the  pleromaticor 
the  hylic  element  prevails,  the  souls  of  men  are  naturally  either  pneu- 
matic, and  in  that  case  capable  of  yvwotj ;  psychic,  when  they  cannot 
attain  beyond  Ttlatii ;  or  hylic, — the  latter  class  comprising  the  great 
mass  of  men  who,  left  in  hopeless  subjection  to  the  powers  of  Satan, 
only  follow  their  own  lusts.  Salvation  consists  in  overcoming  and 
eliminating  matter,  and  is  accomplished  through  knowledge  (yvwoij) 
and  asceticism.  As  it  was  believed  that  matter  was  the  seat  of  evil, 
sanctijication  was  sought  physically  rather  than  ethically,  and  thought 
to  consist  in  resisting  matter  and  abstaining  from  material  enjoy- 
ments. Hence  originally  the  system  implied  an  exceedingly  strict 
code  of  morals,  but,  in  point  of  fact,  frequently  became  the  very  oppo- 
site, and  degenerated  into  Antinomianisni  and  Libertinism.  This  is 
partly  explained  from  the  low  views  entertained  by  some  about  the  law 
of  the  Demiurgos,  and  partly  by  the  not  uncommon  occurrence  of  a 
sect  passing  from  one  extreme  to  another. 

§27.   EBIONISM   AND  EBIONITE   GNOSIS. 

CoMP.  Gieseler,  Nazarjier  und  Ebioniten,  in  the  kirchl.  hist.  Arch  IV. 
2  ;  Credner,  Essaer  und  Ebioniten,  in  Winer's  Zeitschr,  I.  2. — A.  Schlie- 
mann,  die  Clementinen  u.  der  Ebionitismus.  Hamb.  1841 ;  A.  Hilgenfeld, 
d.  clement.  Recognitt.  u.  Homilien.  Jen.  1848 ;  G.  Uhlhnrn,  d.  Homilien 
u.  Recogn.  d.  Clemens  Rom.  Gcittg.  1854;  —  also,  Hilgenfeld,  das  Ur- 
christenthum  (Orig.  Christian.).  Jena  1855  ;  and  the  same  author's 
JUdische  Apokalyptik.  Jena  1857.  —  D,  Chwolsohn,  die  Ssabier  u.  d. 
Ssabismus.  St.  Petersb.  185G,  2  Bde. 
9  a 


98  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

Those  Jewish  Christians  who,  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, continued  in  ecclesiastical  separation  from  their  Gentile 
brethren,  either  formed  a  separate  sect  or  fell  into  open  heresy. 
The  former  bore  the  name  of  Nazarenes,  the  latter  that  of  Ebion- 
ites.  These  designations,  however,  were  at  first  not  exclusively 
applied  to  each  of  these  parties,  and  their  distinctive  use  dates 
from  a  later  period.  In  the  sect  of  the  Elkesaites  or  Sampseans 
we  perceive  that  Gnostic  elements  had  found  their  w^ay  among 
the  Ebionites  also,  probably  from  their  connection  witli  the  Es- 
senes  and  TherapeutsB.  In  the  system  embodied  in  the  Pseudo- 
Glemenlines,  this  Ebionite  Gnosis  was  extended  and  developed. 
It  now  assumed  an  attitude  of  direct  antagonism  to  Gentile 
Gnosticism  and  to  Gentile  Catholicism,  laying  claim  to  represent 
genuine  ancient  Judaism,  which  was  said  to  be  quite  the  same  as 
genuine  Christianity. 

1.  The  Nazarenes — a  name  by  which  the  Jews  had  originally  desig- 
nated all  Christians  (Acts  xxiv.  5)  —  held  themselves  bound  still  to 
observe  the  ceremonial  law,  without,  however,  disputing  the  salvation 
of  Gentile-Christians  who  abstained  from  its  injunctions.  They  believed 
in  the  Divinity  of  Christ's  nature,  acknowledged  Paul  as  being  a  true 
apostle,  and  rejected  the  ordinances  of  the  Rabbins,  but  cherished  a 
carnal  kind  of  Chiliasm  (i.  e.,  they  expected  a  thousand  years'  reign  of 
Christ  on  earth,  after  a  fashion  similar  to  that  which  formed  the  main 
features  of  Jewish  ideas  of  the  Messiah).  The  so-called  Gospel  of  the 
Hebrews,  an  interpolated  edition  of  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  served  as 
the  basis  of  their  views. 

2.  The  Ebionites  deemed  observance  of  the  ceremonial  law  indis- 
pensably necessary  for  salvation.  They  regarded,  indeed,  Christ  as  the 
Messiah,  but  held  Him  to  have  been  only  a  man  (the  son  of  Joseph), 
whom,  at  His  baptism,  God  had  endowed  with  supernatural  powers. 
His  messianic  activity  they  limited  to  His  teaching,  by  which  H.e  had 
enlarged  and  perfected  the  law,  adding  to  it  new  and  more  strict  com- 
mandments. 'The  death  of  Christ  was  an  offence  to  them,  under  which 
they  consoled  themselves  with  the  promise  of  His  return,  when  they 
expected  that  a  terrestrial  kingdom  should  be  setup.  —  The  Apostle 
Paul,  in  their  opinion,  was  a  heretic,  and  deserved  obloquy.  They  also 
had  a  gospel  of  their  own. 

3.  The  Fathers  derived  the  designation  Elkesaites  from  Elxai,  the 
founder  of  that  sect, — a  name  which,  according  to  their  interpretation, 

meant  Svm^ij  xtxaxv^y.tvtj  ('03   7'n)-     But  there  is  probably  some 

misunderstanding  about  this  statement.     The  sect  rather  appealed  to 

the  Holy  Ghost  ('02    rD)  ^^  their  teacher,  and  possessed  a  book  for 


EBIONISM    AND    EBIONITE    GNOSIS.  ^9 

the  initiated,  which  bore  the  same  title.  Their  doctrines  were  a  mix- 
ture of  Essene,  Jewish,  heathen,  naturalistic,  and  Christian  elements. 
The  law  —  especially  that  of  the  Sabbath  and  of  circumcision  —  was 
held  to  be  binding;  but  they  i-ejected  sacrifices.  They  practised  fre- 
quent ablutions,  both  for  the  forgiveness  of  sins  and  for  the  cure  of  dis- 
eases. In  the  Lord's  Supper  bread  and  salt  were  used.  The  use  of 
flesh  was  forbidden  ;  but  marriage  was  allowed.  Christ  was  regarded 
as  being  the  Son  of  God  by  the  Virgin.  Next  to  Him  they  placed  the 
XIi'fL'iua  ayiov,  in  the  form  of  a  female  figure.  The  Elkesaites  inhabited 
the  eastern  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.  According  to  Epiphanius,  they 
were  the  same  as  the  Sampseans  =  'H^iaxoC.  —  More  recent  investiga- 
tions [Chicolsolin,  I.e.)  render  it  probable  that  they  are  identical  with 
the  Zabians  or  Mandceans  of  the  present  day.  Mediaeval  Arabic  wri- 
ters call  these  Zabians  (from  J/2^f  =  J72LD'  iSarttti-'fft.i',  to  wash) 
Mogtasilah,  i.  e.,  those  who  wash  themselves.  They  mention  Elchasaich 
as  their  founder,  who  taught  two  principles  (the  male  and  female). 
The  earlier  view  of  the  original  identity  of  the  Zabians  with  the  ancient 
Hemerobaptists  and  Disciples  of  John,  may  still  be  retained  (^  22)  ;  for 
the  latter  may  easily  have  laid  the  basis  for  the  formation  of  the  sect  of 
Elkesaites,  and  have  perpetuated  their  Gnostic  dualistic  elements  through 
Elkesai. 

4.  The  PsT;nT}n-CT.F.MTr.isrTT]srT;  Syptttm  originated  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  second  century.  It  was  derived  from  a  didactic  work  of  fiction 
which,  however,  claims  to  be  regarded  as  a  true  story.  Clemens  Ro- 
manus,  a  noble  Roman,  philosophically  educated,  had,  from  a  desire 
after  information,  travelled  to  the  East,  where  he  met  with  Peter,  and 
became  the  companion  of  his  missionary  journeys.  The  peculiar  doc- 
trinal views  of  the  work  are  gathered  from  the  sermons  and  the  discus- 
sions of  Peter ;  the  historical  romanice  is  elaborated  in  the  scenes  of 
recognition  and  conversion  of  the  father,  the  mother,  and  the  brothers 
of  Clement.  Peter  is  brought  forward  as  the  representative  of  what  is 
alleged  to  have  been  genuine  and  original  Christianity ;  Simon  Magus, 
his  antagonist,  represents  every  form  of  supposed  spurious  Christianity, 
from  his  own  teaching  and  that  of  his  adherents  (§  42,  1)  to  that  of  the 
Apostle  Paul,  according  to  whom  the  law  was  abolished  in  Christ,  and 
that  of  Marcion,  according  to  whom  the  Creator  of  the  world  was  not 
the  Supreme  God  (?  49,  10).  The  alleged  motive  for  the  composition 
of  the  book  is  this,  that  Peter,  the  founder  and  first  bishop  of  the  Church 
at  Rome,  had,  shortly  before  his  death,  appointed  Clement  his  successor, 
and  enjoined  him  to  intimate  this  to  James  in  Jerusalem,  as  the  head 
of  the  Church,  so  as  to  obtain  his  acknowledgment.  —  The  Pseudo- 
Clementine  romance  is  preserved  in  various  modifications.  The  two 
oldest  forms  of  it  are  —  1)  the  Homilice  XX.  dementis  (the  first  com- 
plete ed.  by  M.  Dressel.  Gcittg.  1853),  in  Greek ;  and  2)  the  Recogni- 
iiones  Clementis,  in  a  Latin  translation  by  Rufinus,  in  which  the  histo- 
rical and  romantic  element  is  further  carried  out,  while  the  doctrinal 


100  SECTION   I. — FIRST   PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

part  is  less  full  and  somewhat  expurgated.     Schliemann  regarded  the 
Rocognitiones  as  a  later  revisal  of  the  Homilies ;  Hilgenfeld  arrived 
at  an  opposite  conclusion  ;   JJhlhorn  modifies  the  statement  of  Schlie- 
mann, and  supposes  that  the  Homilies  themselves  were  recast  after 
some  original  work,  and  that  both  the  latter  and  the  Homilies  had  been 
used  in  the  composition  of  the  Recognitiones.  —  The  System  of  the  Cle- 
mentine Homilies  is  based  on  Stoic  Pantheism  combined  with  JeAvish 
Theism,  and  proceeds  on  the  supposition  that  genuine  Christianity  was 
exactly  identical  with  genuine  Judaism.     The  author  discovers  some 
elements  of  truth  and  others  of  error  in  all  the  principal  modifications 
of  Christian,  of  Jewish,  and  of  heretical  religion.     He  controverts  the 
popular  belief  and  the  philosophy  of  the  heathen,  the  sacrificial  worship 
of  the  Jews,  the  Chiliasm  of  the  Ebionites,  the  ecstatic  prophetism  of 
the  Montanists,  the  hypostatic  Trinitarianism  of  the  Catholics,  the 
Demiurgos,   the  Docetism,   and  the  Antinomianism  of  the  Gnostics. 
From  the  Ebionite  system  he  adopts  his  idea  of  the  identity  of  Judaism 
with  Christianity ;  with  the  Essenes,  he  agrees  in  insisting  on  absti- 
nence from  meats,  frequent   fasts,   ablutions,  and  voluntary  poverty 
(but  he  recommends  early  marriages)  ;  with  the  Catholics,  as  to  the 
necessity  of  baptism  for  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  etc.     According  to  this 
writer,  God  is  pure  existence  (diartavdij),  originally  a  unity  of  body  and 
soul.     He  reveals  Himself  as  the  Living  One  by  expansion  and  con- 
traction (szT'acris  and  avts-toXri,  of  which  we  have  a  representation  in  the 
heart  of  man).     By  this   process  the  world  was  created,   when  the 
IlrfiJjtta  (oo^i'a)  and  the  oui^utt  [v%Tq)  were  separated  and  placed  in  antago- 
nism.     Thus  the  Monas   became  a  Dyas,  forming  the  first  Syzygia 
(union)  of  antagonisms,  vrhich  was  followed  by  others,  consisting  of  the 
Divine  and  the  non-Divine   (in  nature:    heaven  and  earth,  day  and 
night,  light  and  darkness,  life  and  death,  etc. ;  among  men:  Adam  and 
Eve,  and  after  that,  in  inverse  order,  Cain  and  Abel,  Ishmael  and  Isaac, 
Esau  and  Jacob).     Satan  had  originated  from  an  ungodly  mixture  of 
the  four  elements.     Adam  was  the  primal  prophet  who  had  already 
possessed  perfect  and  absolute  truth.     In  order  to  stem  the  growing 
corruption,   Adam   appeared    under  different   names   and  forms,   but 
always  bringing  one  and  the   same  truth.     Thus   he   reappeared  in 
Abel,  in  Enoch,  in  Noah,  in  Abraham,  in  Isaac,  in  Jacob,  in  Moses, 
and  at  last  in  Christ.     But  along  with  these  revelations  prophets  of 
falsehood  also  came.     Thus  John  the  Baptist  was  the  counterpart  of 
Christ,  Simon  Magus  (the  disciple  of  John)  that  of  Peter.     In  holy 
Scripture  also  Divine  is  to  be  distinguished  from  diabolic  propliecy. 
Allegorical  interpretations  are  to  be  rejected. 


GENTILE    GNOSTICISM.  lOl 


§  28.    GENTILE_GNOSTICISM. 

CoMP.  Massiiet,  diss,  prseviaj  in  edit.  Irensei. — A.  Ncander,  genet. 
Entw.  d.  Tornehmst.  gnost.  Syst.  (Genet.  Develop,  of  the  Princ.  Syst. 
of  Gnost.).  Berl.  1818. — F.  Chr.  Baur,  d.  chr.  Gnosis  in  ihr.  gesch. 
Entw.  (Chr.  Gnost.  in  its  Histor.  Develop.).  Tubg.  1835.—/.  Matter,  krit. 
Gesch.  d.  Gnosticismus.  Aus  d.  Franz.  (Crit.  Hist,  of  Gnost.  from  the  _ 
French  of  J.  M.,  by)  von  Ch.  H.  Dorner.  2  vols.  Ileilbr.  1833.—/.  A. 
Schmidt,  Etudes  sur  IrenSe  et  les  Gnostiques,  Brux.  1856. 

The  many  and  diverse  systems  of  Gentile-Christian  Gnosticism 
may  all  be  arranged  under  two  great  classes,  according  as  notions 
derived  from  Grecian  philosophy  —  more   especially  from  Pla- 
tonism  and  the  study  of  the  mysteries  —  or  Dualistic  and  Parsee 
views  prevailed  in  them.     This    arrangement  almost  coincides 
with  that  of  the  more  prominent  representatives  of  that  class  of 
heretics  into  Egyptian  and  SyrioM    Gnostics.     However,  it  is 
impossible  to  keep  them  always  quite  separate,  since  the  various 
forms  of  Gnosticism  closely  approximate  and  frequently  merge 
into  each  other,  and  since,  during  their  development,  these  here- 
sies did  not  remain  stationary.     Gnosticism  reached  its  highest 
point  during   the    first  half  of  the    second   century,  especially 
during  the  age  of  Hadrian.     In  apostolic  times  (§  19),  those 
Jewish,  heathen,  and  Christian  Gnostics  elements — which  at  the 
commencement    of    the    second    century   appeared    separated, 
attracted  or  repelled  each  other,  developed  and  assumed  form  — 
had  been  a  "  rudis  indigestaque  moles."     Even  in  the  system  of 
Gerinthus,  who,  as  it  were,  stands  on  the  boundary-line  between 
these  two  ages.  Gentile  and  Ebionite  Gnosis  are  mixed  up.    But, 
not  many  years  afterwards,  Alexandr-ian  Gnosticism  was  fully 
developed  by  Basilides,  whose  system  is  moulded  after  the  doc- 
trines of  Stoicism,  and  by  Valentine,  who  adopted  the*views  of 
the  Platonists.     Another  class  of  Egyptian  Gnostics  based  their 
systems  rather   on    Grecian   and  Egyptian    mysteries  than   on 
Greek  philosophy,  and  mixed  the  fables  of  heathen  mythology 
with  the  facts  of  Scripture  history.     Among  such  attempts  we 
class  the  various  systems  of  the  Ophites,  which  already  show  a 
certain  hostility  to  Judaism,  and  a  tendency  towards  Antino- 
mianism.     These  tendencies  increased  and  attained  their  climax 
in   Carpocrates,  who  placed  Christianity  on  exactly  the  same 
level  with  heathenism.  —  Of  Syrian  Gnostics,  Saturninus  is  the 
9* 


102         SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.)  . 

most  prominent ;  next  to  him  Tatian,  whose  system,  however, 
has  even  more  of  asceticism  about  it.  The  Gnosticism  of  Bar- 
desanes,  although  he  was  both  a  Syrian  and  a  Dualist,  approxi- 
mated that  of  Yalentine  ;  in  life  and  doctrine  he  accommodated 
himself  to  the  views  of  the  Catholics.  The  Gnosticism  of  il/ar- 
cion  belongs  also  to  the  Syrian  school.  Setting  aside  the 
principles  of  emanation,  of  secret  doctrine,  and  of  allegorical 
interpretation,  and  laying  greater  stress  on  Pistis  than  on  Gnosis, 
Marcion  approximated  more  closely  to  orthodox  views  than  any 
other  heretical  teacher  had  done  ;  while,  by  his  rejection  of  the 
Old  Testament,  and  fanatical  hatred  to  Jewish  Christianity,  he 
at  the  same  time  occupied  a  position  of  greater  antagonism  to 
the  Church  than  others.  The  direct  opposite  of  his  system  was 
that  of  the  Pseudoclement  (§  48,  4).  Lastly,  independent  of  all 
these  modifications  of  Gnosticism,  Manichceum  —  a  combination 
of  Parseeism,  of  Buddhism,  and  of  Christianity  (§  29)  —  made 
its  appearance  during  the  third  century. 

1.  Cerixtiics  was  a  junior  cotemporary  of  the  Apostle  John  in  Asia 
Minor.  He  was  the  first  to  propound  the  peculiar  Gnostic  dogma  of 
the  Demiurgos,  who,  as  Creator  of  the  world,  is  represented  as  sub- 
servient to  the  Supreme  God,  without,  however,  knowing  Him.  Jesus 
also,  who  was  the  son  of  Joseph  and  of  Mary,  knew  Him  not,  until  at 
baptism  the  aj/to  Xpirrroj  descended  upon  him.  Before  the  crucifixion, 
which  is  regarded  as  merely  a  human  calamity,  without  any  bearing 
upon  salvation,  he  again  left  the  man  Jesus.  Cams  of  Kome,  who 
ascribed  to  Cerinthus  the  authorship  of  the  book  of  Revelation,  charges 
him  also  with  carnally  chiliastic  views. 

2.  The  Gnosticism  of  Basilides. — Basilides  (Ba5i7.£t5>?5)  was  a  teacher 
at  Alexandria  about  the  year  130.  It  is  the  characteristic  and  funda- 
mental idea  of  his  system,  that  every  development  of  God  and  of  the 
world  was  brought  about  by  an  influence  from  beneath  upwards — not, 
as  in  the  theory  of  emanation,  from  above  downwards.  His  system 
commences  with  pure  non-existence.  ''Hv  oVs  ^v  oidiv.  Hence,  the 
principle  from  which  everything  originates  is  6  oix  wv  ^s6i,  who  from 
out  of  Himself  (tl  oiix  ovtiov)  brings  Chaos  into  being.  This  Chaos, 
though  itself  ovx  ov,  is  yet  the  Ttai'dTtspuia  tov  xoafjiov.  Thence  two  son- 
ships  {vMfir;iii),  of  which  the  one  was  already  weaker  than  the  other, 
ascended  to  the  blessed  place  of  not-being  (non-existence  —  -ea 
iTtspxosixta)  ;  while  a  third,  which  still  required  purification,  had  to 
remain  behind  in  the  riavartifi^ia.  The  latter,  then,  is  the  object  of 
redemption.  Next,  the  great  Archon  ascended  from  Chaos  to  the  very 
boundary  of  the  blessed  place,  of  which  ho  knew  nothing,  and  founded 
there  the  Ogdoas;  after  him  came  a  second  Archon,  who  founded  the 


GENTILE    GNOSTICISM.  103 

Hehdovias  (the  planet-sky).  He  reigned  over  the  terrestrial  world 
until  Moses  revealed  the  name  of  the  great  Archon.  Only  Jesus,  the 
first-born  of  the  third  sonship,  that  had  remained  behind,  obtained  and 
spread  the  knowledge  of  the  highest  God  and  His  kingdom.  The 
suiferings  of  Christ  were  necessary  for  His  own  salvation,  i.  e.,  that 
He  might  be  purified  from  the  elements  of  the  Psyche  and  of  the  Hyle. 
Then  He  ascended  to  the  highest  God,  whither,  gradually,  all  other 
pneumatic  natures  are  to  follow  Him.  Ultimately,  God  pours  out 
t/reat  ignorance  over  all  stages  of  existence,  that  their  blessedness  may 
not  be  disturbed  by  their  knowledge  of  still  higher  bliss.  Such,  accord- 
ing to  Clemens  Alcxandrinus  and  Hippolytus,  are  the  fundamental 
ideas  of  the  system  of  Basilides.  Ireiueus  and  Epiplianius  attach  that 
name,  however,  to  a  totally  di3"erent  system  —  doubtless  describing  the 
later  sect  of  the  so-called  Pseudo-Basilidians.  In  their  system,  the 
great  Archon  alone  is  represented  as  the  highest  God,  the  "  pater 
innatus."  But  between  the  great  Archon  and  the  Archon  of  the  Ileb- 
domas  not  less  than  3G5  spiritual  spheres  (==  'Aj3pa|aj,  'A/3pa3a|)  inter- 
vene. Since  the  ovx  i^v  ^eoj  and  the  navaTti^fxia,  had  been  discarded,  it 
became  necessary  to  adopt  certain  dualistic,  emanatistic,  and  docetic 
views,  such  as  that  beneath  the  Pleroma  lay  an  eternal  Hyle,  which 
attracted  some  particles  of  light  and  fixed  them  down  in  matter,  etc. 
The  Pseudo-Basilidians  fell  into  Antinomianism  and  Libertinism. 
Basilides  himself  left  twenty-four  books  i%riyr,i:i,xd,,  and  his  son  Isidore 
a  work  entitled  r^ixa..  —  (Comp.  G.  Uhlhorn,  das  basilid.  Sj'stem.  Gcittg. 
1855.  Also,  A.  Hilgenfeld,  Die  Jlid.  Apokalyptik.  App.  pp.  289,  etc. 
Jena  1857). 

3.  The  Gnosticism  of  Valentine. — Valentinus,  a  teacher  in  Alex- 
andria and  at  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  was  of  all 
Gnostics  the  most  deep,  ingenious,  and  imaginative,  and  his  system  is 
equally  remarkable  for  its  speculation  and  its  poetry.  Its  fundamental 
idea  is,  that,  according  to  a  law  inherent  in  the  Divine  Being,  the 
iEons  emanated  in  pairs,  and  with  the  difference  of  sexes.  Every  such 
holy  marriage  of  ^ons  he  designates  a  Si/zijgia.  Connected  with  this 
is  another  peculiar  view,  according  to  which  the  three  catastrophes  of 
terrestrial  history  (creation,  the  fall,  and  redemption)  had  already 
occurred  in  archetype  in  the  history  of  the  development  of  the  Pleroma. 
On  this  basis  he  reared  a  grand  and  most  poetic  Epos,  consisting  of  a 
partly  Christian  and  partly  mythological  theogony  and  cosmogony. 
From  the  Bd^j  (or  A vrortdrwp)  and  his  'Ei^^ota  (or  2ty>;)  emanated  fifteen 
pairs  of  J^ons,  which,  with  the  Father  of  all,  formed  the  Pleroma. 
2o(}n,a,  the  last  and  lowest  of  these  iEons,  impelled  by  a  burning  desire, 
forsakes  her  husband  in  order  to  throw  herself  into  the  Bythos,  for  the 
purpose  of  embracing  the  Great  Father  himself.  She  is  indeed  pre- 
vented from  carrying  this  into  execution  —  but  a  rupture  has  taken 
place  in  the  Pleroma.  Disorder  and  passion  (her  ini^^v/jit^aci)  is 
eliminated  and  driven  forth  from  the  Pleroma.  This,  then,  is  an 
9 


104         SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

abortion,  an  txtpuna,  which  still  possesses,  however,  an  ^onic  nature 
(xarw  So^ta).  To  redeem  and  to  bring  her  back  into  the  Pleroma  — 
such  is  the  object  of  the  development  of  the  world.  For  the  purpose 
of  providing  a  Saviour  and  future  husband  for  her,  all  the  ^ons  com- 
bine in  emanating  a  new  iEonic  Being,  glorious  above  all  measure  — 
the  2wr?;p,  or  heavenly  Jesus.  Meantime,  the  xaVco  2o<j)i.'a,  Avhich  is  also 
called  'A;t»M"^'  gives  birth  to  the  various  grades  of  life  in  the  Cosmos. 
All  hylic  natures  are  under  the  government  of  Satan,  all  psychical 
under  that  of  the  Demmrgos,  while  she  herself  directs  those  that  are 
pneumatic.  To  his  chosen  people,  the  Jews,  the  Demiurgos  sends  a 
IMessiah,  the  xarco  xpintoi,  on  whom  at  baptism  the  <iVw  2torrp  descends. 
The  Demiurgos  is  astonished,  but  submits  to  the  will  of  the  higher 
deities.  The  Pneumatics  are  led  to  pcrfectness  by  yrwutj,  the  Physical 
by  rtt'ffT'tj.  Ultimately,  Achamoth  returns  with  the  Pneumatics  to  the 
Pleroma,  where  she  is  united  to  the  Soter,  and  the  Pneumatics  to  the 
angels  of  the  Soter.  The  Demiurgos  and  his  pious  ones  occupy  the 
rortoj  tiji  fjLto6tr,toi ;  but  from  the  depths  of  Hyle  bursts  forth  a  fire  which 
consumes  them  and  itself. — Among  the  numerous  disciples  of  Valentine 
we  mention  Heracleon,  the  first  commentator  of  the  Gospel  according 
to  John. 

4.  In  its  original  form,  the  Gnosticism  of  the  Ophites  consisted  of 
a  phantastic  combination  of  Grecian^mythology  and  biblical  history, 
both  being  mystically  interpreted,  just  as  the  heathen  mysteries  had 
been  by  philosophers.     Under  all  the  modifications  of  this  sj'stem,  a 

prominent  part  was  assigned  to  the  Serpent  (o^tj,  Cnj)>   either  as 

being  the  evil  principle,  or  else  as  the  Agathodasmon.  This  is  explained 
from  the  circumstance  that,  both  in  Egyptian  worship,  in  the  Grecian 
mysteries,  and  in  biblical  history,  the  serpent  was  prominently  brought 
forward.  Hippolytus  describes,  under  the  name  of  Naassenes,  one  of 
the  earliest  forms  of  Ophite  Gnosticism,  of  which  the  system  is  com- 
paratively simple.  In  it  the  serpent  was  the  Agathodsemon.  More 
fully  developed  than  this  was  the  system  of  the  Gnostic  "Justinus,  who 
adopted  the  whole  Grecian  mythology.  He  regarded  the  Nachash  as 
an  evil  demon.  The  Peratics,  a  party  of  which  Etiphi-aies  and  CJielbes 
were  the  founders,  taught  that  it  was  necessary  to  leave  Egypt  (which 
was  a  representation  of  the  body),  to  pass  (mpav)  through  the  Red  Sea 
(the  things  that  pass  away)  into  the  wilderness,  where,  indeed,  the 
gods  of  destruction  (represented  by  the  fiery  serpents  which  destroyed 
the  Jews)  awaited  us,  but  where  also  Christ  the  Saviour  (represented 
by  the  serpent  which  Moses  had  lifted  up)  brought  salvation  and 
deliverance.  The  Sethians  maintained  that  originally  there  had  been 
two  races  of  men  —  one  psychical,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  Abel,  the 
other  hylic,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Cain.  But  with  Seth  commenced 
a  third  race,  tliat  of  the  Pneumatics  or  Gnostics.  The  Hylics  had 
perished  in  the  Flood,  but  returned  in  the  descendants  of  Hani.     At 


GENTILE     GNOSTICISM.  105 

last  Seth  appeared  a  second  time  in  Christ.     In  direct  opposition  to 
this  sect,  the  Cainites  declared  that  all.  those  persons  who  in  the  Old 
Testament  had  been  described  as  ungodly,  were  genuine  Pneumatics 
and  martyrs  of  truth.     The  first  who  distinguished  himself  in   the 
contest  with  the  God  of  the  Jews,  was  Cain;  the  last,  who  brought 
this  contest  to  a  victorious  termination,  by  bringing,   in  his  deeper 
wisdom,  the  psychical  Messiah  to  the  cross,  and  thus  destroying  the 
kingdom  of  the  God  of  the  Jews,  was  Judas  Iscariot.     Their  Antiao- 
mianism  led  to  the  most  shameless  excesses.  —  The  Ophites,  whom 
IrenjBus  and  Epiphanius  describe,  seem  to  have  indulged  in  abstruse 
transformations  of  the  biblical  history  in  Gen.  i.  —  iii.,  and  to  have 
derived  their  views  originally  from  the  system  of  Valentine.     Accord- 
ing to   them,  the  Sophia-xichamoth  precipitated  herself  into   Chaos, 
where  she  gave  birth  to  Jaldahaoth,  the  Creator  of  the  world,  who  in 
turn  renounced  allegiance  to  his  mother.     But  he  was  also  disowned 
by  the  star-spirits  which  he  had  created,   and  by  Ophiomorphos,  or 
Satan.     From  a  feeling  of  jealousy,  Jaldabaoth  had  interdicted  man 
from  the  tree  of  knowledge  ;  but  the  serpent  Achamoth  persuaded  him 
to  disobey,  and  thus  procured  him  liberty  and  knowledge.    Jaldabaoth 
selected  the  Jews  as  his  favourite  people,  sent  prophets  to  them,  and 
at  last  a  Messiah,  who  was  to  obtain   for  them  dominion   over  the 
Gentiles.     ()n  him  the  Ano-Christ  descended,  but  the  wicked  Jalda- 
baoth now  caused  his  own  Messiah  to  be  crucified.     Before  that,  how- 
ever, the  heavenly  Christ  had   already  forsaken   that  Messiah,  and, 
invisible  to  Jaldabaoth,  sat  down  at  the  right  hand  of  the  latter ;  thus 
withdrawing  from  him  any  elements  of  light  which  he  still  retained, 
etc.  —  The  book  Pisiis  Sophia  (ed.  Schwartze  et  Petermann,  coptice  et 
lat.  Berol.  1851)  is  one  of  the  latest  and  best  productions  of  Ophite 
Gnosticism,  strongly  tinged,  however,  with  the  views  of  Valentine. 

5.  The  Gnosticism  of  Carpocrates.  —  The  opposition  to  Judaism, 
which  had  so  distinctly  appeared  among  the  Cainites  and  the  Ophites, 
developed,  in  the  system  of  Carpocrates  and  his  adherents,  into  open 
and  pantheistic  heathenism.  They  regarded  Christ  in  exactly  the 
same  light  as  they  did  Pythagoras,  Plato,  and  Aristotle.  Genuine 
Christianity  they  held  to  be  equivalent  with  philosophical  heathenism; 
all  popular  creeds,  especially  that  of  the  Jews,  had  originated  with 
^  demons  (the  ayyixot,  xoo^oTtoLol).  True  religion  consisted  in  return  to 
the  lost  unity  with  the  "  one  and  all,"  attained  theoretically  by  Gnosis, 
and  practically  by  transgressing  the  law  of  the  Demiurgos.  In  this 
respect  Christ  had  distinguished  Himself  before  all  others.  In  their 
temples  they  paid  divine  homage  to  pictures  of  Christ  and  of  heathen 
philosophers,  which  they  placed  by  the  side  of  each  other.  The  Car- 
pocratians  built  in  Cephalonia  a  temple  to  Epiphanes,  the  son  of  Car- 
pocrates, a  youth  of  great  talent,  but  wholly  steeped  in  vice,  who  died 
in  the  17th  year  of  his  age.  —  At  the  close  of  their  agapes  they  had 
"  concubitus  promiscuos." 


106  SECTION    I.  — FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

6.  The  Antitades.  —  Almost  all  the  Alexandrian  Gnostics  ulti- 
mately landed  in  Antinomianism  and  gross  immorality,  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  he  who  was  perfect  must  be  able  to  bid  defiance  to  the  law, 
(di-rtracrafo^ai),  and  that  in  order  to  break  the  power  of  Hyle,  it  was 
necessary  to  weaken  and  to  mortify  the  flesh  [na^axpria^t,  r^  aapxi)  by 
carnal  indulgences.  Among  them  we  reckon,  besides  the  Nicolaiians 
(I  38,  1)  and  the  Simoniaiis  (^  42,  2),  the  Pseudo-Basilidians,  the 
Carpocratians,  the  Cainites,  and  also  the  Prodicians,  who,  as  the  sons 
of  the  king,  deemed  themselves  above  the  law,  which  had  been  given 
to  servants. 

7.  The  first  in  the  series  of  Syrian  Gnosiics  was  Satcrninus,  who 
lived  at  the  time  of  Hadrian.  According  to  him,  the  spiritual  world 
of  the  kingdom  of  light  had  gradually  emanated  from  the  ^f 6j  ayvioaro^. 
The  lowest  stage  was  occupied  by  the  seven  planet-spirits  (ayyt^ot 
xoa/xoxpdtop(i),  presided  over  by  the  God  of  the  Jews.  But  from  all 
eternity  Satan,  the  ruler  of  Hyle,  had  been  most  violently  opposed  to 
the  kingdom  of  light.  The  seven  planet-spirits  intended  to  found  an 
empire  indepenitent  of  the  Pleroma,  and  for  that  purpose  made  an  in- 
cursion into  the  kingdom  of  Hyle,  and  partly  gained  possession  of  it. 
This  they  fashioned  into  the  sensuous  world,  and  created  man,  its 
guardian,  after  a  luminous  image  sent  by  the  good  God,  of , which  they 
had  perceived  the  reflection.  But  they  were  unable  to  give  man  an 
upright  posture.  On  this  the  supreme  God  took  pity  on  the  wretched 
creation  of  their  hands.  He  imparted  to  man  a  spark  of  light  (drtti'^p), 
by  which  he  was  filled  with  pneumatic  life  and  enabled  to  stand  up- 
right. But  by  means  of  a  hylic  race,  which  Satan  created,  he  opposed 
the  pneumatic  race,  and  continually  perseout^d  it  by  his  demons.  The 
God  of  the  Jews  therefore  resolved  to  redeem  the  persecuted  by  a  Mes- 
siah, and  He  raised  up  prophets  to  announce  His  coming.  But  Satan 
also  sent  prophets.  At  last  the  good  God  sent  the  ^on  NoiJj  to  this 
earth,  arrayed  not  in  a  real,  but  in  what  seemed  a  body,  that  as  (jwr^p 
he  might  teach  the  Pneumatics,  not  only  to  protect  themselves  by 
means  of  Gnosis  and  asceticism  (abstinence  from  marriage  and  meats) 
from  the  attacks  of  Satan,  but  therebj'  also  to  withdraw  themselves 
from  the  dominion  of  the  God  of  the  Jews  and  of  Ifis  star-spirits,  and 
to  purify  themselves  from  all  communion  with  matter,  in  order  to  rise 
to  the  kingdom  of  light. 

8.  Tatian  {ob.  about  174)  came  from  Assyria,  and  was  a  rhetori- 
cian at  Rome,  where,  through  the  influence  of  Justin  Martyr,  he  be- 
came a  convert  to  Christianity.  But  at  a  later  period  he  adopted 
Gnostic  views,  which  he  zealously  spread  both  in  his  writings  and  his 
teaching.  He  interdicted  marriage  as  a  service  of  Satan,  and  also  the 
use  of  intoxicating  liquors.  On  account  of  their  rigid  abstinence  his 
adherents  were  called  'Eyxpa-titan,  and  also  'TSporcapaatdtai, 
Aquarii,  because  in  the  Lord's  Supper  they  used  water  instead  of  wine. 


GENTILE    GNOSTICISM.  107 

9.  Bardesanes,  from  Edessa  (about  the  year  170),  was  a  very 
learned  man,  and  an  able  religious  poet.  In  his  sermons  he  did  not 
oppose  the  teaching  of  the  Church,  but  by  his  hymns  diifused  his 
Gnostic  views.  The  same  remark  applies  to  Harmoniiis,  his  son,  who 
also  was  a  poet.  A  Syriac  copy  of  Bardesanes'  work  Titpl  Ei^ap^iivrj^ 
has  been  recently  discovered.  It  refutes  the  delusions  of  Chaldee 
astrology,  but  is  itself  pervaded  by  the  views  of  Zoroaster.  His  view 
of  the  world  was  likewise  greatly  modified  by  Greek  philosophy.  He 
holds  to  three  distinct  principles  of  all  being:  the  4>v(Ttj,  or  laws  of 
nature,  the  'Klixapfxivri,  or  blind  fate,  and  the  God  of  Christianity,  who 
executed  the  plan  of  Redemption. 

10.  Marcion,  a  native  of  Sinope  and  the  son  of  a  bishop,  was  a  man 
of  energetic  but  pugnacious  disposition.  Being  excommunicated  by 
his  father  on  account  of  his  pride,  he  betook  himself  to  Rome,  where 
Cerdo,  a  Syrian  Gnostic,  imbued  him  with  his  own  peculiar  views 
(about  150).  The  absolute  and  ii-reconcilable  antagonism  between  jus- 
tice and  mercy,  between  law  and  gospel,  between  Judaism  and  Chris- 
tianity, formed  the  fundamental  idea  of  his  system.  Hence,  besides 
the  two  principles  of  Syrian  Gnosticism  —  the  good  and  the  evil  God — 
he  introduced  a  third,  the  just  God,  who  was  the  Creator  of  the  world 
and  the  Lawgiver.  To  the  latter  Judaism  was  subject,  as  heathenism 
to  the  evil  God.  At  last  the  good  God,  who  hitherto  had  been  wholly 
unknown,  in  free  grace  resolved  on  delivering  man  from  the  dominion 
of  both  these  deities.  For  this  purpose  he  sent  his  Logos  (who,  how- 
ever, difi"ered  from  him  only  modaliler  not  personaliier)  into  the  world 
in  what  appeared  to  be  a  body.  By  way  of  accommodation,,  this  Logos 
gave  Himself  out  to  be  the  Messiah  promised  by  the  God  of  the  Jews ; 
He  announced  forgiveness  of  sins  by  free  grace,  and  to  all  who  be- 
lieved imparted  the  powers  of  a  Divine  life.  The  Demiurgos,  indig- 
nant at  this,  put  Him  to  the  cross  (to  apparent  death),  when  He  went 
to  preach  in  Hades  to  those  of  the  heathen  who  are  susceptible  of  the 
Gospel,  next  cast  the  Demiurgos  into  Hades,  and  called  the  Apostle 
Paul  to  be  the  teacher  of  believers.  —  In  a  work  —  the  Antitheses  —  he 
endeavoured  to  show  that  the  antagonism  between  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament  was  irreconcilable.  Of  all  the  apostles  he  only  recog- 
nized the  authority  of  Paul ;  the  rest,  he  thought,  had  relapsed  into 
Judaism.  But  he  also  rejected  the  pastoral  letters  (of  Paul)  and  that 
to  the  Hebrews,  and  acknowledged  only  ten  of  the  epistles  of  Paul  and 
a  mutilated  edition  of  the  Gospel  according  to  Luke.  He  disapproved 
of  all  pomp  and  ceremonies  in  public  worship,  to  which  he  also  ad- 
mitted catechumens  and  heathen.  Strict  asceticism,  the  use  of  only 
so  much  nourishment  as  was  absolutely  necessary,  and  abstinence  from 
marriage,  were  incumbent  on  the  "  Electi."  The  moral  earnestness 
and  the  practical  tendency  of  his  teaching  gathered  around  him  many 
adherents,  and  this  sect  continued  much  longer  than  other  Gnostics. 

9* 


108  SECTION     I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

To  his  query,  "  whether  he  knew  him,"  Polycarp,  -who  met  him  in 
Rome,  replied  :   'Ertiyvwcrxw  rbv  rtpc^rotoxov  tov  Saraw. 

11.  Hermogexes,  a  painter  in  North  Africa  (about  the  end  of  the 
second  century),  equally  rejected  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  creation  and 
the  Gnostic  theory  of  emanation,  since  both  made  God  the  author  of 
sin.  lie  therefore  assumed  an  eternal  chaos,  in  the  resistance  of 
which  against  the  creative  and  formative  agency  of  God  all  that  was 
evil  and  deformed  had  its  origin.    His  views  were  refuted  by  Tertullian. 

§29.   MANICHiEISM. 

CoMP.  Bemisohre,  hist.  crit.  de  Manich6isme.  Amst.  1734. — F.  Chr. 
Baiir,  d.  manich.  Religionssyst.  Tubg.  1831. — J.  E.  Colditz,  d.  Entsteh. 
d.  manich.  Religionsystems,  Leipz.  1838. — D.  Chwolsohn,  die  Ssabieru. 
d.  Ssabismus.  St.  Petersb.  1856,  2  Bde. 

Independent  of  Christian  Gnosticism,  which  developed  in  the 
Roman  empire  during  the  second  century,  and  more  or  less  under 
the  influence  of  Grecian  forms  of  culture,  and  yet  possibly  con- 
nected with  Elkesaism  (§  21,  3),  Manichaeism  sprung  up  in  the 
Persian  empire  towards  the  end  of  the  third  century.  In  many 
respects  its  principles  and  tendencies  coincided  with  those  of 
Gnosticism,  especially  with'  that  form  of  it  which  the  Syrian 
Gnostics  had  adopted.  But  Manichceism  differed  from  Gnosti- 
cism chiefly  in  employing  Christian  ideas  and  notions  merely  as 
a  gloss  for  heathen  theosophy,  in  bearing  no  reference  whatever 
to  Judaism,  in  prominently  bringing  forvvard,  instead  of  Pla- 
tonic views,  Persian  Dualism,  and  combining  it  with  Buddhist 
ideas.  From  the  first,  also,  it  laid  claim  not  merely  to  the  title 
of  an  esoteric  religion  destined  for  a  few  choice  spirits,  but  to 
form  a  church  of  its  own,  with  a  regular  constitution  and  an 
organized  worship, — an  attempt  which,  as  the  result  proved,  was 
not  wholly  unsuccessful. 

1.  Concerning  ihe  person  and  history  of  the  founder  of  the  sect,  the 
accounts  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  Fathers  often  vary  from  those  of  Per- 
sian writers.  The  former  are  all  derived  from  the  reports  of  a  discus- 
sion which  Bishop  Archelaus  of  Cascar  had  with  Manes  or  ManichcEUS, 
and  which  still  exist  in  a 'corrupt  Latin  translation.  In  them  the 
origin  of  Manichoeism  is  traced  to  Scythianus,  a  Saracen  merchant,  an 
extensive  traveller,  who  lived  at  the  time  of  the  apostles.  A  pupil  of 
his,  Terebinthus,  who  also  called  himself  Buddas,  wrote  by  his  direc- 
tion four  books — of  which,  after  his  death,  Enbriciis,  a  liberated  slave, 
obtained  possession.     E.  adopted  the  doctrine  of  the  books,  carried  it 


M  A  N  I  C  H  iE  I  S  IM .  109 

out  more  fully,  in  Persia  became  the  founder  of  a  new  religion,  and 
called  himself  Manes.  He  was  even  admitted  to  the  royal  court, 
but  failing  in  an  attempt  to  restore  a  sick  prince,  the  jealousy  of  the 
Magi  caused  his  downfall.  But  he  escaped  from  prison,  and  found  a 
place  of  concealment  in  an  old  castle  Arabion,  in  Mesopotamia. 
Meanwhile  he  had  become  acquainted  with  the  sacred  writings  of  the 
Christians,  and  derived  from  them  many  additions  to  his  system. 
Then  he  showed  great  energy  in  spreading  his  views,  sending  letters 
and  messengers,  especially  among  Christians.  This  led  to  the  above- 
named  debate  with  Archelaus,  in  which  he  was  completely  refuted. 
Soon  afterwards  he  was  seized  by  command  of  the  King  of  Persia, 
flayed  alive  (277),  and  his  stuffed  skin  was  set  up  as  a  warning  to 
others.  —  Later  Persian  accounts  are  much  more  credible  [Ilerhelot 
orient.,  Biblioth.  s.  v.  Mani,  and  Silv.  de  Sacy  Memoires,  etc..  Par.  1794). 
According  to  these,  Mani,  the  founder  of  this  religion,  had  sprung 
from  one  of  the  families  of  the  Persian  IMagi.  Although  professing 
Cliristianity,  and  invested  with  the  office  of  presbyter,  he  continued  to 
cherish  his  early  Parsee  views.  Amid  the  religious  movements  which, 
after  the  overthrow  of  the  Parthian  Arsacidae  and  the  accession  of  the 
Sassinida3  (227),  had  the  revival  of  the  ancient  national  faith  for  their 
aim,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  founding  a  new  and  universal  religion, 
by  combining  Christianity  with  Parseeism.  Accordingly,  in  270, 
under  the  reign  of  Shapur  I.  (Sapores),  he  came  forward  as  reformer 
and  founder  of  a  new  party,  claiming  to  be  the  Paraclete  promised  by 
Clirist  (John  xvi.  13  etc.).  Excommunicated  by  the  Christians  and 
persecuted  by  the  Magi,  he  had  to  flee,  and  travelled  through  India  as 
far  as  China,  all  the  time  gathering  fresh  materials  for  his  religious 
system.  After  that  he  lived  for  a  period  in  a  cave  in  Turkistan,  where 
he  composed  a  work,  full  of  gorgeous  imagery,  intended  to  express  in 
symbols  his  doctrine  (the  "  Ertenki  Mani,"  the  Gospel  of  his  adhe- 
rents). He  then  returned  to  Persia.  The  new  king,  Hornuiz,  pro- 
tected him  ;  but  Behrain  (Varanes),  his  successor,  obliged  him  to  dis- 
cuss his  system  with  the  Magi,  declared  them  victorious,  and  caused 
Mani  to  be  flayed  alive  (277).  Soon  after  the  founder's  death  the 
sect  spread  throughout  the  Roman  empire.  On  account  of  its  origin 
among  the  hostile  Persians,  Diocletian  persecuted  the  party  ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  opposition  of  the  Catholic  state-church  of  the 
Roman  Empire  secured  for  it,  at  a  later  period,  protection  in  Persia. 
By  secret  tradition  the  sect  seems  to  have  continued  to  the  middle 
ages,  when  it  frequently  reappeared. 

2.  The  ancient  Persian  Dualism  formed  the  fundamental  idea  in  the 
SYSTEM  of  Mani.  The  good  God  and  his  twelve  iEons  (Ormuzd  and 
his  Amshaspands  and  Izeds)  were  from  all  eternity  opposed  by  Satan 
and  his  demons  (Ahriman  and  the  Dews).  Attracted  by  the  beauty 
of  the  kingdom  of  light,  Satan  made  an  inroad  upon  it.  God  ap- 
pointed an  iEon  [''the  mother  of  life"  )  to  be  the  guardian  of  the 
10 


112  SECTION     I. — FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.), 

politans,  or  bishops  of  capital  cities,  over  those  of  provincial 
towns.  Bnt  the  title  IleiropoUtan  occurs  for  the  first  time  in 
the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Nice  (325).  In  the  common  con- 
sultations which  took  place  in  the  various  capitals  (the  Pro- 
vincial Synods)  —  which  at  first  only  took  place  when  occasion 
required,  but  afterwards  became  a  regular  institution  —  the 
metropolitan  presided.  Again,  among  the  metropolitans,  those 
who  presided  over  churches,  which  apostles  had  founded  (sedes 
apostollcce),  especially  tliose  of  Rome,  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  Alex- 
andria, Ephesus,  and  Corinth,  claimed  pre-eminence.  The  idea 
of  the  unity  and  catholicity  of  the  Church  was  maintained  and 
carried  out  with  increasing  firmness,  and  became  associated  with 
that  of  the  centering  of  that  unity  in  the  Apostle  Peter,  from  a 
misapplication  of  Matth.  16  :  18,  19.  Rome,  as  the  metropolis 
of  the  world,  where  Peter  and  Paul  had  suffered  martyrdom, 
claimed  to  be  the  cathedra  Petri,  and  transferred  the  idea  of  a 
sole  ecclesiastical  representation  to  its  bishops,  as  the  successors 
of  Peter.  —  The  love  of  the  brethren  towards  one  another  led  to 
a  closer  connection  of  the  churches,  which  was  preserved  by 
mutual  communications.  Christians  on  a  journey,  furnished  with 
a  certificate  and  letter  of  commendation  from  their  respective 
bishops  (epistolfe  formatas,  ypci/t^ata  tBtvTiicniva),  were  sure  of 
fraternal  hospitality.  —  At  first  the  congregations  retained  a 
voice  in  the  choice  of  the  clergy,  the  decision  being  frequently 
left  to  confessors.  — (Cf.   §  45  etc.) 

1.  The  "Ordines  Majores"  were  composed  of  the  bishops,  presby- 
ters, and  deacons.  As  chief  ruler,  the  Bishop  had  supreme  direction 
of  all  affairs  connected  with  his  church  or  diocese.  His  exclusive 
privilege  it  was  to  ordain  presbyters  and  deacons,  to  confirm  those  Avho 
had  been  baptized,  to  absolve  the  penitent,  commonly  also  to  consecrate 
the  communion  elements,  and,  at  a  later  period,  to  vote  in  synods.  The 
Presbyters  were  now  only  regarded  as  the  advisers  and  assistants  of 
the  bishop.  They  took  part  in  the  direction  of  congregational  affairs, 
in  the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments,  in  preaching,  and  in  the  cure 
of  souls,  but  only  by  special  commission,  or  with  the  express  sanction 
of  the  bishop.  At  a  later  period,  when  the  requirement  of  churches 
demanded  it,  and  the  authority  of  bishops  was  sufBciently  recognized 
not  to  require  such  safeguards,  presbyters  were  entrusted  with  the 
entire  and  independent  cure  of  souls,  with  preaching,  and  (at  least  in 
part)  with  the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments.  —  The  reverse  of  all 
this  took  place  with  regard  to  the  official  position  of  the  Deacons 
(Levitoe).     Their  authority  grew  as  the  duties  originally  assigned  to 


INTERNAL   ORGANIZATION    OF   THE   CHURCH.       113 

them  were  enlarged.     From  having  at  first  only  to  take  charge  of  the 
poor,  they  gradually  came  to  take  part  in  public  worship  and  in  the 
direction  of  the  congregation.     When  commissioned  by  the  bishop, 
they  baptized,  they  prcjiared  the  communion  elements,  they  distributed 
the  cup,  carried,  after  the  close  of  public  worship,  to  the  sick  or  to 
prisoners  the  Lord's   Supper,   announced  the   commencement  of  the 
several  parts  of  puldic  worship,  conducted  the  prayers  of  the  church, 
read  the  Gospel,  and  preserved  order  during  worship.     Frequently 
they  were  also  commissioned  to  preach.     They  commonly   stood  in 
more  intimate  personal  relation  with  the  bishop  than  did  the  presby- 
ters;  they  were  his  intimate  associates,  accompanied  him  on  his  jour- 
neys,  and  frequently  acted  as  his  delegates  and   representatives   at 
councils.  —  Among  the   "Ordines   jiinores"  the   office   of  Ledores, 
di/a/yi/idtiT'ttt.,   was  the  oldest.     According  to   Cyprian,   confessors  were 
chosen  in  preference  for  this  purpose.     At  a  later  period,  the  office  of 
lector  was  commonly  the  first  step  in  clerical  promotion.     The  lectores 
read  the  larger  sections  from  the  Bible,  and  were  the  custodians  of  the 
sacred  "  codices."     An  office  introduced  at  a  period  subsequent  to  this 
was  that  of  Sv.hdiaconi,  vnohiaxovoi,  who,  as  assistants  of  the  deacons, 
filled  the  first  rank  in  the  Ordines  minores,  and  hence  (unlike  the 
others)  were  also  ordained  by  imposition  of  hands.     For  the  purpose 
of  conducting  the  service  of  praise,  the  office  of  Cantores  {■\axra.i)  was 
instituted  towards  the  close  of  the  third  century.    The  Acohjthi  accom- 
panied the  bishop  to  wait  on  him.    The  Exorcists  took  spiritual  charge 
of  those  who  were  possessed  (srfpyoviUEvoi,,  ba,ifiovi?,6fji.tvoi),  over  whom 
they  made  the  prescribed  praj^ers  and  uttered  formulae  of  exorcism. 
As  the  latter  also  took  place  in  baptism,  their  official  duties  brought 
them  likewise  into  connection  with  the  catechumens.    The  lowest  rank 
was  occupied   by  the    Ostiarii  or  Janitores   (^pwpot,   rtv^wpot).  —  The 
larger  churches  employed  special  C'ateciiists  for  the  instruction  of 
catechumens  (doctores  audientium)  ;  and,  where  requisite,  as  in  those 
churches  of  North  Africa  in  which  the  Punic  language  was  used, 
Hermeneut.e,  whose  duty  it  was  to  translate  the  portions  of  Scripture 
that  were  read.  —  It  was  the  duty  of  the  Deaconesses    (commonly 
widows  or  females  advanced  in  life)  to  take  charge  of  poor  and  sick 
females,  to  give  advice  to  the  inexperienced  of  their  sex,  and  to  take 
the  oversight  of  female  catechumens.     They  were  not  regarded  as 
belonging  to  the  clergy. —  The  clergy  were  ordained  by  the  imposition 
of  hands.     Those  who  had  only  lately  or  during  dangerous  sickness 
been  baptized  {Neophi/ti,  Cliiiici),  those  who  had  been  excommunicated 
or  had  mutihited  themselves,  were  not  admitted  to  orders. 

2.  The  assembly  of  the  apostles  at  -Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.)  served  as  the 

first  model  for  meeting  in  Svnods,  and  agreeing  on  resolutions  in  such 

assemblies.    But  a  similar  institution  had  prevailed  among  the  heathen. 

Under  Roman  domination,  the  ancient  politico-religious   alliances  in 

10*  H 


114  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323    A.  D.), 

Greece  and  Asia  Minor  had  indeed  lost  their  political  importance  ;  but 
their  meetings  [xotvai  avvobot,,  concilia)  continued,  as  before,  in  the 
capitals  of  provinces,  and  under  the  presidency  of  the  Roman  governors. 
Even  the  similarity  of  the  name  seems  to  indicate  that  these  meetings 
were  not  without  influence  on  the  later  institution  of  ecclesiastical 
synods.  From  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times,  the'y  could  not 
take  place  before  the  latter  half  of  the  second  century.  The  Christians, 
who  frequently  could  only  hold  their  worship  secretly  and  at  night, 
were  of  course  prevented  from  planning  any  such  stated  meetings  for 
deliberation  at  a  period  earlier  than  the  time  of  Commodus.  But  when 
a  season  of  rest  was  granted  them,  during  which  their  ecclesiastical 
arrangements  could  be  made  more  freely  and  openly,  these  meetings 
of  synods  were  instituted.  The  montanistic  movements  in  Asia  Minor 
(§  37),  and  soon  afterwards  the  disputes  about  the  celebration  of  Easter 
(^  32),  gave  the  first  occasions  for  these  deliberations.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  third  century,  the  Provincial  Synods  had  already 
become  a  regular  and  continuous  institution.  At  the  time  of  Cyprian, 
not  only  bishops,  but  presbyters  and  deacons  also  took  part  in  the 
synods,  and  the  people  were  at  least  allowed  to  be  present.  It  was  as 
if  no  resolution  was  to  be  arrived  at  without  the  knowledge,  and,  in  a 
certain  sense,  the  consent,  of  the  congregation.  Since  the  Council  of 
Nice  (325),  bishops  alone  were  allowed  to  vote,  and  the  presence  of  the 
laity  was  more  and  more  discouraged.  The  resolutions  of  a  Si/nod  were 
communicated  to  congregations  at  a  distance  in  Synodal  Letters 
[Epislolce  Si/nodica;),  and,  so  early  as  the  third  century,  they  were 
(according  to  Acts  xv.  28)  ascribed  to  the  immediate  direction  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  — (Cf.  |43,  2.) 

3.  The  Unify  and  Callioliciti/  of  tlie  ChircJi.  —  (Comp.  A.  Mohler,  die 
Einhcit  d.  K.  '(The  Unity  of  the  Church).  2d  cd.  Tlibg.  1843.  —J.  E. 
Hntlier,  Cyprian's  Lehre  von  d.  Einheit  d.  K.  (The  Doctr.  of  Cypr.  as 
to  the  Unity  of  the  Church).  Hamb.  1839. — Jid.  Kostlin,  die  kath. 
Aufi"ass.  V.  d.  K.  in  ihrer  ersten  Ausbild.  (The  Cath.  View  of  the  Ch. 
in  its  Early  Arrangm.).  In  the  "  deutsche  Zeitschr.  fur  chr.  Wissen." 
for  1855.  No.  33  etc.  — Jul.  Jacobi,  die  kirchl.  Lehre  v.  d.  Tradit.  (The 
Doctr.  of  the  Church  Concerning  Trad.).  I.  Berl.  1847.— J.  H.  Friedlieb 
(Rom.  Cath.),  Schrift,  Tradit.  u.  kirchl.  Schriftausleg.  nach  den 
Zeugniss.  d.  erst.  5  Jahrh.  (Script.,  Trad,  and  Eccles.  Interpret,  of 
Script,  according  to  the  Testim.  of  the  First  Five  Cent.).  Breslau  1854.) 
— The  mission  of  Christianity  —  to  become  the  religion  of  the  world, 
to  take  possession  of  all  nationalities  and  all  languages,  to  pervade 
them  by  one  spirit,  and  to  unite  them  under  one  Head  in  heaven, 
implied  that  the  Church  was  to  be  07ie  and  universal  (catholic).  An 
outward  bond  of  connection  was  to  express  the  inward  unity  of  the 
Spirit.  But  the  desire  to  form  and  consolidate  a  united  and  catholic 
Church  might  readily  lead  into  error  and  dangers.  Not  heresy  only, 
and  immorality  or  apostasy,  but  everj'^  diflPereuce  in  outward  form,  con- 


INTERNAL    ORGANIZATION    OF    THE    CHURCH.      115 

stitution,  and  worship,  was  regarded  as  a  separation  from  the  one 
catholic  Church  (the  body  of  Christ),  and  from  communion  with  Christ, 
and  hence  as  implying  the  forfeiture  of  the  hope  of  salvation.  —  This 
view  became  more  jjrevalent  in  the  second  century,  in  proportion  as 
the  unity  of  the  Church  was  endangered  by  heresies,  by  sects,  and 
divisions.  It  was  finally  established,  and,  as  it  were,  obtained  its 
"magna  charta"  in  the  Church  by  the  treatise  of  Cyprian,  "  de 
Uuitate  Ecclesite."  In  the  position  of  monarch  over  a  congregation, 
assigned  to  the  bishop  as  Christ's  representative,  Ignatius  of  Antioch 
finds  a  guarantee  for  the  preservation  of  the  unity  and  catholicity  of 
THE  Church.  According  to  Cyprian,  the  unity  of  the  Church  took  its 
rise  from  the  Apostolate,  and  is  based  on  the  Episcopate.  The  promise 
of  Christ  (Matt.  xvi.  18)  was  given  to  Peter  as  the  representative,  not 
as  the  chief,  of  the  apostles  (John  xx.  21).  Through  ordination,  the 
apostolic  office,  with  the  promise  attaching  to  it,  had  passed  from  the 
apostles  to  bishops.  By  their  monarchical  office  the  latter  represented, 
in  individual  communities,  and  by  their  co-operation  throughout 
Christendom,  the  unity  of  the  Church  (Episcopatus  unus  est,  cujus  a 
singulis  in  solidum  pars  tenetur).  As  formerly  the  apostles,  so  now 
the  bishops,  are  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality ;  each  of  them  is  a  suc- 
cessor of  Peter,  and  an  heir  of  the  promise  given  indeed  to  Peter  first, 
but  given  to  him  for  all  the  others.  He  who  renounces  the  bishop 
separates  from  the  Church,  and  :  Habere  non  potest  Deum  patrem,  qui 
ecclesiam  non  habet  matrem.  Extra  ecclesiam  nulla  spes  salutis.  The 
largest  view  taken  of  the  promise  in  Matt,  xvi  18  is  that  by  Origen: 
ITcrpa  yap  rtaj  o  Xpia-foi;  (la^ri'tr^^.  Ai'KixtM  ti^  IlfrpM  xai  Ttavtl  liitp'^. 
Besides  the  writings  of  the  apostles,  tradifion,  as  preserved  in  the  so- 
called  Apostolical  Churches,  served  as  the  rule  and  test  of  catholicity 
in  government,  worship,  and  doctrine.  Indeed,  since  the  apostolic 
writings  were  as  yet  neither  generally  diff"used  nor  acknowledged,  this 
tradition  was,  previously  to  and  for  the  purpose  of  the  settlement  of  the 
New  Testament  canon,  even  placed  above  the  writings  of  the  apostles. 
The  common  consciousness  of  the  churches,  based  upon  Scripture  and 
tradition,  presented  the  fundamental  truths  of  Christianity  as  a 
"  Eegula  Jidei,"  which  was  to  form  the  standard  for  the  development, 
the  acceptance  or  the  rejection,  of  any  doctrine.  Thus  the  profession 
made  at  baptism,  or  the  Symbolum,  was  gradually  enlarged  into  the 
Symholum  apostolicum  in  its  present  form. 

4.  The  Primacy  of  Rome.  —  (Comp.  Tli.  Eatercamp,  u.  d.  Primat  d. 
Ap.  Petrus  und  s.  Nachfolger  (The  Primacy  of  Peter  and  of  his  Suc- 
cess.). Miinst.  1820. — Rothensee,  d.  Primat  d.  Papstes  in  alien  chr. 
Jahrh.  (The  Primacy  of  the  Pope  during  all  Chr.  Ages).  3  vols.  May. 
1836.— i^.  P.  Kenrik,  The  Primacy  of  the  Apost.  See  vindic.  4th.  ed. 
N.York  1855. — Against  the  Primacy:  D.  Biondel.  traite  hist,  de  la 
Primaute.  Gcnfevo  1041.  M.—Cl.  Sahnasius,  de  primatu  Papa\  Lugd. 
10 


116  SECTION    I. —  FIR  ST    PERIOD    (100—323   A.  D.). 

1645. — EUendorf  (a  Rom.  Cath.  lawyer),  der  Primat  d.  rbm.  P.  Darmst. 
1841.—/.  E.  Riddle,  The  Hist,  of  the  Papacy.  Lond.  185G,  2  vols.— T/i. 
Greenwood,  Cathedra  Petri.  Lond.  1856.)  —  The  claim  of  the  See  op 
Rome  to  the  Primacy  over  the  whole  Church  is  based  on  the  view  that 
the  promise  in  Matt.  xvi.  18  applied  solely  and  exclusively  to  Peter,  as 
chief  of  the  apostles  and  head  of  the  Church,  and  on  the  assumption 
that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  is  the  successor  of  this  prince  of  apostles,  and 
hence  the  lawful  and  sole  heir  of  all  his  prerogatives.  Although  the 
fable  about  Peter's  episcopate  at  Rome  was  originally  derived  from  the 
heretical,  pseudo-Clementine  writings  (§27,  4)  —  a  very  suspicious 
authority  —  it  was  the  more  readily  credited,  as,  considering  the  very 
different  interpretation  put  at  that  time  on  Matt.  xvi.  18,  the  inferences 
afterwards  to  be  made  from  it  could  scarcely  be  foreseen.  During  the 
whole  of  this  period  neither  did  the  Roman  bishop  nor  any  other  person 
think  of  setting  up  any  such  claim.  The  only  admission  made,  was 
that  Rome  was  the  chief  among  the  apostolic  communities,  that  there 
apostolic  tradition  had  been  preserved  in  greatest  purity,  and  that 
hence  the  bishops  of  Rome  were  entitled  to  be  specially  heard  on 
questions  which,  for  decision,  were  to  be  submitted  to  all  the  bishops. 
In  the  meantime,  the  bishops  of  Rome  rested  content  with,  and  sought 
to  make  the  most  of,  such  admissions.  Nor  does  even  the  much- 
vaunted  statement  of  Irenccus  (3,  3)  go  further  than  this:  Ad  banc 
enim  (sc.  ecclesiam  Rom.)  a  gloriosissimis  duobus  App.  Petro  et  Paulo 
fundatam  propter  potiorem  principalitatem  necesse  est  omnem  convenire 
ecclesiam,  h.  e.  eos  qui  sunt  undique  tideles,  in  qua  semper  ab  his,  qui 
sunt  undique,  conservata  est  ea  quje  est  ab  Apostolis  traditio.  Still, 
the  opposition  of  Asia  Minor  to  the  Roman  observance  of  Easter 
(§  32,  1),  and  that  of  Cyprian  about  the  baptizing  of  heretics  (§  32,  2), 
proves  that  even  the  tradition  of  Rome  was  not  regarded  as  absolutely 
and  unconditionally  binding.  —  (Cf.  §46.) 

§31.   CELEBRATION   OF   PUBLIC   WORSHIP. 

See  H.  Alt,  dor  chr.  Cultus.  Bd.  II.  Pas  Kirchenjahr  mit  s.  Festen  u. 
die  Fastendisciplin.  Berl.  1858. 

So  early  as  the  commencement  of  the  second  century  the 
Lord's  day  was  generally  observed.  Being  a  day  of  joy,  the 
attitude  in  jyrayer  was  that  of  standing  (and  not,  as  on  other 
days,  kneeling)  ;  and  fasting  was  likewise  interdicted.  Among 
the  other  days  of  the  week,  Wednesday  and  Friday  were,  in 
remembrance  of  the  sufiFerings  of  Christ,  observed  in  public  wor- 
ship as  days  of  vigil  (dies  stationum,  in  accordance  with  the 
idea  of  a  militia  Christiana).  Being  regarded  as  days  of  humi- 
liation and  repentance,  they  formed  a  kind  of  complement  and, 


CELEBRATION    OF    PUBLIC    WORSHIP.  lit 

at  the  same  time,  of  contrast  to  the  Lord's  day.  Thus  the  idea 
of  Cliristian  fcast-da3^s,  which  afterwards  was  much  more  fully 
developed,  found  a  certain  expression  in  the  apportionment  of 
the  various  days  of  the  week.  Soon  afterwards  distinctively 
Christian  festivals  were  introduced  among  the  Gentile  Chris- 
tians after  the  analogy  of  the  feasts  observed  by  the  Jews  and 
the  Jewish  Christians,  although  in  the  case  of  the  latter  these 
feasts  had  been  modified  to  bear  a  Christian  aspect.  Tlie  Pas- 
chal or  Easter  festival  was  regarded  in  a  very  comprehensive 
manner,  and  divided  into  a  ndaxo^  atavpaaiftov  and  ai>aatuai.iMov . 
But  so  deep  and  overpowering  were  the  effects  of  this  remem- 
brance of  Christ's  sufferings,  that  it  was  felt  insufficient  to  ob- 
serve only  one  day  (that  of  His  death).  By  and  by  it  was 
therefore  preceded  by  a  season  devoted  to  mourning,  repentance, 
and  fasting.  After  remaining  for  some  time  unsettled,  it  was 
gradually  fixed  as  of  forty  days'  duration,  and  became  the  Quad- 
ragesima (tsaaapa.xont'^)  of  the  Christian  calendar.  The  solemni- 
ties of  Quadragesima  closed  with  those  of  the  Great  Week,  while 
the  Easter  vigil  (^navvvxi^)  formed  a  transition  to  the  festival  of 
the  Resurrection.  Easter  was  followed  by  the  Eeast  of  Pente- 
cost, in  remembrance  of  the  origin  of  the  Church.  The  fifty 
days  intervening  between  these  two  festivals  (quinqiiagesima) 
were  regarded  as  a  season  of  joy,  when  the  communion  was 
daily  celebrated,  fasting  was  interdicted,  and  the  attitude  in 
prayer  was  standing,  not  kneeling.  Special  solemnities  distin- 
guished the  fortieth  day,  being  that  of  the  Ascension.  In  the 
East  the  Festival  of  Ejnjjhany  was  introduced.  It  took  place 
on  the  6th  of  January,  in  celebration  of  the  baptism  of  Christ 
when  He  had  manifested  Himself  as  the  Messiah.  But  at  that 
period  we  do  not  yet  find  any  trace  of  an  observance  of  Ghrist- 
vias  day. — (Cf.  §  56.) 

1.  Disputes  about  the  Observance  of  Easter. — (Comp.  K.  L.  Weitzel, 
d.  Gesch.  d.  Passahfeier  d.  3  erst.  Jalirh.  [Hist,  of  Easter-observ. 
during  the  First  3  Cent.]  Pfurzh.  1848. —  G.  E.  Steitz  in  the  Studd.  u. 
Kritt.  1830,  IV.). — During  the  second  century  Easter  was  celebrated 
on  three  diflerent  principles.  The  Jiida^o-Christian  Ebionites  (|  27,  2) 
observed  the  Paschal  Supper  on  the  14th  of  Nisan  (=  jj  tS',  i.  e.,  =  14), 
and  considered  that  in  this  respect  an  exact  adherence  to  Old  Testa- 
ment customs  was  of  chief  importance,  especially  since  Christ,  who  had 
died  on  the  15th,  had  on  the  14th  kept  the  Paschal  Supper  with  His 
disciples.  The  Jewish  Christians  who  were  connected  with  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  whose  practice  was  adopted  iu  Asia  Minor  generally, 


118  SECTION    I. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

celebrated  Easter  at  exactly  the  same  time  as  the  Jews ;  but  they  put 
a  Christian  interpretation  upon  the  feast,  omitted  the  Paschal  Supper, 
and  declared  that  the  remembrance  of  the  death  of  Christ  was  the 
point  of  chief  importance.     In  their  opinion,  Christ  had  died  on  the 
14th  Nisan ;  so  that,  in  the  strict  sense,  He  had  not  celebrated  the  real 
Paschal  Supper  in  the  last  year  of  His  life.     Hence  they  observed  on 
the  llth  Nisan  their  rtacy;^'*  ffravpuxji^uoi/,  and  on  the  IGth  the  rtdaxo' 
avaatdainov.     The  fast  before  Easter  closed  at  the  moment  when  Christ 
was  supposed  to  have  expired  (at  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon),  and  was 
followed  by  an  agape  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  instead  of  the  Jewish 
Paschal  Supper. — Different  from  these  two  Judaising  observances  was 
that  in  use  among  the  Gentile  Christians  of  the  West,  which,  both  in 
substance  and  in  form,  had  no  connection  with  the  Jewish  Paschal 
feast.     In  order  not  to  destroy  the  harmony  with  the  observance  of  the 
day  of  the  resurrection  on  the  Lord's  day,  it  was  resolved  to  retain  not 
only  the  annual  return  of  the  i5',  but  also  to  celebrate  it  on  the  same 
days  of  the  week.     Hence,  when  the  i8'  did  not  happen  on  Friday,  the 
Tidsxa  ofavpwfft^oi/  was  always  celebrated  on  the  first  Friday  after  the 
lb',  and  the  Ttdaxa  avaat daifiov  on  the  Lord's  day  following.     Besides, 
the  Western  churches  observed  the  anniversary  of  Christ's  death  as  a 
day  of  mourning,  and  the  fast  before  Easter  only  terminated  with  an 
agape  and  the  Lord's  Supper  on  the  day  of  the  resurrection.     For  a 
considerable  period  these  different  customs  of  observing  Easter  con- 
tinued without  calling  forth  any  controversy.     The  subject  was  first 
discussed  during  the  stay  of  Polycarp,  Bishop  of  Smyrna,  at  Rome 
(160).     Anicetus,  Bishop  of  Rome,  supported  his  mode  of  celebrating 
Easter  by  the  tradition  of  the  Roman  Church,  while  Polycarp  appealed 
to  the  circumstance  that  he  had  sat  down  at  a  Paschal  feast  with  the 
Apostle  John  himself.     Although  an  agreement  was  not  arrived  at, 
yet  to  give  evidence  of  their  entire  ecclesiastical  felloAvship,  Anicetus 
allowed  Polycarp  to  administer  the  Lord's  Supper  in  his  church.     But 
in  the  year  196  the  discussion  broke  out  afresh  between  Polyci-aies, 
Bishop  of  Ephesns,  and  Victor,  Bishop  of  Rome.     The  latter  went  so 
far  as  to  wish  for  a  cessation  of  ecclesiastical  communion  with  the 
churches  of  Asia  Minor.     But  this  step  was   generally  disapproved. 
Especially  did  Irencens,  in  name  of  the  Gallican  bishops,  pronounce  in 
this  respect  against  Victor.     The  general  Council  of  Nice  (325)  decided 
in  favour  of  the  Roman  observance,  which,  after  that  period,  became 
that  in  common  practice  (§  56,  3), 

1 32.   THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   BAPTISM. 

CoMP.  /.  W.  F.  Hofling,  das  Sacr.  d.  Taufe  (The  Sacr.  of  Bapt.).  2 
vols.  Erlg.  1846. 

From  the  commencemeat  baptism  was  regarded  as  necessary 
in  order  to  have  part  in  the  salvation  of  Christ,  and  as  the  con- 


THE    ADMINISTRATION    OP    BAPTISM.  119 

dition  for  being  received  into  the  fellowship  of  the  Church. 
The  Fathers  generally  connected  baptism  and  regeneration. 
Hence,  in  theory,  the  Baptism  of  Infants  was  generally  recog- 
nized, although  it  was  not  universally  introduced.  Tertullian 
alone  decidedly  opposed  it.  All  grown-up  persons  who  wished 
for  baptism  were  called  Catechumens  (audientes),  and  as  such 
had  to  undergo  a  preparatory  training  under  a  Christian  teacher. 
Some,  however,  voluntarily  and  purposely  deferred  their  baptism 
to  the  hour  of  death,  in  order  that  by  baptism,  all  the  sins  of 
their  lives  might  be  certainly  removed.  After  having  received 
instruction  by  the  catechist,  the  catechumens  were  to  prepare 
for  baptism  by  prayer  and  fasting ;  they  had  solemnly  to  renounce 
the  devil  and  all  his  works  {abrenuntiare  diabolo  et  pompaj  et 
angelis  ejus),  and  to  make  a  confession  of  their  faith  before 
undergoing  the  sacred  rite.  In  the  third  century,  exorcism,  or 
setting  free  from  the  power  of  the  devil,  was  added,  with  a  spe- 
cial formula  hitherto  in  use  only  in  the  case  of  those  possessed 
by  evil  spirits.  Baptism  was  performed  by  thrice  immersing, 
during  which  the  formula  of  baptism  was  pronounced  ;  sprink- 
ling was  only  common  in  case  of  the  sick  (baptismus  clinico- 
rum)  ;  the  water  of  baptism  was  set  apart  for  the  sacred  rite. 
Immersion  was  followed  by  anointing  (;tpi'V»),  as  the  symbol  of 
spiritual  priesthood,  and  by  laying  on  of  hands,  according  to 
Acts  viii.  26  etc.  Soon  afterwards  immersion  came  to  be 
regarded  as  the  negative  part  of  baptism  (the  putting  away  of 
sin),  and  anointing  and  imposition  of  hands  as  its  positive  coun- 
terpart (the  communication  of  the  Spirit).  In  the  East,  presby- 
ters and  deacons  were  allowed  to  administer  both  baptism  and 
the  chrisma.  In  the  West,  it  was  thought  that  Acts  viii.  indi- 
cated that  bishops  alone  had  the  right  of  the  laying  on  of  hands. 
Hence,  when  the  bishop  himself  had  not  administered  baptism, 
the  imposition  of  hands  and  the  chrisma  were  afterwards  im- 
parted by  him,  by  way  of  confirmation  (confirmatio,  consigna- 
tio).  The  usual  seasons  of  baptism  were  Easter,  especially  the 
Sabbath  of  the  Great  Week  (baptism  into  the  death  of  Christ, 
Rom.  vi.  3),  and  Pentecost ;  in  the  East,  also  the  Feast  of  the 
Epiphany.  No  importance  was  attached  to  the  place  where 
baptism  was  administered.  Soon  sponsors  (avdhoxoC)  were  intro- 
duced at  the  baptism  of  children,  their  duty  being  to  make  a 
confession  of  faith  in  room  and  in  name  of  the  infant. 
10* 


120  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.)  . 

1.  The  gradation  among  catechumens,  according  to  which  each  class 
had  special  privileges,  commenced  about  the  middle  of  the  second 
century.  Its  first  traces  are  found  in  the  writings  of  Tertullian.  He 
distinguishes  between  novitioli  and  edocti  or  aquam  adituri.  Only  the 
latter  were  allowed  to  take  part  in  the  homiletic  portion  of  public  wor- 
ship. Origeu  also  speaks  of  two  classes  of  catechumens,  and  the  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions  oi  three  :  1.  Aiidientes,  dxpotO|Ufi'oi,  who  were  allowed 
and  bound  to  attend  the  sermon  ;  2.  Gemijlectentes,  yovvxxlvoviii,  who 
were  also  allowed  to  kneel  at,  and  take  part  in  the  first  portions  of  the 
prayers  of  the  Church;  and,  3.  Competentes,  ^(oti^o/xsvoi,  who,  having 
finished  their  period  of  instruction,  looked  forward  to  baptism.  The 
time  of  probation  was  fixed  at  between  two  and  three  years. 

2.  Controversy  about  the  Baptism  of  Heretics.  —  From  the  close  of 
the  third  century,  it  was  a  subject  of  conti'oversy  whether  a  baptism 
administered  by  heretics  was  valid  or  not.  The  churches  of  Asia 
Minor  and  of  Africa  answered  this  question  in  the  negative ;  while 
Rome  received,  without  rebaptizing  them,  such  heretics  as  had  been 
baptized  in  the  name  of  Christ,  or  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  In  the  middle 
of  the  third  century,  this  subject  excited  violent  discussion.  Stephen, 
Bishop  of  Rome,  refused  to  tolerate  any  other  practice  than  that  of 
Rome,  and  renounced  ecclesiastical  fellowship  with  the  churches  of 
Asia  Minor  (253).  The  opposite  view  was  zealously  defended  by 
Cyprian  of  Carthage,  whose  ideal  of  one  church,  in  which  alone  there 
was  salvation,  seemed  endangered  by  the  practice  of  Rome.  It  was 
also  advocated  by  Firmilian  ofCcesarea,  in  Cappadocia.  Three  synods 
held  at  Carthage — the  last  and  most  influential  in  the  year  256 — pro- 
nounced decidedly  in  favour  of  this  view.  By  friendly  suggestions, 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria  endeavoured  to  lead  Stephen  to  more  concilia- 
tory views.  The  Valerian  persecution,  which  soon  afterwards  broke 
out,  proved  a  greater  inducement  to  harmony  and  peace  than  any 
friendly  counsels.  Thus  the  dispute  remained  unsettled.  But  gradu- 
ally the  Romish  practice  came  more  generally  into  use,  and  was  at  last 
confirmed  by  the  first  General  Council  of  Nice. 

3.  The  Dogma  concerning  Baptism.  —  Barnahas  says:  ava^aCvoiitv 
xaprfo^opovv'fsj  iv  -trj  xapSt'a, — Hernias :  ascendunt  vitae  assignati ;  Justin 
regards  the  water  of  baptism  as  a  v8up  r jJj  ^w^j,  tl  ov  ava/yevvY;^tjfiEv  ; 
according  to  Irenceus  it  efiects  a  awffij  rtpoj  d^^apat'cw  ;  Terttdlian  says : 
supervenit  spiritus  de  coelis, — caro  spiritualiter  mundatur ;  Cyprian 
speaks  of  an  unda  genitalis,  a  nativitas  secunda  in  novum  horainem ; 
Fermilian  says :  nativitas,  quse  est  in  baptismo,  filios  Dei  generat ; 
Oriqea  calls  baptism  ;^opt(T^aT'cor  ^iiu>v  a^^x^^  ''*''  ^VJ^i^- — ^^  *^^®  baptism 
of  blood  in  martyrdom,  Tertidlian  says:  lavacrum  non  acceptum  repra3- 
sentat  et  perditum  reddit.  Hermas  and  Clemens  Alex,  suppose  that 
pious  heathens  and  Jews  had  preaching  and  baptism  in  Hades. 


ADMINISTRATION    OF   THE    LORD'S    SUPPER.    121 


I  33.   THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER. 

CoMP.  F.  Brenner  (Rom.  Cath.),  Verriclit.  u.  Ausspend.  d.  Euchar. 
von  Christus  bis  auf  unsere  Zeit.  (Administr.  of  the  Euchar.  from  the 
Time  of  Chr.  to  our  Days).  Bamb.  1824.-77?.  Harnack  n.  KliefoOt,  11. 
cc.  in  ^  18,  5. — R.  Rothe,  do  disciplina  arcani..  Heidelb.  1831. — /.  W. 
F.  HofUng,  d.  Lehre  d.  alt.  K.  vom  Opfer  (The  Teach,  of  the  Old  Ch. 
abt.  tiic  Sacr.).  Erlg.  1851. — Ph.  Marheineke,  ss.  Pp.  de  proesentia  Chr. 
in  Coena  Dom.  sententia  triplex.  Heidelb.  1811.  4.  In  answer  to  this, 
/.  DolUnger  (Rom.  Cath.)  die  Lehre  v.  d.  Euch.  in  d.  3  ersten  Jahrh. 
(The  Doctr.  of  the  Euch.  in  the  Three  First  Cent.)  May.  1826.— i^uicA;, 
Lehrbegr.  vom  h.  Abdm.  in  d.  erst.  Jahrh.  (Doctr.  of  the  L.  Supper  in 
the  First  Cent.),  in  the  "hist,  theol.  Zeitschr."  for  1853.  lll.—Ebrard, 
d.  Dogma  v.  h.  Abdm.  2  vols.  Frkf.  1845. — Kahnis,  d.  Lehre  v.  Abdm. 
Lpz.  1851. — L.  J.  Ruckert,  d.  Abendm.  Lpz.  1856. 

At  first  the  Lord's  Supper  was  always  connected  with  an 
agape  (§  35).  But  when  Trajan  published  a  stringent  edict 
against  Hetteria  (§  18,  5),  the  Christians  intermitted  the  agapes, 
of  which  the  prohibition  was  implied  in  the  above  edict,  and 
connected  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  Supper  with  the  ordinary 
homiletic  public  worship  on  the  Lord's  day.  This  continued  the 
practice  even  after  the  celebration  of  the  agape  was  again 
resumed.  In  connection  with  the  arrangement  about  the  cate- 
chumens, public  worship  was  divided  into  a  missa  catechumen- 
oriim  and  a  missa  fidelium.  From  the  latter,  all  who  had  not 
been  baptized,  who  were  under  discipline,  or  were  possessed  by 
an  unclean  spirit,  were  excluded.  This  gave  rise  to  the  view, 
that  a  mystery  attached  to  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
(disciplina  arcani).  The  circumstance  that  originally  the  agape 
and  the  Lord's  Supper  were  celebrated  together,  led  to  the 
custom  of  making  voluntary  offerings  (oblationes)  for  the  pur- 
pose of  procuring  the  provisions  requisite  for  the  agape. —  The 
bread  used  in  the  sacrament  was  the  same  as  that  in  common 
use,  hence  leavened  (zoij/oj  a.pto:;')  ;  the  icine  also  was,  as  in  com- 
mon use,  mixed  with  water  (zpa^a),  which  Cyprian  regarded  as 
symbolical  of  the  union  of  Christ  with  the  Church.  In  the 
African  and  Eastern  Churches,  John  vi.  53  was  interpreted  as 
applying  to  the  communion  of  children,  who  (of  course,  after 
baptism)  were  admitted  to  this  ordinance.  As  early  as  the 
third  century  simple  forms  expanded  into  an  elaborate  sacra- 
mental liturgy,  which  has  remained  the  basis  of  all  later  pro- 
11 


122  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD     (lUO— 323  A.  D.). 

dnctions  of  this  kind.  At  the  close  of  public  worship  the 
deacons  carried  the  consecrated  elements  to  the  sick  and  to  the 
prisoners  of  the  congregation.  In  some  places,  part  of  the  con- 
secrated bread  was  carried  home  and  partaken  in  the  family  at 
morning  prayers,  in  order  thus  to  set  apart  for  God  a  new  day. 
Confession,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  terra,  did  not  precede  the 
communion.  The  discipline  exercised  by  the  Church,  and  the 
liturgical  arrangements  in  use  at  the  time,  were  such,  that  special 
confession  seemed  not  requisite.  —  (§  58,  i.) 

1.  At  the  time  of  Jiisiin  Mmiyr,  the  Sacramental  Liturgy  was  still 
very  simple.  The  common  prayer  which  closed  the  public  worship 
was  followed  by  a  fraternal  kiss  ;  after  that  the  elements  were  brought 
to  the  bishop,  who  set  them  apart  in  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving  and 
praise  (rii^apiffi'ta).  The  people  responded  by  an  Amen,  and  the 
presbyters  or  deacons  carried  to  all  present  the  consecrated  elements. 
From  the  above  prayer  the  whole  service  obtained  the  name  of  the 
Eucharist,  evidently  because  it  was  held  that,  by  the  consecration 
prayer,  the  common  became  sacramental  bread  —  the  body  and  blood 
of  the  Lord.  The  liturgy  in  the  eighth  book  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions, which  may  be  regarded  as  the  type  of  public  worship  at  the  close 
of  the  third  century,  is  much  more  complete.  There  the  missa  cate- 
chumenoriim  included  prayer,  praise,  reading  of  the  Bible,  and  the 
sermon  (^  34).  At  the  close  of  the  sermon,  catechumens,  penitents, 
and  those  who  were  possessed,  were  successively  dismissed.  The  missa 
Jidelium  then  commenced  with  a  general  intercessory  prayer.  After 
this  followed  various  collects  and  responses,  then  the  fraternal  kiss,  a 
warning  against  unworthy  communicating,  the  preparation  of  the 
elements,  the  sign  of  the  cross,  the  consecration  prayer,  the  words  of 
the  institution,  the  elevation  of  the  consecrated  elements  —  all  being 
accompanied  by  suitable  prayers,  hymns,  doxologies,  and  responses. 
The  bishop  or  presbyter  gave  the  bread  with  the  words,  Sui^ua  Xpitf^oii; 
the  deacon  the  cup,  with  the  words,  Alfxa,  "Kpiatov,  rtotr^piov  ^w^j.  At 
the  close,  the  congregation,  on  their  knees,  received  the  benediction  of 
the  bishop,  and  the  deacon  dismissed  them  with  the  words,  'AjtoXvic^t 
ivslpr,vyj.—  {CL  §59,4.) 

2.  The  Diciplini  Arcani. — Neither  in  Justin  Martyr  nor  in  Irenoeus 
do  we  find  any  trace  of  the  view  that  the  sacramental  portions  of 
public  worship  (among  which  the  rites  of  the  Lord's  Supper  with  their 
prayers  and  hymns,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  administration  of  baptism, 
the  symbolum,  the  chrisma,  and  the  ordination  of  priests,  were  in- 
cluded) were  regarded  as  mysteries  {(jLvaT!xri  xatptia,  •rtXstr;),  to  be 
carefully  kept  from  all  unbaptized  persons,  and  only  made  known  to 
members  of  the  Church  {av^fivataii).  Justin,  in  his  apology,  addressed 
specially  to  the  heathen,  even  described  in  detail  the  rites  observed  in 


READING,    SERMON,   PRAYER    AND    PRAISE.        123 

the  Lord's  Supper.  The  view  to  which  we  referred  originated  at  tho 
time  of  Tertullian  (170-180),  and  was  specially  due  to  the  institution 
of  the  catechumenate,  and  the  division  of  public  worship  to  which 
it  led,  from  the  second  part  of  which  all  unbaptized  persons  were 
excluded. 

3.  The  Dogma  of  the  Lord's  Supper. — This  doctrine  was  not  clearly 
developed,  although  it  was  generally  realized  that  the  Lord's  Supper 
was  a  most  holy  mystery,  and  indispensable  food  of  eternal  life,  that 
the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord  were  mj^stically  connected  with  the 
bread  and  wine,  and  that  thus  those  who  in  faith  partook  of  this  meat 
enjoyed  essential  communion  with  Christ.  On  this  supposition  alone 
can  we  account  for  the  reproach  of  the  heathen,  who  spoke  of  the 
sacrament  as  feasts  of  Thyestes.  (g  23).  Ignatius  calls  the  Lord's 
Supper  a  ^dp^axov  a^a.va.aia.^,  and  admits  fv;tap£.fff(,'ai'  adpxa  tlvao  tov 
OWT'^pos ;  Justin  says :  odpxa  xa.i  oX^jlo.  ibi,ha.x^vy-(v  slvav.  According  to 
Jrenceus,  it  is  not  "  communis  panis,  sed  eucharistia  ex  duabus  rebus 
constans,  terrena  et  ccelesti ;"  and  in  consequence  of  partaking  it,  our 
bodies  are  "jam  non  corruptibilia,  spem  resurrectionis  habentia." 
Tertullian  and  Cyprian  also  adopt  similar  views,  while  at  the  same 
time  they  represent,  in  some  passages,  the  Lord's  Supper  rather  as  a 
symbol.  The  spiritualistic  Alexandrians,  Clement  and  Origen,  consider 
that  it  is  the  object  of  the  Lord's  Supper  that  the  soul  should  be  fed  by 
the  Divine  Word.  —  (Cf.  §  58,  2.) 

4.  Tlie  Sacrificial  Theory. — When  once  the  idea  of  a  priesthood 
(^  30)  had  gained  a  footing,  the  cognate  notion  of  sacrifice  could  not 
for  any  time  be  kept  out.  The  Lord's  Supper  offered  several  points 
of  connection  for  this  view.  First,  the  consecrating  prayer,  which 
was  regarded  of  such  importance  as  to  give  its  name  to  the  whole 
service  {ivxo-?<'Otia),  might  be  regarded  as  a  spiritual  sacrifice;  next, 
names  derived  from  terms  applied  to  sacrificial  worship  were  given  to 
those  offerings  which  the  congregation  made  for  behoof  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  (rtpotf^opat,  oblationes).  And  as  the  congregation  brought  its 
gifts  for  the  Lord's  Supper,  so  the  priest  offered  them  again  in  the 
Lord's  Supper ;  and  to  this  act  also  the  terms  rtpocy^f'psiv,  ava^ipnv, 
were  applied.  Ultimately,  as  the  prayer,  so  the  Lord's  Supper  itself, 
was  designated  as  ^vst'a,  sacrificium,  although  at  first  only  in  a  figura- 
tive sense.— (Cf.  §58,2.)  i 

?  34.   READING,    SERMON,   PRAYER  AND  PRAISE. 

CoMP.  Chr.  W.  F.  Walch,  krit.  Unters.  vom  Gebrauch  d.  h.  Schr.  in 
d.  4  erst.  Jahrh.  (Crit.  Inq.  into  the  Use  of  the  Script,  during  the 
First  Four  Cent.).  Lpz.  1779.-7:  G.  Hegelmaier,  Gesch.  d.  Bibelverbots 
(Hist,  of  the  Prohibition  of  the  Bible).  Ulm.  V1^2>.  —  E.  Leopold,  d. 
Predigtamt  im  Urchristenth.  (The  office  of  Preach,  in  the  First  Ages). 


124  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

Luneb.  1846.  —  M.  Gcrhert,  de  cantu  et  musica  a  prima  eccl.  setate. 
Bamb.  1774.  2  Voll.  4.— i.  Biichcgger,  de  Orig.  s.  Poeseos.  Frib.  1827. 
— K.BuM,  der  Kirchenges.  in  der  griech.  K.  bis  auf  Chrysost.  (Ch. 
Music  in  the  Gr.  Ch.  to  the  Time  of  Chrys.),  in  the  "hist,  theol. 
Zeitschr."  for  1848.  II. 

Following  the  arrangement  in  the  Jewish  synagogue,  the 
reading  of  the  Scriptures  (amyrtocK;,  lectio),  formed  the  funda- 
mental part  on  every  occasion  of  public  worship.  The  person 
officiating  was  left  free  to  select  any  portions  of  the  Bible.  In 
general,  this  duty  was  assigned  to  special  readers,  although,  by 
way  of  distinction,  the  gospels  were  frequently  read  by  the 
deacons,  the  congregation  standing  as  a  mark  of  their  respect. — 
Besides  the  canonical  writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments, 
other  edifying  works,  such  as  the  productions  of  Jhe  apostolic 
Fathers  (especially  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas  and  the  Letter  of 
Clement),  the  Acts  of  Martyrs,  and  certain  apocryphal  works, 
were  also  read  in  some  congregations.  After  reading,  the 
bishop,  or  by  his  order  the  presbyter,  the  deacon,  and  occasion- 
ally the  catechist  (Origen),  delivered  a  lecture  or  practical 
discourse  (d/xaCa,  ^dyoj,  sermo,  tractatus).  In  the  Greek  Church 
this  speedily  assumed  the  form  of  an  artificial  and  rhetorical 
composition.  The  Word  of  God  having  thus  been  read  and 
explained,  the  congregation  responded  in  prayers,  which  either 
the  bishop  or  the  deacon  conducted,  at  first  ex  tempore,  but  at  a 
comparatively  early  period  according  to  a  fixed  liturgy.  At 
short  intervals  the  congregation  responded  to  each  prayer  by 
Ki'pis  ixtriaov.  In  the  third  century,  when  the  forms  of  public 
worship  became  more  composite,  suitable  prayers  were  introduced 
at  various  stages  of  the  service,  designed  respectively  for  cate- 
chumens, for  those  who  were  possessed,  and  for  those  under 
discipline.  These  were  followed  by  a  general  prayer  of  the 
cliurch  for  all  classes  of  men,  for  all  states  and  requirements  in 
the  congregation,  and  lastly  by  the  prayers  which  introduced  the 
celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  Singing  of  Psalms  and  Hymns 
had  been  in  use  since  apostolic  times  (§  18,  5). — After  the 
second  century,  this  part  of  worship  was  enlarged  and  developed. 

1.  The  Doctrine  of  Inspiration.  —  At  first  theologians  (following 
Philo)  regarded  the  prophetic  inspiration  of  the  sacred  writers  as 
something  merely  passive,  as  an  E^ffracrij.  Atlienagoras  compared  the 
soul  of  the  prophet  to  a  flute,  Justin  Martyr  to  a  lyre,  touched  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  as  by  the  plectrum.   But  the  pretensions  of  the  Montanistic 


READING,    SERMON,   PRAYER    AND    PRAISE.        125 

prophets  brought  this  view  into  discredit.  Some  of  the  writers  of  the 
Alexandrian  school  held  that,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  Holy  Spirit  had 
also  influenced  the  choicest  minds  in  the  heathen  world.  This  theory 
led  to  a  lower  view  of  inspiration  generally.  Origen,  especially,  was 
wont  to  teach  a  certain  gradation  in  the  inspiration  of  the  Bible, 
according  as  human  individuality  appeared  more  or  less  prominently 
in  the  sacred  writings. 

2.  Marcion  was  the  first  to  collect  a  New  Testament  Canon,  about 
the  year  150  (§  28,  10).  The  list  known  by  the  name  of  Muratori's 
Canon  dates  from  about  twenty  years  later.  It  consists  of  a  fragment 
found  by  Muratori,  containing  an  index  of  the  sacred  writings  received 
in  the  Roman  Church.  Irenceus,  TcrtulUan,  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
Origen,  and  Eusehins,  are  our  principal  authorities  for  a  still  later 
period.  From  the  time  of  Ire7ia;us  and  the  Muratori  fragment,  the 
Four  Gospels,  the  Book  of  Acts,  the  thirteen  Epistles  of  Paul,  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (which,  however,  in  the  West  was  not  regarded 
as  of  Pauline  authorship),  the  First  Epistles  of  Peter  and  of  John, 
and  the  Book  of  Revelation,  were  universally  recognized  as  canonical. 
Hence  Eusebius  designates  them  ofio-Koyovfisva.  Opinions  difi"ered  about 
the  Epistle  of  James,  the  Second  Epistle  of  Peter,  the  Second  and 
Third  Epistles  of  John,  and  that  of  Jude  {avti,%ty6iji.(va).  A  third  class 
of  writings,  which  laid  no  claim  to  canonicity,  Eusebius  designates  as 
I'd^a  (the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  the  Shepherd  of  Hernias,  the  "Acta 
Pauli,"  etc.).  — (Cf.  ^  59,  1.) 

3.  Translations  of  the  Bible.  —  As  Hebrew  was  almost  entirely 
unknown,  even  the  learned  perused  the  Old  Testament  only  in  the 
translation  of  the  LXX.  In  the  second  century,  several  Latin  transla- 
tions circulated,  among  which  the  Itala  was  that  most  in  repute. 
Since  the  second  century,  a  Syriac  translation  also  existed.  It  was 
called  the  Peshito,  i.  e.,  plana,  simplex,  as  it  gave  the  words  of  the 
original  literally  and  without  circumscription.  —  (Cf.  ^59,  1.) 

4.  Hymnology.  — When  Pliny  (?  23,  2)  referred  to  the  practice 
"  carmen  Christo  quasi  Deo  dicere  secum  invioem,"  he  must  have 
alluded  to  special  hymns,  with  hypophonic  responses  on  the  part  of 
the  congregation.  Ihiullian  and  Origen  bear  frequent  testimony  to 
the  existence  of  numerous  hymns  adapted  for  public  and  family  worship. 
The  Gnostics  (Bardesanes  and  Harmonius)  seem  for  a  time  to  have  been 
more  distinguished  than  the  Catholics  in  the  composition  of  hymns, 
and  thereby  to  have  stimulated  the  latter  to  greater  zeal.  Among 
Catholic  hymn  writers,  Athenogenes,  a  martyr,  and  Nepos,  an  Egyptian 
bishop,  are  mentioned.  A  hymn  d^  Sco-fjjpa,  by  Clemens  Alex.,  has 
been  handed  down.  Socrates  ascribes  to  Ignatius,  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
the  introduction  of  antiphonies  (between  different  choirs  in  the  con- 
gregation).    However,  the  statement  of  Theodoret,  that  about  the  year 

11* 


126  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

250  Flavian  and  Diodor,  two  monks  of  Antioch,  had  imported  this  form 
of  worship  from  the  national  Syrian  into  the  Graeco-Syrian  Church, 
appears  to  us  more  trustworthy.  —  (Cf.  ^  59,  2.) 

§  35.  PLACES  OF  PUBLIC  WORSHIP  AND  INFLUENCE  OF  ART. 

CoMP.  G.  Kinlcel,  Gesch.  d.  bild.  Klinste  (Hist,  of  Art).  I.  Bonn 
1845. —  Ch.  F.  Bellermann,  die  alt.  chr.  Begrabnissstat.  (The  Anc. 
Chr.  PhTces  of  Sepult.).  Hamb.  1839.— _F.  Milnier,  Sinnbild.  u.  Kunst- 
vorstell.  d.  alt.  Christen.  (Emblems  and  Artist.  Ideas  of  the  Anc. 
Christ.).  Altona  1825.— i^.  Piper,  Mythol.  u.  Symbol,  der  chr.  Kunst. 
(Mythol.  and  Symb.  of  Chr.  Art).  Weim.  1847. 

The  first  unequivocal  mention  of  buildings  specially  designed 
for  public  worship  occurs  in  the  writings  of  Tertullian  (at  the 
close  of  the  second  century).  At  the  time  of  Diocletian,  a 
splendid  church  stood  close  by  the  imperial  residence  in  the  city 
of  Nicomedia,  and  proudly  overshadowed  it  (§  23,  6).  At  the 
commencement  of  the  fourth  century,  Rome  numbered  more  than 
forty  churches.  We  are,  however,  entirely  ignorant  of  the  form 
and  arrangement  of  these  churches.  But  the  Apostolic  Con- 
stitutions already  enjoin  that  they  should  be  oblong,  and  so 
placed  as  to  point  to  the  east.  Tertullian  and  Cyprian  men- 
tion an  altar  for  the  preparation  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  a 
desk  for  reading.  During  the  times  of  persecution  Christian 
worship  required,  of  course,  to  be  held  in  secret  —  in  caves,  in 
deserts,  in  places  of  sepulture,  and  in  catacombs.  But  even  at 
other  times  the  Christians  liked  to  celebrate  worship  in  places 
where  believers  were  buried  {cemeteries)  and  in  catacombs,  in 
order  to  manifest  that  communion  in  Christ  continued  beyond 
death  and  the  grave.  —  (Cf.  §  36,  1,  4). 

The  Arts.  —  The  early  Christians  inherited  from  Judaism  a  dislike 
to  the  arts.  This  feeling  was  not  a  little  increased  by  their  antagonism 
to  the  artistic  worship  of  heathenism,  by  a  spirit  of  outward  separation 
from  the  world,  which  was  called  forth  and  fostered  during  the 
early  persecutions,  and  by  a  one-sided  interpretation  of  the  statement 
of  Christ  concerning  the  worship  of  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  But, 
considering  the  artistic  taste  of  the  Greeks,  this  aversion  could  not  last. 
How  strong  the  reaction  had  become,  even  at  the  time  of  Tertullian, 
may  be  gathered  from  his  violent  opposition.  The  first  distinctively 
Christian  works  of  art  consisted  of  emblems,  used,  however,  only  in 
domestic  and  private  life,  on  the  walls  of  dwellings,  cups,  rings,  etc. ; 
next  the  catacombs  were  adorned  ;  and,  lastly,  in  the  fourth  century, 
the  churches.     The  emblems  most  in  use  were  the  monogram  of  the 


LIFE,     MANNERS,     AND    DISCIPLINE.  127 

name  Christ,  consisting  of  an  intertwining  of  the  letters  X  and  P. 
Frequently  the  letter  P  terminated  in  an  anchor,  and  the  letter  X  was 
surrounded  by  the  letters  a,  and  w  (Ilev.  i.  8).  A  symbol  much  in  use 
was  that  of  a  fish,  of  which  the  name,  ix^v^,  served  as  an  anagram 
('Ijycf.  Xp.  ®(o\>  Tioj  Xcorjjp),  and  which  at  the  same  time  reminded  of 
the  water  of  life  and  of  the  Avater  of  baptism.  Besides,  we  also  meet 
with  the  representation  of  a  ship,  of  a  dove,  of  an  anchor  (Heb.  vi.  19), 
oi  a.  fisherman  (Matt.  iv.  19),  of  a  crown  (Rev.  ii.  10),  of  a  vine  (-John 
sv.),  oi  ii,  palm-tree  (Rev.  vii.  9),  of  a  cock  (John  xviii.  27),  o^  a.  ph(xnix 
(as  symbol  of  the  resurrection),  of  a  hart  (Ps.  xlii.  1),  of  a  lamb  (John 
i.  29),  of  a  shepherd  who  carries  on  his  shoulder  the  lost  sheep  that  had 
been  found  (Luke  xv.),  etc.  — By  and  by  these  symbols  led  to  the  use 
of  types.  Old  Testament  histories  were  now  depicted  :  fi'om  that  it  re- 
quired only  another  step  to  delineate  New  Testament  events.  —  So  late 
as  the  year  305,  the  Synod  of  Illiberis  (Elvira)  interdicted  the  use  of 
pictures  in  churches.  —  During  this  period,  only  Gnostics  (the  Carpo- 
cratians)  and  heathens  (as  in  the  Lararium  of  Alexander  Severus, 
§  23,  4)  made  use  of  images  of  Christ.  From  Isaiah  liii.  2,  3,  the 
Catholics  inferred  that  the  outward  appearance  of  the  Saviour  had  been 
the  opposite  of  atttractive.  —  (Cf.  ^  57,  4;  60,  3.) 

g3G.   LIFE,   MANNERS,   AND  DISCIPLINE. 

CoMP.  G.  Arnold,  erste  Liebe,  d.  i.  wahre  Abbild.  d.  ersten  Christen 
(First  Love,  i.e.,  Faithful  Portrait,  of  the  First  Chr.).  Frkf.  1696.— 
C.  Schmidt,  essai  hist,  sur  la  societe  dans  le  monde  Rom.  et  sur  sa  trans- 
form, par  le  christianisme.  Strassb.  1853.  —  /.  A.  and  ^(t^f.  Theiner, 
die  Einfuhrung  der  crzwungencn  Ehelosigkeit  bei  d.  chr.  Geistl.  (In- 
trod.  of  the  Oblig.  to  Celibacy  among  the  Clir.  Clergy).  2  vols.  Altenb. 
1828. 

Where,  as  in  the  persecutions  of  that  period,  the  chaflf  is  so 
thoroughly  separated  from  the  wheat,  the  Divine  power  of  the 
Gospel  and  the  rules  laid  down  by  strict  ecclesiastical  discipline 
would  of  necessity  produce  a  degree  of  purity,  of  moral  earnest- 
ness, and  of  self-denial,  such  as  never  before  had  been  seen  in  the 
world.  But  what  attracted  most  admiration  among  the  heatlien, 
who  were  so  much  accustomed  to  mere  selfishness,  was  the 
brotherly  love  practised  (§  60,  2),  the  care  taken  of  the  poor  and 
sick,  the  ready  and  large-hearted  hospitality,  the  sanctity  of  the 
marriage  relation,  and  the  joy  with  which  martyrdom  was  borne. 
Marriages  with  Jews,  heathens,  and  heretics,  were  disapproved 
of;  commonly  also  second  marriage  after  the  death  of  a  first 
husband.  Christians  avoided  taking  part  in  public  amusements, 
dances,  and  spectacles,  as  being  "pompa  diaboli."  According  to 
11 


128         SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

Eph.  vi.  10  etc.,  they  regarded  the  Christian  life  as  a  militia 
Ghristi.  But  since  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  as  in  out- 
ward constitution  and  worship,  so  in  the  ethical  views  concerning 
the  Christian  life,  the  depth,  liberty,  and  simplicity  of  apostolic 
times  gave  place  to  a  spurious,  catholic  externalism  and  bondage. 
Ecclesiastical  teachers  still,  insisted,  indeed,  on  the  necessity  of  a 
state  of  mind  corresponding  to  the  outward  works  done.  But 
already  this  outward  conformity  was  over-estimated,  and  thus 
gradually  the  way  was  prepared  for  ivork-holiness  and  the  ojjus 
operatum  (i.  e.,  attaching  merit  to  a  work  in  and  by  itself).  This 
tendency  appears  very  prominently  so  early  as  in  the  case  of 
Cyprian  (de  opere  et  eleemosynis).  With  this  the  Alexandrian 
theologians  also  combined  a  theoretical  distinction  between  a 
higher  and  lower  nwrality,  of  which  the  former  was  to  be  sought 
by  the  Christian  sage  (o  yitoortxoj),  while  an  ordinary  Christian 
might  rest  satisfied  with  the  latter.  This  laid  the  foundation  for 
all  the  later  aberrations  o^  asceticism.  —  (Cf.  §  61.) 

1.  The  Cliristian  Life.  —  The  spirit  of  Chi-istianity  also  pervaded 
domestic  and  civil  life.  It  manifested  itself  in  family  worship,  in  the 
celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  the  family  (^33),  in  making  the  sign 
of  the  cross  before  undertaking  or  doing  anything,  and  in  adorning  the 
dwellings  and  furniture  with  certain  symbols  (^  35,  note).  The  rites 
of  marriage  were  consecrated  by  the  Church,  but,  as  yet,  the  validity 
of  a  union  was  not  considered  as  depending  on  this.  The  wearing  of 
garlands  and  of  veils  by  brides  was  disapproved,  as  being  heathen  sym- 
bols ;  but  the  custom  of  using  a  marriage  ring  was  early  in  use,  and 
was  viewed  as  a  Christian  symbol.  The  practice  of  the  heathen  to 
burn  the  dead  bodies  reminded  of  hell-fire  ;  the  Christians,  therefore, 
preferred  the  Jewish  practice  of  burial,  appealing  to  1  Cor.  xv.  Chris- 
tian families  observed  the  anniversaries  of  tlie  death  of  their  departed 
members  with  prayer  and  oblations,  in  token  of  their  continued  com- 
munion with  them  (|  33,  4). 

2.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline. — (For  the  literature  see  §  31,  1.)  Here- 
tics, apostates,  and  pertinacious  transgressors,  were,  according  to  apos- 
tolic injunction,  exckided  from  the  communion  of  tlie  Church  {excom- 
mnnicatiu),  and  only  restored  after  having  given  sufficient  proof  of  their 
penitence.  From  the  great  number  of  those  who,  during  the  Decian 
persecution,  made  recantation,  it  became  necessary  to  fix  a  certain  rule 
of  procedure  in  such  cases,  which  remained  in  force  till  the  fifth 
century.  Penitents  had  to  pass  through  four  stages  of  discipline,  of 
which  each  lasted,  according  to  circumstances,  one  or  more  years.  In 
the  first  (the  TtpocxXavaig),  the  penitents,  arrayed  in  the  garb  of  mourn- 
ing, stood  by  the  cliureh-door,  entreating  the  clergy  and  congregation 


LIFE,    MANNERS,    AND    DISCIPLINE.  129 

to  receive  them  again  ;  in  the  second  (the  dxpoacrij),  penitents  Tvere 
alloAved  to  be  present,  although  in  a  separate  place,  during  the  reading 
of  the  Scriptures  and  the  sermon.  In  the  third  (vrtortrwcrij),  they  were 
also  allowed  to  be  present,  and  to  kneel  at  prayer ;  while  in  the  fourth 
[avataavi),  they  might  again  join  in  all  the  parts  of  public  worship,  with 
the  exception  of  the  communion,  which,  however,  they  might  witness, 
standing.  After  that,  they  made  a  public  confession  of  their  sins 
[s^onoTMyrjciii) ,  and  received  absolution  and  the  fraternal  kiss  (pas, 
reconcili"atio).  This  administration  of  discipline  was  only  shortened  or 
rendered  milder  "  in  periculo  mortis."  But  this  extreme  strictness  in 
dealing  with  penitents  also  led  to  the  opposite  extreme  of  excessive 
laxity.  Confessors,  especially,  frequently  abused  their  privilege  of 
procuring  the  restoration  of  penitents  by  means  of  what  were  called 
recommendatory  letters  [lihelli imcis),  a  practice  which  tended  seriously 
to  injure  the  administration  of  discipline.  On  the  other  hand,  some 
went  so  far  as  to  deny  that  the  Church  had  the  right  of  absolving  and 
restoring  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  mortal  sin  (1  John  v.  16),  such 
as  theft,  murder,  adultery,  or  apostasy.  But  these  extreme  views  did 
not  mislead  the  Church. — (Cf.  ^  61,  1.) 

3.  Asceticism.  —  The  asceticism  [iyxpa-fiia,  continentia)  of  the  hea- 
then and  of  the  Jews  (the  Pythagoreans,  the  Essenes,  the  Therapeutae) 
was  either  the  Tesult  of  dualistic  views,  or  the  manifestation  of  a  false 
spiritualism.  In  opposition  to  this  tendency,  Christianity  propounded 
it  as  a  principle:  Hai/ra  ifiZiv  iatw  (1  Cor.  iii.  21;  vi.  12).  .At  the 
same  time  it  also  admitted,  that  from  the  disposition,  the  requirements, 
or  circumstances  of  an  individual,  a  sober^asceticism  was  warrantable, 
and  might  even  prove  relatively  useful  (Matt.  xix.  12;  1  Cor.  vii.  5,  7). 
But  the  Gospel  neither  insisted  _pn.itj.,nor  ascribedto  Jtany^  merit. 
Views  such  as  these  prevailed  so  late  as  the  second  century  (they 
occur,  for  example,  in  Ignatius).  But  after  the  middle  of  that  century, 
a  much  greater  value  was  attached  to  asceticism.  It  was  regarded  as 
a  higher  stage  of  morality,  and  as  ensuring  superior  merit. — Along 
with  this  change,  the  ideas  connected  with  asceticism  underwent  a 
modification.  In  general,  itmeant  frecLuent  and  protracted  J'asts  and 
celibacy,  or  at  leasTaBslTnence  from  conjugal  intercp^urse  (after  1  Cor. 
-vii.;  Matt.  xix.  12). — Continued  prayer  and  meditation  served  to  foster 
the  spiritual  life  of  ascetics.  Most  of  them,  also,  voluntarily  relin- 
quished their  worldly  possessions,  in  application  of  Luke  xviii.  24. 
After  the  middle  of  the  second  century  their  number  rapidly  increased, 
till  they  formed  a  distinct  class  in  the  community.  But  as  yet  they 
were  not  bound  by  irrevocable  vows  to  continue  this  manner  of  life. — 
The  Idea  that  the  call  to  asceticism  devolved  more  especially  on  the_ 
jclerg^,  resulted  from  their  dcsiifnation  as  the  x%r<^oi;  ®sov.  So  early  as 
the  second  ccjitury,  a  socdnil  luurriagc  on  the  part  of  clergynien_wa8^ 
held  to  be  unlawful  (on  the  ground  of  1  Tim.  iii.  2)  ;  while  in  the 

I 


130  SECTION    I. FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

third,  it  was  considered  their  duty,  after  ordination,  to  abstain  from 
conjugal  intercourse.  The  attempt  to  make  this  obligatory  was  first 
made  in  the  year  305,  at  the  Council  of  Elvira,  but  proved  unsuccess- 
ful.— The  shameful  practice,  on  the  j^art  of  certain  ascetics  and  clerics, 
of  taking  to  themselves  (perhaps  in  misinterpretation  of  1  Cor.  ix.  5) 
religious  females  as  sorores  (dSsX^at),  seems  to  have  originated  in  the 
second  century.  The  idea  was,  that  being  joined  to  them  in  spiritual 
love,  they  were  unitedly  to  defy  the  temptations  of  the  flesh.  In  the 
middle  of  the  third  century  this  practice  was  widely  spread.  Cyprian 
frequently  inveighs  against  it.  The  abuse  went  so  far,  that  these  so- 
called  "sorores"  slept  in  the  same  bed  with  the  ascetics,  and  indulged 
in  the  most  tender  embraces.  To  prove  the  purity  of  their  relation- 
ship, they  were  wont  to  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  midwives.  So  far 
as  we  can  gather,  Paxil  of  Samosata,  in  Antioch,  was  the  first  bishop 
to  encourage  this  practice  by  his  own  example.  In  the  popular  par- 
lance of  Antioch,  this  more  than  doubtful  relationship  went  by  the  name 
of  yvvixlxti  cvvtLsdxfoi  [siibintrodiicta;,  agapetfB,  extraneas).  At 
last  bishops  and  councils  passed  strict  injunctions  against  it. — During 
the  Decian  persecution  some  Egyptian  Christians  had  fled  into  the 
wilderness,  whei'e  avoiding,  on  principle,  all  intercourse  with  their 
fellow-men,  they  led  a  life  of  strict  asceticism.  These  were  the  first 
Anchorites.  One  of  them,  Paul  of  Thebes,  lived  almost  ninety  years 
in  the  wilderness.  His  existence  had  been  forgotten  by  his  cotem- 
poraries,  when,  in  340,  S.  Antonkis  discovered  his  remains,  from  which 
life  had  but  lately  departed.  His  body  was  found  in  the  attitude  of 
prayer. 

4.  The  Beginning  of  Martyr-  Worship. — Martyrdom  was  early  lauded 
as  a  lavacrinn  sanguinis  in  which  sin  was  washed  away,  an  ample  sub- 
stitute for  baptism.  The  anniversaries  of  the  death  of  martyrs,  desig- 
nated birthdays  to  a  higher  life  [yivt^ha,,  natalitia  martyrum)  were 
observed  with  prayers,  oblations,  and  the  Lord's  Supper  at  their  graves, 
in  token  of  continued  communion  with  them  in  the  Lord.  Hence  their 
remains  were  gathered  with  great  care,  and  solemnly  interred.  Thus 
Polycarp's,  at  Smyrna  (|  23,  3),  were  collected  and  preserved  as  -ti/xidi- 
"if-pa  xl^iov  Tto'kvTffTi.iliv  xal  Soxtftcoi'fpa  irtep  xpvai'Ov,  in  order  that  his  ytve- 
^^toj'  iv  a.yya'Kcdaeo  xai  J^apa  slg  ft  "Tilir  ripori^Xrixo-euiv  fivriju-yjv  xai  tZv  /a.iXK6v- 
riov  oiaxr^aiv  te  xai  ttot/.iaaMv  might  there  be  performed. — The  relics  were 
not  yet  thought  to  possess  miraculous  virtues,  nor  do  we  find  any  trace 
of  prayingjtosaints.  But  itwas  confidently  believed,  that  at  the  tlirone 
of  God  they  eflectually  interceded  for  the  Church  militant  on  earth,  as 
they  had  been  often  asked  to  do  before  their  departure.  The  living, 
also,  felt  it  to  be  their  duty  constantly  to  pray  for  departed  saints. 
High  respect  was  likewise  paid  to  confessors  (§  23,  5)  during  their 
life,  and  they  were  allowed  to  exercise  great  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
the  church,  as  in  the  choice  of  bishops,  the  restoration  of  the  fallen,  etc. 


THE    MONTANISTIC    REFORMATION.  131 


§  37.   THE   MONTANISTIC  REFORMATION  (about  150  a.  d.). 

CoMP.  G.  Wernsdorf,  de  Montanistis.  Gedan.  1751.  —  A.  Neander, 
Antignosticus  (Transl.  by  J.  E.  Ryland,  Lond.  Bohn.). — K.  Hesselberg, 
Tertullian's  Lehre  (The  Doct.  of  Tert.).  Dorp.  1848.— [^.  Schivegler,  d, 
Montan.  u.  d.  chr.  K.  d.  2  Jahrh.  —  Montan.  and  the  Chr.  Ch.  of  the 
Second  Cent. — Tlibg.  1841. — F.  Chr.  Baur,  das  Wesen  d.  Montanism., 
in  the  Tubg.  Jahrb.  for  1851.  IV.] 

However  rigorous  the  moral  demands  which  the  Church  of  the 
second  and  third  century  made  upon  its  members,  and  however 
strict  the  exercise  of  its  discipline,  parties  were  not  wanting 
who  deemed  the  common  practice  and  views  insufficient.  Among 
these  the  Montanists  were  the  most  notable.  The  movement 
originated  in  Phrygia,  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century. 
Its  leading  characteristics  were  :  a  new  order  of  ecstatic  pro- 
phets, with  somnambulistic  visions  and  new  revelations ;  a 
grossly  literal  interpretation  of  scriptural  predictions  ;  a  fanati- 
cal millenarianism  ;  a  self-confident  asceticism  ;  and  an  exces- 
sive rigour  in  ecclesiastical  discipline.  Thus,  without  dissenting 
from  the  doctrinal  statements  of  the  Church,  Montanism  sought 
to  reform  its  practice.  In  opposition  to  the  false  universalism 
of  the  Gnostics,  the  Montanists  insisted  that  Christianity  alone, 
and  not  heathenism,  contained  the  truth.  In  opposition  to 
Catholicism,  they  maintained  that  their  own  spiritual  church  was 
really  a  step  in  advance  of  apostolical  Christianity.  If  Mon- 
tanism had  universally  prevailed,  Christianity  would  speedily 
have  degenerated  into  mere  enthusiasm,  and  as  such  run  its 
course.  This  the  Church  recognized  at  an  early  period,  and 
hence  protested  against  these  views  as  a  heretical  aberration. 
It  could  not  but  be  seen  that  their  much-vaunted  purity  of  doc- 
trine was  always,  more  or  less,  at  the.  mercy  of  the  disordered 
imagination  of  some  Montanist  prophet.  Still,  their  moral  ear- 
nestness and  zeal  against  worldliness,  hierarchism,  and  false 
spiritualism,  rendered  important  service  to  the  Church,  both  in 
the  way  of  admonition  and  of  warning. 

1.  Phrygian  Montanism. — About  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
Monianus,  a  native  of  Ardaban,  appeared  at  Pepuza,  in  Phrygia,  as  a 
prophet  and  reformer  of  Christianity,  to  which  he  had  only  lately  be- 
come a  convert.  He  had  visions,  and  while  in  a  state  of  unconscious- 
ness and  ecstasy,  prophesied  of  the  near  advent  of  Clirist,  and  inveighed 
11* 


130  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

third,  it  was  considered  their  duty,  after  ordination,  to  abstain  from 
conjugal  intercourse.  The  attempt  to  make  this  obligatory  was  first 
made  in  the  year  305,  at  the  Council  of  Elvira,  but  proved  unsuccess- 
ful.— The  shameful  practice,  on  the  part  of  certain  ascetics  and  clerics, 
of  taking  to  themselves  (perhaps  in  misinterpretation  of  1  Cor.  ix.  5) 
religious  females  as  sorores  [aSeX^ao),  seems  to  have  originated  in  the 
second  century.  The  idea  was,  that  being  joined  to  them  in  spiritual 
love,  they  were  unitedly  to  defy  the  temptations  of  the  flesh.  In  the 
middle  of  the  third  century  this  practice  was  widely  spread.  Cyprian 
frequently  inveighs  against  it.  The  abuse  went  so  far,  that  these  so- 
called  "sorores"  slept  in  the  same  bed  with  the  ascetics,  and  indulged 
in  the  most  tender  embraces.  To  prove  the  purity  of  their  relation- 
ship, they  were  wont  to  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  midwives.  So  far 
as  we  can  gather,  Paul  of  Samosata,  in  Antioch,  was  the  first  bishop 
to  encourage  this  practice  by  his  own  example.  In  the  popular  par- 
lance of  Antioch,  this  more  than  doubtful  relationship  went  by  the  name 
of  yvvalxBi  ovvstadxfot,  [siihintrodtictce,  agapetiB,  extranege).  At 
last  bishops  and  councils  passed  strict  injunctions  against  it. — During 
the  Decian  persecution  some  Egyptian  Christians  had  fled  into  the 
wilderness,  where  avoiding,  on  principle,  all  intercourse  with  their 
fellow-men,  they  led  a  life  of  strict  asceticism.  These  were  the  first 
Anchorites.  One  of  them,  Paul  of  Thebes,  lived  almost  ninety  years 
in  the  wilderness.  His  existence  had  been  forgotten  by  his  cotem- 
poraries,  when,  in  340,  E.  Anionius  discovered  his  remains,  from  which 
life  had  but  lately  departed.  His  body  was  found  in  the  attitude  of 
prayer. 

4.  The  Beginning  of  Martyr-Worship. — Martyrdom  was  early  lauded 
as  a  lavacnim  sanguinis  in  which  sin  was  washed  away,  an  ample  sub- 
stitute for  baptism.  The  anniversaries  of  the  death  of  martyrs,  desig- 
nated birthdays  to  a  higher  life  {yivi^^ia,  natalitia  martyrum)  were 
observed  with  prayers,  oblations,  and  the  Lord's  Supper  at  their  graves, 
in  token  of  continued  communion  with  them  in  the  Lord.  Hence  their 
remains  were  gathered  with  great  care,  and  solemnly  interred.  Thus 
Polycarp's,  at  Smyrna  (^  23,  3),  were  collected  and  preserved  as  -tifiM- 
-r"? ptt  ^ilicoi'  rtoXu'fsXuJf  xixl  Soxvfxuitspa  iriip  ;^pv(Ti'Oj/,  in  order  that  his  yips- 
^Xtoj'  iv  OLyyaXiciGct,  xai  ;^apa  fij  •?«  -tuiv  Ttporj^Xrixotiov  fivr^fxi/jv  XM  tu>v  /xiXf^ov- 
fi^v  aaxrjeiv  -ts  xai  ttoLfiaaiav  might  there  be  performed. — The  relics  were 
not  yet  thought  to  possess  miraculous  virtues,  nor  do  we  find  any  trace 
o^prajiin g  to  saints.  But  itwas  confidently  believecI',"iEat  at  the  throne 
of  God  they  eflectually  interceded  for  the  Church  militant  on  earth,  as 
they  had  been  often  asked  to  do  before  their  departure.  The  living, 
also,  felt  it  to  be  their  duty  constantly  to  pray  for  departed  saints. 
High  respect  was  likewise  paid  to  confessors  (|  23,  5)  during  their 
life,  and  they  were  allowed  to  exercise  great  influence  in  the  aff'airs  of 
the  church,  as  in  the  choice  of  bishops,  the  restoration  of  the  fallen,  etc. 


THE    MONTANISTIC    REFORMATION.  131 


§  37.   THE   MONTANISTIC   EEFOKMATION  (about  150  a.  d.). 

CoMP.  G.  Wernsdorf,  de  Montanistis.  Gedan.  1751.  —  A.  Neander, 
Antignosticus  (Transl.  by  J.  E.  Ryland,  Lond.  Bohn.). — K.  Hesselberg, 
Tertullian's  Lehre  (The  Doct.  of  Tert.).  Dorp.  1848.— [^.  Schwegler,  d. 
Montan.  u.  d.  chr.  K.  d.  2  Jahrh.  —  Montan.  and  the  Chr.  Ch.  of  the 
Second  Cent. — Tlibg.  1841. — F.  Chr.  Bmir,  das  Wesen  d.  Montanism., 
in  the  Tubg.  Jahrb.  for  1851.  IV.] 

However  rigorous  the  moral  demands  which  the  Church  of  the 
second  and  third  century  made  upon  its  members,  and  however 
strict  the  exercise  of  its  discipline,  parties  were  not  wanting 
who  deemed  the  common  practice  and  views  insufficient.  Among 
these  the  Montanists  were  the  most  notable.  The  movement 
originated  in  Phrygia,  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century. 
Its  leading  characteristics  were  :  a  new  order  of  ecstatic  pro- 
phets, with  somnambulistic  visions  and  new  revelations ;  a 
grossly  literal  interpretation  of  scriptural  predictions  ;  a  fanati- 
cal millenarianism  ;  a  self-confident  asceticism  ;  and  an  exces- 
sive rigour  in  ecclesiastical  discipline.  Thus,  without  dissenting 
from  the  doctrinal  statements  of  the  Church,  Montanism  sought 
to  reform  its  practice.  In  opposition  to  the  false  universalism 
of  the  Gnostics,  the  Montanists  insisted  that  Christianity  alone, 
and  not  heathenism,  contained  the  truth.  In  opposition  to 
Catholicism,  they  maintained  that  tlieir  own  spiritual  church  was 
really  a  step  in  advance  of  apostolical  Christianity.  If  Mon- 
tanism had  universally  prevailed,  Christianity  would  speedily 
have  degenei'ated  into  mere  enthusiasm,  and  as  such  run  its 
course.  This  the  Church  recognized  at  an  early  period,  and 
hence  protested  against  these  views  as  a  heretical  aberration. 
It  could  not  but  be  seen  that  their  much-vaunted  purity  of  doc- 
trine was  always,  more  or  less,  at  the.  mercy  of  the  disordered 
imagination  of  some  Montanist  prophet.  Still,  their  moral  ear- 
nestness and  zeal  against  worldliness,  hierarchism,  and  false 
spiritualism,  rendered  important  service  to  the  Church,  both  in 
the  way  of  admonition  and  of  warning. 

1.  Phrygian  Montanism. — About  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
Monianus,  a  native  of  Ardaban,  appeared  at  Pepuza,  in  Phrygia,  as  a 
prophet  and  reformer  of  Christianity,  to  which  he  had  only  lately  be- 
come a  convert.  He  had  visions,  and  while  in  a  state  of  unconscious- 
ness and  ecstasy,  prophesied  of  the  near  advent  of  Christ,  and  inveighed 
11* 


132  SECTION    I.—  FIRST    P  ERI  0  D   (100— 323  A.  D.)  . 

against  the  corruption  in  the  Church.  Maximilla  and  Priscilla,  two 
females,  were  infected  with  his  enthusiasm,  became  likewise  somnam- 
bulistic, and  prophesied.  Part  of  the  congregation  recognized  him  as 
a  divine  prophet,  and  believed  his  predictions  and  teaching  (Montanis- 
ti^,  Kara<|)pvyfj,  Pepuziani).  Others  regarded  him  and  these  two 
females  as  possessed,  and  would  have  called  in  the  aid  of  exorcism. 
Meantime  opposition  only  served  to  feed  the  delusion.  Monianus  felt 
convinced  that  in  him  was  fulfilled  the  promise  of  Christ  concerning 
the  Faracleie,  who  was  to  guide  the  Church  into  all  truth.  His  adhe- 
rents declared  that  they  alone  had  received  the  Holy  Ghost.  They 
called  themselves  Tivivnatixoi,  and  designated  the  unbelieving  Catho- 
lics as  ■\vx''Xoi.  The  movement  spread,  growing  in  error  as  it  pro- 
ceeded. The  principal  ecclesiastical  teachers  of  Asia  Minor  (Claudius 
ApoUinarius,  Miltiades,  Rhodon,  etc.)  rose  against  it  as  one  man, 
and  by  word  and  writing  contended  against  Montanism.  Several 
synods  also  solemnly  pronounced  against  it  (about  170).  They  suc- 
ceeded in  arresting  the  spread  of  this  delusion. 

2.  Montanism  in  the  West.  —  The  sentence  of  condemnation  pro- 
nounced in  Asia  Minor  was  approved  of  at  Rome.  But  the  Christians 
of  Gaul,  who  had  always  kept  up  close  intercourse  with  the  Mother 
Church  in  Asia  Minor,  and  who,  under  the  pressure  of  the  Aureliau 
persecution,  cherished  at  that  time  more  lively  expectations  of  a  coming 
millennium,  refused  entirely  to  condemn  the  Montanistic  movement. 
Accordingly,  they  addressed  conciliatory  letters,  both  to  Asia  Minor 
and  to  Rome.  Irenceiis,  at  the  time  only  a  presbyter,  went  to  Rome, 
and  persuaded  Bishop  Eleiitherus  to  adojDt  mild  and  conciliatory  mea- 
sures. But  soon  afterwards,  when  Praxeas,  a  confessor  from  Asia 
Minor  (^  40,  3),  arrived  in  Rome,  he  and  Cajus,  a  presbyter  and  a 
fanatical  enemy  of  millenarianism,  so  wrought  upon  Bishop  Victor  by  a 
description  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Montanists,  that  he  withdrew  the 
epistles  of  peace  which  he  had  already  written.  From  that  time  the 
Roman  Church  remained  strenuously  opposed  to  Montanism.  Still, 
the  movement  met  with  considerable  sympathy  in  the  West,  especially 
in  Proconsular  Africa.  This  translocation,  however,  proved  otherwise 
useful,  by  removing  much  of  the  fanaticism  and  sectarianism  which 
had  originally  attached  to  the  party.  TertidUan,  a  presbyter  of  Carth- 
age (about  the  year  201),  and  the  most  eminent  teacher  in  the  West, 
of  his  time,  was  by  far  the  ablest  champion  of  Montanism.  He  devoted 
all  his  energy  and  talents  to  gain  adherents  to  his  principles.  But  the 
stigma  of  sectarianism  and  the  reproach  of  heresy  attached  to  them. 
Still  the  sect  of  Tertullianists  continued  in  Africa  for  a  long  time. 

3.  Doctrine  and  Practice. — It  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  Montanism 
that  Divine  revelation  gradually  and  increasingly  developed.  This 
progression  had  not  reached  its  climax  in  Christ  and  His  apostles,  but 
was  destined  to  do  so  during  the  era  of  the  Paraclete,  which  had  com- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    SCHISMS.  133 

menced  with  Montanus.  The  pati-iarchal  pei-iod  was  the  period  of 
infancy  in  the  kingdom  of  God  ;  the  period  of  the  law  and  of  prophecy, 
under  the  Okl  Covenant,  its  childhood;  in  the  Gospel  it  entered  upon 
the  period  of  youth  ;  while  in  the  Montanistic  effusion  of  the  Spirit,  it 
finally  attained  the  full  maturity  of  manhood.  Its  absolute  completion 
may  be  expected  to  take  place  in  the  millennium,  which  was  regarded 
as  at  hand.  The  following  were  the  principal  reformatory  ordinances 
of  the  Paraclete  :  Second  marriage  was  to  be  considered  fornication ;  — 
much  greater  importance  was  to  be  attached  to  fasting :  on  the  "dies 
stationum"  it  was  absolutely  unlawful  to  partake  of  anything,  and  two 
weeks  before  Easter  only  water  and  bread  or  dry  meat  (lijpo^ayiiat) 
were  allowed ;  —  those  who  had  been  excommunicated  were  to  con- 
tinue in  the  "  status  poenitentisB"  during  the  remainder  of  their  lives  ; 
—  martyrdom  was  to  be  sought  after  :  to  withdraw  in  any  way  from 
persecution  was,  in  measure,  to  apostatize  ;  —  virgins  were  to  appear 
only  veiled,  and,  generally,  women  to  renounce  all  luxury  and  orna- 
ments; —  worldly  science  and  art,  and  all  worldly  enjoyments,  even 
those  which  appear  to  be  innocent,  were  treated  as  a  snare  laid  by  the 
enemy,  etc. 

^38.  ECCLESIASTICAL   SCHISMS. 

It  so  happened  that  sometimes  in  one  and  the  same  congrega- 
tion there  were  those  who  advocated  the  administration  of  lax 
and  of  rigorous  discipline.  Each  of  these  parties,  of  course, 
wished  to  enforce  its  peculiar  views,  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
others.  From  such  controversies,  accompanied  as  they  fre- 
quently were  by  disputes  between  presbyters  and  bishops,  and 
by  doctrinal  divergences,  various  schisms  arose  which  continued 
for  a  period,  even  although  outward  circumstances  seemed  at 
the  time  to  render  ecclesiastical  union  more  than  ever  desirable. 
"We  read  of  four  such  schisms  during  the  period  under  review. 

1.  The  Schism  of  Ilippolytits  at  Rome  {about  220-235).  — (Comp.  J. 
Dullinger,  Hipp.  u.  Callistus.  Regensb.  1853. —  WordswortJi,  S.  Hippol. 
and  his  Ago.  Lond.  185S.—  W.  E.  Taylor,  Ilippol.  and  the  Chr.  Ch.  of 
the  Third  Cent.  Lond.  1853. — Art.  "  Hippol."  in  Ilerzog's  Encycl.,  in 
the  translat.,  publ.  by  Lindsay  and  Blakiston,  II.  570,  1860.) — After  a 
life  full  of  curious  adventures,  Callistus  (Calixtus),  a  liberated  slave, 
was  in  217  raised  to  the  see  of  Rome,  not  without  strenuous  opposition 
from  the  more  strict  party  in  the  Church.  They  charged  him  with  a 
connivance  at  every  kind  of  transgression,  equally  inconsistent  with 
Christian  earnestness  and  destructive  of  all  discipline.  Besides,  they 
also  accused  him  of  holding  the  Noetian  heresy  (H^^.  4).  The  opposi- 
tion was  headed  by  Hippolytus,  a  presbyter,  whom  his  adherents  elected 
12 


134    SECTION  I. — FIRST  PERIOD  (100—323  A.  D.). 

countev-bishop.  The  schism  lasted  till  the  time  of  Pontianns,  the 
second  in  occupation  of  the  see  of  Rome  after  Callistus.  The  chiefs  of 
both  parties  having  been  banished  to  Sardinia,  a  reconciliation  took  place 
between  their  adherents,  who  united  to  choose  another  bishop  (235). 

2.  The  Schism  of  Felicissimus  at  Carthage,  about  the  year  250, 
was  in  reality  an  opposition  to  the  episcopal  authority  of  Cyprian.  The 
(moderate)  strictness  of  that  bishop  in  dealing  with  the  lapsed  was  only 
made  a  pretext.  Several  presbyters  at  Carthage  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  appointment  of  Cyprian  as  bishop  (248),  and  sought  to  withdraw 
from  his  jurisdiction.  At  their  head  was  Novatus.  They  ordained,  of 
their  own  authority,  Felicissinms,  who  afterwards  became  the  chief  of 
the  party,  as  deacon.  When,  during  the  Decian  persecution,  Cyprian 
for  a  shoi't  time  left  Carthage,  they  accused  him  of  dereliction  of  duty 
and  cowardice. ,  But  Cyprian  soon  returned,  and  his  opponents  turned 
his  strictness  towards  the  lapsi  to  account  for  exciting  people  against 
him.  The  bishop  had  protested  against  the  readiness  with  which  some 
confessors  had,  without  fully  examining  into  the  circumstances,  given 
libellos  pads  to  the  lapsed,  and  deferred  the  consideration  of  such  cases 
to  a  synod,  to  be  held  after  the  persecution  had  ceased.  An  eccle- 
siastical visitation  completed  the  breach.  The  dissatisfied  presbyters 
at  once  received  the  lapsed ;  renounced  the  authority  of  Cyprian, 
although,  when  the  persecution  broke  out  afresh,  that  bishop  himself 
introduced  a  milder  discipline ;  and  elected  Fortunatus  as  counter- 
bishop.  Only  after  considerable  trouble  Cyprian,  by  a  combination 
of  prudence  and  firmness,  succeeded  in  arresting  the  schism. 

3.  In  the  Schism  of  Kovatian,  a  Presbyter  at  Pome  (251),  the 
cause  of  dispute  was  of  an  almost  opposite  character  from  that  just 
described.  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  exercised  a  mild  discipline ;  a 
practice  opposed  by  the  more  strict  party,  under  the  presbyter  Novatian. 
When  Novatus  of  Carthage  arrived  at  Rome,  he  joined  the  discontented 
party,  although  his  own  views  on  ecclesiastical  discipline  had  been  the 
very  opposite  of  theirs,  and  incited  them  to  separation.  The  strict 
party  now  chose  Novatian  as  their  bishop.  Both  parties  appealed  for 
recognition  to  the  leading  churches.  Cyprian  pronounced  against 
Novatian,  and  contested  the  sectarian  principles  of  his  adherents, 
according  to  which  the  Church  had  not  the  right  to  assure  forgiveness 
to  the  lapsed,  or  to  those  who,  by  gross  sin,  had  broken  their  baptismal 
vows  (though  they  admitted  the  possibility  that,  by  the  mercy  of  God, 
such  persons  might  be  pardoned).  The  Novatians  also  held  that  the 
Church,  being  a  communion  of  pure  persons,  could  not  tolerate  in  its 
bosom  any  who  were  impure,  nor  readmit  a  person  who  had  been  ex- 
communicated, even  though  he  had  undergone  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
On  this  ground  the  party  called  itself  the  Ka'^apot.  Owing  to  the 
moral  earnestness  of  their  principles,  even  those  bishops  who  took  a 
different  view  from  theirs  were  disposed  to  regard  them  more  favoura- 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS.  135 

bly ;  and  almost  through  the  whole  Roman  empire  Novatian  com- 
munities sprung  up,  of  which  remnants  existed  so  late  as  the  sixth 
century. 

4.  The  Schism  of  Meletius  in  Egypt. — 'During  the  Diocletian  persecu- 
tion, Meletius,  Bishop  of  Lycopolis,  in  Thebais,  had,  without  being 
authorized,  arrogated  to  himself  the  power  of  ordaining  and  of  other- 
wise interfering  with  the  rights  of  his  metropolitan,  Petrus,  Bishop  of 
Alexandria,  who  for  a  season  had  retired  from  his  diocese.  Warnings 
and  admonitians  were  in  vain.  An  Egyptian  synod  then  excom- 
municated and  deposed  him.  This  gave  rise  to  a  schism  (300)  which 
spread  over  Egypt.  The  general  Council  of  Nice  (325)  offered  to  all 
Meletian  bishops  amnesty,  and  the  succession  in  their  respective  sees 
in  case  the  Catholic  counter-bishop  should  die.  Many  submitted,  but 
Meletius  himself,  with  some  others,  continued  schismatic,  and  joined 
the  party  of  the  Arians. 


IV.  TEACHING  AND  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

^39.  THEOLOGICAL   SCHOOLS   AND   THEIR  REPRESEN- 
TATIVES. 

The  earliest  Christian  writers  had  enjoyed  intercourse  with, 
and  instruction  from,  the  apostles.  On  that  account  they  are 
commonly  called  Aj^ostoUc  Fathers.  In  their  case,  as  in  that  of 
the  apostles  themselves,  the  immediate  requirements  of  practical 
life  formed  the  burden  and  the  motive  of  their  writings.  But 
the  literary  contest  with  heathenism,  which  immediately  suc- 
ceeded, gave  a  more  scientific  character  to  Christian  authorship. 
This  contest  gave  rise  to  a  long  series  of  apologetical  works, 
which  in  great  part  date  from  the  second  century.  The 
scientific  tendency  of  Christian  theology  developed  even  more 
fully  in  the  third  century  during  the  controversy  with  Judaising 
and  paganising  heretics.  In  opposition  to  those  dangerous 
aberrations,  three  peculiar  types  of  doctrinal  views  developed 
within  the  Catholic  Church  after  the  close  of  the  second  century. 
They  are  commonly  distinguished  as  the  schools  of  Alexandria, 
of  Asia  Ilinor,  and  of  North  Africa.  —  Since  the  close  of  the 
first  century,  another  branch  of  literature,  though  one  of  very 
doubtful  value,  had  also  appeared.  We  allude  to  the  ajjocry- 
phal  and  pseudo-epigraphic  writings,  which  arose  partly  with 


136  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

the  view  of  spreading  certain  heresies,  partly  for  apologetical 
purposes,  and  partly  to  give  sanction  to  certain  ecclesiastical 
ordinances.  This  species  of  literature  seems  to  have  attained  its 
highest  point  during  the  second  and  third  centuries. — (Cf.  §  47.) 

1.  The  Apostolic  Fathers.  —  (Comp.  A.  Hilgenfeld,  die  ap.  V.  Halle 
1853.  /.  H.  B.  Lilhkert,  d.  Theologie  d.  ap.  V.  in  tiie  "  Luther.  Zeitschr." 
for  1854.  IV.  Lechler,  d.  Apost.  u.  nachapost.  Zeitalter.  Stuttg.  1857). 
Of  these  seven  are  mentioned : 

(1.)  Clement,  Bishop  of  Rome  (Philippians  iv.  3),  from  whom  we 
have  an  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  containing  admonitions  to  concord 
and  humility. 

(2.)  Barnabas,  the  well-known  companion  of  the  Apostle  Paul. 
The  letter,  preserved  under  his  name,  beti-ays,  by  its  allegorical  inter- 
pretations, the  Alexandrian  ideas  of  the  author,  and  breathes  contempt 
for  the  Old  Testament,  and  its  ceremonial.  It  contains,  however,  some 
ingenious  views,  and  gives  evidence  of  deep  piety.  Its  authenticity  is 
doubtful. 

(3.)  Hermas"  (Rom.  xvi.  14).  The  IlotjUjjv  (Pastor)  ascribed  to  him 
was  perhaps  written  by  a  later  Hermas,  the  brother  of  the  Roman 
Bishop  Pius,  about  the  year  150.  The  work  derives  its  name  from  the 
circumstance  that  in  it  an  angel,  under  the  guise  of  a  shepherd, 
instructs  the  author.  It  contains  visions,  "mandata,"  and  "  simili- 
tudines."  It  is  still  in  dispute  whether  the  Greek  copy  recently  brought 
from  Greece,  is  really  a  transcript  from  the  original,  or  only  a  retrans- 
lation  from  the  old  Latin  version. 

(4).  Ignatius,  Bishop  of  Antioch  (|  23,  2).  We  possess  seven 
letters  of  his,  which  on  his  journey  to  martyrdom  he  addressed  to 
various  churches  (one  of  them  to  Polycarp).  Of  the  two  Greek  re- 
censions, the  more  lengthy  is  manifestly  a  paraphrase.  They  are 
distinguished  above  all  other  writings  of  this  time  by  energetic  oppo- 
sition to  Judaistic  and  Docetic  heresy,  by  a  most  decided  confession 
of  the  Divinity  of  Christ,  and  by  strenuous  assertions  of  the  authority 
of  bishops  as  the  representatives  of  Christ.  Bunsen,  LipsUis,  and 
others,  maintain  that  a  still  shorter  recension  (in  Syriac  translation), 
of  only  three  letters,  represents  the  genuine  works  of  Ignatius ;  while 
Banr,  Hilgenfeld,  and  others,  deny  the  genuineness  of  all  the  three 
recensions. 

(5.)  Polycarp,  Bishop  of  Smyrna  (§  43,  3),  a  disciple  of  the  Apostle 
John,  has  left  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Philippians. 

(6.)  Papias,  Bishop  of  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia,  likewise  a  disciple 
of  John,  collected  the  oral  traditions  of  the  discourses  and  deeds  of 
the  Lord  (xoyc'wv  xvpi.axZv  i^r^yrjai?),  of  which  only  a  few  fragments  have 
been  handed  down.  Credulity,  misunderstanding,  and  an  unbounded 
attachment  to  milleunarian  views,  seem  to  have  characterized  this 
work. 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS.  137 

(7).  A  letter  addressed  to  Diognetps  by  an  unknown  author,  who 
calls  himself  ^a^tjtrii  r^v  o.Hoato'Kwv.  It  is  manifestly  erroneous  to 
regard  Justin  Martyr  as  its  writer.  The  letter  ably  refutes  the  ob- 
jections of  Diognetus  to  Christianity.  Unlike  the  other  Fathers,  the 
author  regards  the  heathen  gods  not  as  demons,  but  as  empty  phantoms. 
The  institutions  of  the  Old  Testament  he  considers  to  have  been  human, 
and  indeed  partly  inept,  arrangements.  The  best  edition  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Fathers  is  that  by  Cotelerius,  Paris  1678,  folio ;  the  latest  edition, 
that  by  Hefele,  4th  editioh."Tub;'1855. 

2.  Among  the  numerous  Apologetical  Writers  of  the  second  cen- 
tury (complete  collections  of  their  works,  so  far  as  extant,  comp.  |  G3, 
1,  were  published  by  Prud.  Maranus.  Par.  1742.  2  Voll.  fol.  and  by  C. 
T.  Otto.  Jen.  1842,  etc.)  the  first  place  must  be  assigned  to  Justin- 
Martyr,  who  was  born  at  Sichem  in  Samaria,  and  died  as  martyr  in 
the  year  166.  As  a  heathen,  he  successively  sought  after  truth  in  the 
various  philosophical  systems,  among  which  he  Avas  most  attracted  by 
that  of  Plato.  But  it  was  only  when  an  unknown  veneral)le  man, 
whom  he  met  by  the  sea-shore,  directed  him  to  the  prophets  .and 
apostles,  that  he  found  satisfaction.  In  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  life 
he  became  a  convert  to  Christianity,  which,  while  continuing  to  wear 
his  philosopher's  cloak  (pallium),  he  enthusiastically  defended  by 
writings  and  discussions.  But  thereby  he  also  called  forth  the  special 
hatred  of  heathen  sages.  Crescens,  a  Cynic  at  Rome,  was  his  most 
bitter  enemy,  and  left  nothing  undone  to  secure  his  destruction.  In 
this  he  succeeded.  Under  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  about 
the  year  166,  Justin  was  scourged  and  beheaded  at  Rome.  (Comp. 
'Bemisch,  Justin  Martyr,  transl.  by  J.  E.  Ryland.  Edin.  T.  and  T. 
Clark.) 

3.  The  School  of  Asia  Minor. — -This  school  may  be  traced  back  to 
the  labours  of  John,  and  was  distinguished  by  its  firm  adherence  to 
the  Bible,  its  strong  faith,  its  scientific  liberality,  its  conciliatory  tone, 
and  its  trenchant  polemics  against  heretics.  The  greater  part  of  its 
numerous  and  formerly  so  celebrated  teachers  are  known  to  us  almost 
only  by  name.  One  of  its  oldest  representatives  was  Melito,  Bishop 
of  Sardis,  who  died  about  170.  Of  his  numerous  writings,  which  bore 
on  all  the  important  ecclesiastical  questions  of  the  time,  only  a  very 
few  fragments  have  been  preserved.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  have  pre- 
served a  list  of  eighteen  different  tractates  by  that  Father.  After 
Melito,  lRE.x.f  us,  a  disciple  of  Pohjcarp,  was  the  most  celebrated  teacher 
of  that  school.  He  went  into  Gaul,  where  he  became  presbyter,  and, 
after  the  martyrdom  of  Bishop  Pothinus  (§  23,  3),  was  elevated  to  the 
see  of  Lyons.  He  died  a  martyr  under  Septimius  Severus  in  the  year 
202.  The  best  editions  of  his  writings  are  those  by  li.  Massuet,  Paris 
1710;  and  by  A.  Stieren,  Leipsic  1847.  —  The  learned  Hippolytus, 
presbyter,  and  afterwards  schismatic  Bishop  at  Rome  (§  38,  1),  oh. 

12* 


138  SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

235,  -was  a  disciple  of  Irenceus.  Such  was  the  authority  in  which 
Hippolytus  was  held,  that,  soon  after  his  death,  his  friends  erected  a 
statue  of  him  in  Rome,  bearing  on  the  back  of  the  chair  a  list  of  his 
numerous  writings.  It  was  dug  out  on  an  island  of  the  Tiber  in  the 
year  1551.  The  best  edition  of  his  writings  is  that  by  /.  A.  Fahriciris, 
Hamb.  1716.  2  vols.  4to.  supplemented  by  S.  Hippolyti  Episc.  et  Mart. 
Refutat.  omn.  hceres.  Libr.  X.  quse  supersunt.  ed.  Duncker  et  Schnei- 
dewin.  Gijtt.  185G. 

4.  The  School  of  Alexandria. — The  principal  task  to  which  the  repre- 
sentatives of  this  school  set  themselves,  was  to  oppose  a  true  churchly 
Gnosis  to  the  spurious  Gnosticism  of  heretics.  In  this  attempt,  some 
of  them,  however,  were  entangled  in  dangerous  philosophical  aberra- 
tions. Still,  most  of  them  were  distinguished  by  classical  culture,  by 
logical  acumen,  by  liberality  and  originality.  The  centre  of  this  theo- 
logical tendency  was  the  Catechetical  School  of  Alexandria,  which,  from 
an  institution  for  the  instruction  of  educated  catechumens,  became  a 
theological  seminary.  The  first  celebrated  teacher  in  this  institution 
was  Pant^nus  {oh.  202).  He  was  surpassed  by  Clement  of  Alexan- 
dria, his  pupil  and  successor.  Impelled  by  a  desire  for  knowledge, 
this  writer,  when  still  a  heathen,  had  travelled  about ;  and  having 
acquired  considerable  learning,  arrived  at  Alexandria,  where  he  was 
attracted  by,  and  converted  under,  Pant^nus.  During  the  persecution 
under  Septimius  Severus  (202),  he  withdrew,  according  to  Matt.  x.  23, 
by  flight  from  the  vengeance  of  the  heathen.  But  to  his  death  in  220 
he  continued  to  work  and  to  write  for  the  Church.  (Best  edition  by  J. 
Potter,  Oxon.  1715.  2  vols,  fol.)  However  great  his  fame,  it  was  sur- 
passed by  that  of  Origen,  his  pupil  and  successor,  whom  heathens  and 
Christians  equally  admired  for  his  learning,  and  who,  from  his  unwea- 
ried diligence,  bore  the  designations  of  Adamantius  and  XaJiw'i'T'fpoj. 
He  was  distinguished  as  a  philosopher,  as  a  philologian,  as  a  critic, 
as  an  exegetical,  dogmatic,  apologetic,  and  polemic  writer.  Posterity 
has,  with  equal  justice,  honoured  him  as  the  founder  of  scientific  the* 
ology,  and  disowned  him  as  the  originator  of  many  heretical  views. 
He  was  born  at  Alexandria,  of  Christian  parents,  about  the  year  185, 
and  trained  by  his  father  Leonidas,  and  by  Pantccnus  and  Clement. 
When  still  a  mere  boy,  he  encouraged  his  father  to  undergo  martyrdom 
under  Septimius  Severfis  (in  202),  provided  for  his  helpless  mother  and 
her  six  orphan  children,  and  was  appointed  by  Bishop  Demetrius 
teacher  in  the  catechetical  school  (in  203).  In  order  to  do  justice  to 
his  new  office,  he  applied  himself  with  all  diligence  to  the  study  of 
philosophy,  under  the  tuition  of  Ammonius  Saccas,  a  Neo-Platonist. 
In  private  life  he  was  exceedingly  abstemious,  and  from  his  youth  a 
strict  ascetic.  In  his  zeal  for  Christian  perfection,  and  misunderstand- 
ing the  passage  in  Matt.  xix.  12,  he  made  himself  a  eunuch,  —  a  step 
which  he  afterwards  felt  to  have  been  wrong.     Meantime  his  'fame 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS.  139 

increased  daily.  In  obedience  to  a  highly  honourable  call,  he  laboured 
for  some  time  in  the  mission  in  Arabia.  The  excellent  Empress  Julia 
Mammcea  summoned  him  to  Antioch  (218) ;  and  in  the  j^ear  228  ho 
undertook,  for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  a  journey  to  Palestine,  where  the 
the  bishops  of  Ccesarea  and  Jerusalem  ordained  him  presbyter,  though 
in  opposition  to  the  canons  of  the  Church.  His  own  bishop',  Demetrms, 
who  had  at  any  rate  been  jealous  of  the  fame  of  Origen,  resented  this 
invasion  of  his  rights,  recalled  him,  and  in  two  synods  held  at  Alexan- 
dria (in  231  and  in  232),  caused  him  to  be  deposed  and  excommunicated 
for  heresy,  self-mutilation,  and  contempt  of  ecclesiastical  canons.  Origen 
now  betook  himself  to  Ccesarea,  where,  honoured  and  assisted  by  the 
Emperor  Philip  the  Arabian,  he  opened  a  theological  school.  Here 
his  literary  activity  attained  its  climax.  During  the  Decian  persecu- 
tion he  was  imprisoned,  and  finally  died  at  Tj^re,  in  254,  in  consequence 
of  the  fearful  tortures  which  he  had  borne  with  calmness. — (Comp.  E.  R. 
Eedepenning,  Origenes.  Bonn  1841.  2  vols.  G.  Thomasiiis,  Origenes, 
Nurenib.  1837.  (Best  editions  of  his  works  by  C.  de  la  Hue,  Paris  1733. 
4  vols,  fob,  and  by  Lomniatszch,  Berlin  1831,  26  vols.)  —  Among  the 
successors  of  Origen  at  Alexandria,  Diontsius  Alexandrinus  (since 
233)  was  the  most  celebrated.  In  the  year  248  he  was  elevated  to  the 
see  of  that  city,  and  died  in  265.  He  was  not  equal  to  Origen  in  point 
of  speculation.  But  indeed  his  Charisma  was  rather  the  xv^ifvYjoii. 
Even  his  cotemporaries  called  him  tJie  Great.  During  the  Decian  per- 
secution he  displayed  equal  prudence,  calmness,  courage,  and  constancy. 
Amid  the  ecclesiastical  disputes  of  his  time,  he  had  ample  opportunity 
of  manifesting  the  generosity  and  mildness  of  his  character,  his  faithful 
adherence  to  the  Church,  and  his  zeal  for  the  purity  of  its  teaching. 
Everywhere  the  influence  of  his  self-denial  and  amiability  was  felt. — 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus  had  attended  on  the  teaching  of  Origen  at 
Caesarea.  Converted,  as  a  youth,  under  Origen,  from  paganism  to  the 
Gospel,  he  clung  with  the  deepest  affection  to  his  venerated  teacher. 
He  afterwards  became  bishop  of  his  native  city,  Neo-Ca3sarea,  and  on 
his  death-bed  enjoyed  the  consolation  of  leaving  to  his  successor  no 
more  unbelievers  in  the  city  (17)  than  his  predecessor  had  left  be- 
lievers. He  was  designated  a  second  Moses,  and  it  was  thought  that 
he  possessed  the  power  of  working  miracles. — (Cf.  l  47,  3,  4.) 

5.  The  School  of  North  Africa  was  distinguished  by  its  realism  and 
its  practical  tendency,  thus  representing  the  opposite  extreme  to  the 
idealism  and  the  speculations  of  the  Alexandrians.  Its  peculiarity  was 
that  of  the  Western  mind, generally,  and  chiefly  manifested  itself  in 
the  controversy  with  Gnosticism.  Its  representatives,  although  them- 
selves classically  educated,  rejected  classical  science  and  philosophy, 
as  apt  to  lead  astray.  They  laid  great  stress  on  purity  of  apostolical 
tradition,  and  insisted  on  sanctification  of  the  life  and  strict  asceticism. 
Its  first  and  greatest  teacher  was  Tektullian,  the  son  of  a  heathen 
12 


140  SECTION    I.— FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

centurion  at  Carthage.  While  a  pagan,  he  distinguished  himself  as 
an  advocate  and  rhetorician,  He  was  converted  late  in  life  ;  and,  after 
a  considerable  stay  at  Rome,  vras  ordained  a  presbyter  at  Carthage 
{ob.  220).  Naturally  he  Tvas  impetuous  and  energetic;  in  his  writings, 
as  in  his  life,  he  appears  a  strong  man,  full  of  glowing  enthusiasm  for 
the  foolishness  of  the  Gospel,  and  equally  strict  towards  himself  and 
others.  He  originated  the  Latin  ecclesiastical  language  ;  his  "  Punic 
style"  is  terse,  rich  in  imagery  and  rhetorical  figures  ;  his  thoughts 
are  acute  and  deep.  Although  himself  trained  in  heathen  lore,  he  was 
fanatically  opposed  to  it,  and  equally  so  to  Gnosticism.  His  zeal  in 
favour  of  strict  asceticism,  and  against  every  kind  of  worldliness,  led 
him  to  become  a  Montanist  in  201.  There  his  peculiar  mode  of  think- 
ing and  feeling,  the  energy  of  his  will,  the  ardour  of  his  affections,  his 
powerful  imagination,  his  tendency  towards  the  strictest  asceticism, 
and  his  predilection  for  realism,  found  full  scope  for  development.  If, 
withal,  he  kept  free  from  many  aberrations  of  Montanism,  this  must  be 
ascribed  to  his  clear  understanding  and,  however  much  he  may  have 
despised  it,  to  his  thorough  scientific  training.  (Best  edition  of  his 
works  by ,i^r.  Oehler,  Leipsic  1854.)  Comp.  §  37. — Thascius  C^cilius 
Cyprianus  was  first  a  heathen  rhetorician,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Carth- 
age, and  died  a  martyr  under  Valerian  in  258.  Although  trained  by 
the  writings  of  TertuUiaii  ("da  magistrum  !"  ),  he  kept  clear  of  his 
extravagances.  He  was  equally  distinguished  by  warm  and  firm  adhe- 
rence to  the  idea  of  one,  holy,  visible  Church,  and  by  zeal,  faithful- 
ness, vigour,  and  prudence  in  the  cure  of  souls  and  the  administration 
of  his  congregation.  His  life  and  writings  give  ample  evidence  of 
these  qualities.  (Comp.  Reitberg,  Cypr.  nach  sein.  Leben  und  Wir- 
ken.— Cypr.,  his  Life  and  AVorks— Gott.  1831.— (?.  A.  Poole,  Life  and 
Times  of  Cyprian,  Oxf.  1840.) — L.  Cod.  Lactantius  Firmianus  {ob. 
330),  by  birth  a  heathen,  afterwards  teacher  of  elocution  at  Nicome- 
dia,  and  then  tutor  to  Crisptis,  the  imperial  prince,  who  was  executed 
in  32G  by  command  of  his  father  (Constantino  the  Great).  His  apolo- 
getic writings  show  that  he  was  modest,  amiable,  and  learned.  They 
abound  with  evidences  of  his  culture,  affectionateness,  and  clearness. 
From  the  purity  of  his  Latin  style  and  the  elegance  of  his  diction,  in 
which  he  far  surpassed  all  other  Fathers,  he  was  called  the  Christian 
Cicero.  But  his  writings  are  destitute  of  depth  and  acumen,  and  on 
theological  questions  he  frequently  commits  blunders  and  oversights. — ■ 
To  this  school  belong  also  Mimicius  Felix,  Commodianns,  and  Arnobius, 
all  of  them  apologetic  writers. — (Cf.  §  47,  5.) 

6.  During  this  period  the  School  of  Ant'ioch  (§  47,  1),  of  which  the 
presbyters  Doroilieus  and  Lvcicni  were  the  founders,  first  aj^peared. 
The  latter  died  a  martyr  in  311.  Through  his  influence,  that  school 
from  the  first  gave  its  main  attention  to  the  critical,  grammatical,  and 
historical  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. — There  is  said  to  have  been 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  DOCTRINE,  ETC.      141 

a  Christian  school  at  Edessa,  as  early  as  the  second  century,  where 
Macarius  expounded  the  Scriptures  in  the  third  century. 

7.  The  greater  part  of  the  very  numerous  Apocryphal  and  Pseudo- 
EFiGRAPHic  Works  were  composed  to  promote  the  spread  of  heretical, 
chiefly  of  Ebionistic  and  Gnostic  views.  Mauy  of  them,  however,  must 
also  be  traced  to  Catholic  authors.  Their  chief  purpose  seems  to  have 
been,  through  a  kind  of  pious  fraud,  to  exalt  Christianity  by  "  vatici- 
nia  post  eventum,"  or  to  fill  up  any  gaps  in  its  history  by  myths  and 
fables  already  existent,  or  specially  devised  for  that  end.  The  subjects 
chosen  were  either  connected  with  the  Old  or  with  the  New  Testament. 
Among  the  latter  we  reckon  Apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts  of  Apostles, 
Apostolic  Letters  and  Revelations.  In  these  gospels  reference  is  not 
made  to  the  teaching  of  Christ,  probably  because  it  was  thought  that 
the  canonical  gospels  had  given  sufficient  details  on  that  subject.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  dwell  largely  on  the  history  of  the  childhood  of 
the  Lord,  and  furnish  fabulous,  though  pretendedly  documentary  sup- 
plements to  the  accounts  of  Christ's  sufferings.  Besides,  a  number  of 
spurious  ancient  heathen  and  Jewish  oracles  were  circulated  and  fre- 
quently quoted  for  apologetic  purposes  (§  41,  1), 

§  40.   DEVELOPMENT   OF  DOCTRINE   AND   DOGMATIC 
CONTROVERSIES. 

CoMP.  F.  Clir.  Baur,  d.  chr.  Lehre  v.  d.  Dreieinigkeit  (The  Chr, 
Doctr.  of  the  Trinity).  I.  Tlibg.  1841.—  (?.  A.  Meier,  d.  Lehre  v.  d. 
Trinitat.  I.  Ilamb.  1844. — /.  A.  Doriier,  d.  Lehre  v.  d.  Person  Christi. 
2d  Ed.  I.  Stuttg.  1845..— iT.  A.  Kahnis,  d.  Lehre  v.  h.  Geiste  (The  Doctr. 
concern,  the  H.  Sp.).  I.  Halle  1847. — Lobeg.  Lange,  Gesch.  u.  Lehrb. 
d.  Antitrin.  vor  d.  nicren.  Synode.  Leipz.  1851.  —  [H.  Corrodi)  krit. 
Gesch.  d.  Chiliasm.  (Crit.  Hist,  of  Millenar.)  4  vols.  Zur.  1794.  Art. 
"  Chiliasmus,"  in  Herzog's  Encycl.  I.  p.  G57  etc.  Philad. 

In  its  friendly  or  hostile  contact  with  heathen  culture,  Chris- 
tianity had  to  appear  ia  a  scientific  form,  in  order  thus  also  to 
prove  its  claim  to  recognition  as  a  universal  religion.  It  must, 
therefore  soon  have  been  felt  necessary  to  develop  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gospel.  During  the  three  first  centuries,  however,  the 
dogmas  of  the  Catholic  Church  were  not  yet  fully  formed  and 
established.  Before  this  could  be  accomplished,  Christian  truth 
had  freely  to  develop  in  individuals  ;  — besides,  as  yet,  no  gene- 
rally recognized  medium  for  tlie  decision  of  these  questions,  such 
as  the  later  universal  councils,  existed; — the  persecutions  left 
no  time  or  quietness  for  such  purposes  ;  — and  all  the  energies 
of  the    Church   were   engaged   in   defending    Christian   truth 


142         SECTION    I.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

against  the  inroads  of  heathen  and  Jewish  elements,  which  in 
Ebionism  and  Gnosticism  presented  so  threatening  a  front. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  internal  collisions  and  discussions 
which  took  place  at  that  period  prepared  the  Church  for  unfold- 
ing and  ultimately  establishing  Christian  doctrine.  Among 
these  we  reckon  the  contest  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Mon- 
tanists  (§  31). — The  discussions  about  Easter  and  about  baptism 
(§  31,  2  ;  32,  2)  had  also  a  dogmatic  bearing,  while  the  various 
schisms  (especially  that  of  JSTovatian,  §  38)  tended  to  fix  the 
dogma  concerning  the  Church.  Nor  must  we  leave  out  of  con- 
sideration the  Millenarian  discussions.  But  of  greatest  im- 
portance by  far  was  the  Trinitarian  controversy,  which  took 
place  in  the  third  century. 

1.  The  Trinitarian  Questions. — These  bore  on  the  relation  between 
the  Divine  /xovapx^o.  (the  unity  of  God)  and  the  oixovofjila  (the  nature 
and  the  relations  of  the  Trinity).  Peculiar  emphasis  was  laid  on  the 
relation  subsisting  between  the  Son  (or  Tioyoj)  and  the  Father.  The 
Church  firmly  maintained  the  independent  personal  subsistence  of  the 
Son  (IIypostasianism)  ;  but  various  errors  and  difficulties  arose  when 
it  was  attempted  to  bring  this  view  into  harmony  with  the  monotheism 
of  Christianity.  Adopting  the  distinction  made  by  Philo  between  the 
7i6yo5  £v6ta^£fo5  and  the  %.  rtpo4)opi.xoj  (§  11,  1),  it  was  at  first  thought 
that  the  hypostasation  was  somehow  connected  with  or  depended  on 
the  creation  of  the  world,  and  had  taken  place  for  that  purpose, — in 
short,  that  it  was  not  necessary  and  eternal,  but  a  free  act  in  time  on 
the  part  of  God.  The  real  essence  of  the  Deity  was  rather  ascribed  to 
the  Father,  and  all  the  attributes  of  divinity  were  not  assigned  to  the 
Son  in  the  same  manner  as  to  the  Father.  The  statement  of  Christ 
(John  xiv.  28) :  "  The  Father  is  greater  than  I,"  was  also  applied  to 
Christ's  state  of  existence  before  His  incarnation.  The  views  enter- 
tained about  the  Holy  Ghost  were  even  more  vague.  His  personality 
and  independent  existence  were  not  subjects  of  settled  or  deep  convic- 
tion ;  it  was  more  common  to  subordinate  Him,  and  also  to  ascribe  to 
Christ  Himself  the  functions  peculiar  to  the  third  person  of  the  Trinity 
(inspiration  and  sanctification).  But  this  process  of  siihordination  ap- 
peared to  some  of  the  Fathers  to  endanger  not  only  the  fundamental 
doctrine  of  the  unity  of  God,  but  also  that  of  the  divinity  of  Christ. 
Hence  they  preferred  passing  over  the  personal  distinction  between 
the  Logos,  the  Spirit,  and  the  Father.  One  of  two  ways  might  here  be 
chosen.  Following  the  example  of  the  Ebionites,  Christ  might  be 
regarded  as  a  mere  man,  who,  like  the  prophets,  had  been  furnished 
with  Divine  wisdom  and  power,  only  in  infinitely  higher  measure 
(dynainistic  Monarchianism).  Or  else,  yielding  more  fully  to  the  felt 
want  of  Christians,  it  might  be  conceived  that  the  whole  fulness  of  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  DOCTRINE,  ETC.      143 

Deity  dwelt  in  Christ ;  thus  identifying  the  Logos  with  the  Father, 
i.  e.,  regarding  the  former  as  only  a  peculiar  mode  in  which  the  latter 
operated  [modalistlc  Monarchianism).  Either  of  these  forms  of  Monareh- 
ianism  was  regarded  as  heretical,  and  the  hypostasian  view  as  alone 
orthodox.  Still  the  latter  also  contained  an  element  of  error  (that  of 
subordination),  while  the  former  (at  least  in  its  more  elevated,  modal- 
istlc form)  embodied  a  truth  which  as  yet  was  left  out  of  the  orthodox 
view  (the  acknowledgment  of  the  equality  of  being,  or  of  the  o^oovoi'a 
of  the  Son  with  the  Father).  These  two  opposing  views  were  recon- 
ciled and  united  by  the  doctrine  of  Jiomousian  Hypostasianism  pro- 
pounded in  the  third  century,  but  which  found  general  acknowledg- 
ment only  in  the  fourth  century. 

2.  The  Dynamistic  Monarchians. — Among  them  we  reckon,  1.  The 
Alogians  in  Asia  Minor  (about  170).  They  violently  opposed  the  mil- 
lenarianism  and  prophetism  of  the  Montanists,  and  rejected  not  only 
the  Book  of  Revelation,  but  also  the  Gospel  of  John.  Epiphanius  gave 
them  their  peculiar  name,  in  which  he  alluded  both  to  their  rejection 
of  the  Gospel  and  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Logos,  and  also  to  the  gi'ound- 
lessness  of  their  views  [a-Koyoi  =  unreasonable).  2.  The  same  writer 
speaks  of  the  Tiieodotian  sect  as  an  drtdtfrtaffjua  t^i  d?toyoi)  a^p£(rftof. 
Their  founder,  Theodoius  6  axvtivi,  from  Byzance,  taught  •^I'kbv  ai-^p- 
wrtov  iivan,  tbv  Xpcarov. — Spiritu  quidem  sancto  natum  ex  virgine,  sed 
hominem  nudum  nulla  alia  prse  cjeteris  nisi  sola  justitice  autoritate. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  second  century  he  arrived  at  Rome,  where  he 
gained  some  adherents,  but  was  excommunicated  by  Bishop  Victor. 
Another  Theodotus  (o  Ypartf^iV);^)  conceived  that  the  power  of  God  in 
Christ  was  less  than  that  in  Melchisedec,  since  Christ  was  only  media- 
tor between  God  and  men.  On  this  ground  his  adherents  were  called 
Melchisedechifes.  3.  Of  greater  influence  than  either  of  these  heretics, 
was  Artemox,  who  busied  himself  with  Aristotle  rather  than  with  the 
Bible,  and  maintained  that  his  doctrine  had  been  regarded  at  Rome  as 
orthodox  up  to  the  time  of  Bishop  Zephyrinus  (the  successor  of  Victor), 
who  excommunicated  him  and  his  adherents. 

3.  Praxeas  and  Tertidlian. — Patripassianism,  which  represents  the 
Father  as  Himself  becoming  incarnate  and  suffering  in  Christ,  may  be 
regarded  as  the  preparation  for,  and  the  first  rough  form  of  Modalism. 
These  views  were  first  prominently  brought  forward  by  Praxeas,  a 
confessor  from  Asia  Minor  (^  37,  2).  He  propounded  them  without  let 
in  Rome,  about  the  year  190 ;  but  was  even  then  vigorously  opposed 
by  Tertullian.  On  his  return  to  Africa  that  Father  wrote,  in  defence 
of  Montanism  and  Hypostasianism,  a  treatise  against  him,  in  which  he 
showed  the  weak  parts,  the  contradictions,  and  the  dangerous  tendency 
of  the  theory  of  Praxeas.  Although  TertuUian  himself  is  not  quite 
free  from  the  errors  of  Subordinatianism,  his  views  are  more  satisfac- 
tory, since  he  speaks  of  a  threefold  progress  in  the  hypostasation  of  the 

12* 


144  SECTION    I. — FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.). 

Son  (fillatio).  The  first  stage  consisted  of  the  eternal  indwelling  (im- 
manence, immanent  subsistence)  of  the  Son  in  the  Father ;  the  second 
stage  took  place  when  the  Son  came  forth  by  the  side  of  the  Father,  for 
the  purpose  of  creating  the  world  ;  and  the  third  when,  by  His  incar- 
nation, the  Son  manifested  Himself  in  the  world. 

4.  Nbetiis,  Callistiis,  and  Hippolytus. — The  views  oi  Noetus  of  Smyrna 
were  not  quite  free  from  Patripassian  error.  He  taught  that  the  Son 
was  the  son  of  himself,  and  not  of  another.  This  doctrine  was  brought 
to  Rome  about  215  by  Epigomis,  his  disciple,  where  it  met  with  con- 
siderable support,  being  chiefly  advocated  by  Cleomenes.  In  opposition 
to  these  views,  Hippolytus  (|  39,  3)  maintained  the  doctrine  of  subor- 
dinatian  Ilypostasianism,  which  up  to  that  time  was  regarded  as 
orthodox  (from  all  eternity  Christ  was  perfect  Logos,  but  only  as  the 
%6yoi  Ei'Sta'^froj,  being  undistinguished  from  the  Father ;  by  His  incar- 
nation He  had  become  perfectly  the  Son).  Callistiis,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
conceived  that  both  views  contained  some  elements  of  truth  and  others 
of  error.  Although  by  no  means  clear  in  his  statements,  or  wholly 
free  from  error,  he  Avas  the  first  to  propound  what,  in  its  fuller  develop- 
ment, is  known  as  homousian  Hypostasianism.  Hippolytus  rej^roached 
the  bishop  with  being  a  Noetian,  and  he  retorted  by  charging  the 
presbyter  with  Ditheism.  SabeUius,  who  at  the  time  lived  in  Rome, 
was  at  first  undecided,  but  ultimately  pronounced  in  favour  of  Modal iijim^ 
and  was  excommunicated  by  Callistiis.  Hippolytus  and  his  adherents 
renounced  the  authority  of  Callistus,  and  formed  a  community  of  their 
own  (I  38,  1). 

5.  Beryllus  and  Origen.  —  Beryllus  of  Bostra,  in  Arabia,  was  also  a 
Patripassian.  His  system  formed  a  link  of  connection  between  Patri- 
passianism  and  Sabellian  Modalism.  He  denied  the  tSta  ^cotrj^  of  the 
divinity  of  Christ,  and  designated  it  as  rtatptxri  ^sotr;^,  but  at  the  same 
time  regarded  it  as  a  new  form  of  manifestation  (rtposwror)  on  the  part 
of  God.  In  the  year  244  an  Arabian  synod,  to  which  Origen  also  was 
invited,  was  convened  to  discuss  his  views.  Beryllus,  convinced  of  his 
error,  made  full  recantation.  All  former  teachers  had  held  that  the 
hypostasation  of  the  Logos  had  taken  place  in  time,  for  the  purposes 
of  creating  the  world  and  of  the  Incarnation.  Origen  was  the  first  to 
propound  the  truth  that  the  Son  is  begotten  by  the  Father  from  all 
eternity,  and  hence  from  all  eternity  a  hypostasis.  Again,  the  Son  is 
not  begotten  because  this  is  necessary  in  order  that  the  Son  might 
become  the  Creator,  but  because  it  is  necessary  in  and  by  itself,  as 
light  cannot  be  without  radiance.  He  also  propounded  the  dogma  that 
the  generation  of  the  Son  was  going  on  for  ever.  He  held  that,  as  the 
life  of  God  is  not  bound  to  time,  the  becoming  objective  of  this  life  in 
the  Son  must  likewise  lie  beyond  the  limitations  of  time  ;  it  is  not  an 
act  of  God  once  done,  but  a  continuous  manifestation  of  His  life  {ad 
ysvvS,  u  Xla-fjjp  tov  Tlov).     True,  even  Origen  is  not  quite  free  from  the 


DEVELOP  1^1  ENT    OF    DOCTRINE,    ETC.  145 

errors  of  Subordinatianism,  but  in  his  case  they  are  confined  within 
the  narrowest  limits.  He  rejects  indeed  the  expression,  that  the  Son 
was  ix  -trji  owtaj  -tov  rtatpoj,  but  only  in  opposition  to  the  Gnostic 
theories  of  emaviation.  Similarly,  he  speaks  of  a  tttpotrji  -ryji  ovutaj, 
but  only  in  opposition  to  the  o/xoovavo^,  taken  in  the  sense  of  the  Patri- 
passians.  He  held  that  the  Son  was  begotten  £x  tov  ^iXr-jiatoi  ^(ov,  but 
only  because  he  regarded  Him  as  the  Divine  will  become  objective ; 
he  calls  Him  a  x-tinna.,  but  only  in  so  far  as  He  is  ^tortotov^wfi'oj,  and  not 
avro^foj ;  but  the  Son  is  aitoaorfia,  o-vtoaXfj^iCa,,  Sfii-ffpo;  ^foj.  He  held  a 
subordination,  not  of  essence,  but  of  being  or  of  origin. 

6.  SabeUiiis  and  the  two  Dionysii.  —  Sahellius,  from  Ptolemais,  in 
Egypt,  had  during  his  stay  at  Rome  devised  a  peculiar,  speculative, 
and  monarchian  system,  which  met  with  considerable  support  from  the 
bishops  of  his  country.  It  was  favourably  distinguished  from  other 
systems  of  the  kind,  in  that  it  assigned  a  distinct  and  necessary  place 
to  the  Hohj  Gho.it.  According  to  him,  God  is  a  simple  unity  (^uovcij), 
who,  as  ^fof  cftwrtuif,  rested  in  Himself,  and  when  about  to  create  the 
world  came  forth  out  of  Himself  as  ^toj  %a.xZv  or  7.6yoj.  During  the 
course  of  the  development  of  the  world,  the  Monas  (or  the  Logos)  pre- 
sented Himself,  for  the  purpose  of  salvation,  successively  under  three 
dilferent  forms  of  existence  [ovofxata,  rtpdjwrta),  of  which  each  contained 
the  entire  Monas.  They  are  not  vrtocrtagft?.  but  rtpo^Mrfa. (masks),  as  it 
were  parts  which  God,  when  manifesting  Himself  in  the  world,  suc- 
cessively undertook.  Having  finished  His  peculiar  part  by  the  giving 
of  the  law,  the  "Prosopon"  of  the  Father  returned  again  into  His 
absolute  state.  Next  He  appears  in  the  incarnation  as  the  Son,  when, 
at  His  ascension.  He  again  returns  into  the  Monas  ;  and  lastly  mani- 
fests Himself  as  the  Holi/  Ghost,  that  when  the  Church  shall  have  been 
wholly  sanctified,  He  may  again,  and  for  all  eternity,  become  a  monad, 
without  distinction  in  itself.  Sabellius  designated  this  process  as  an 
expansion  {extaat,;)  and  contraction  [avcffoT^ri,  TtXa-tvofioi).  To  make 
his  ideas  more  intelligible,  he  illustrated  the  above  process  by  a  simile 
of  the  sun,  ovto;  /.dv  iv  nia,  irtoatdaev,  -fpftj  5f  txovto^  ■faj  ivcpyiM^,  viz.,  to 
r^i  Ttcpi^fpeiai  axyifxoL,  to  ^cotiatLxbv  xal  to  ^dxriov.  —  At  the  Synod  of 
Alexandria,  in  261,  Dioxvsius  the  Great  (|  36,  4)  contended  against 
the  Sabellianism  of  the  Egyptian  bishops,  but  in  his  zeal  made  use  of 
terms  which  implied  subordinatian  errors  of  the  grossest  kind  {^tvov 
xat'  ovacai/  avtbv  ilvai.  toi  IlaT'poj  uia^sp  iativ  o  yftopyoj  rfpoj  trjv  d^rtiXov 
xai  o  vavTCrjyb';  rtpoj  to  crxa^oj, —  wj  TCouTjfia  Cjv  ovx  ^i/  rtptr  yiviirjta.i).  When 
DiONYSius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  obtained  tidings  of  this,  he  rejected,  in  a 
Synod  at  Rome  in  262,  the  expressions  used  by  his  colleague  at  Alex- 
andria, and  published  a  tractate  ['Avatponri),  in  which,  with  equal 
acuteness,  clearness,  and  depth,  he  defended  against  Sabellius  the 
doctrine  of  the  hypostastic  existence,  and  against  the  Alexandrians  the 
b^oovaia.  and  the  eternal  generation  of  the  Son.  Dionysius  of  Alex- 
13  K 


146  SECTION    I. — FIRST    PERIOD    (100—323   A.  D.). 

andria  retracted,  with  praiseworthy  modesty,  the  ill-chosen  illustra- 
tions he  had  employed,  and  declared  himself  substantially  at  one  with 
the  views  of  the  Bishop  at  Rome. 

7.  Paul  of  Samosata. — For  half  a  century  dynamistic  Monarchianism 
had  not  been  represented  by  any  man  of  note,  when,  about  the  year  260, 
it  was  again  propounded  in  a  (comparatively)  more  profound  manner 
by  Paul  of  Samosata,  an  arrogant,  vain,  luxurious,  and  withal  covetous 
and  immoral  prelate.  While,  with  the  former  advocates  of  this  theory, 
he  maintained  that  the  Godhead,  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  term,  con- 
sisted only  of  one  person,  he  at  the  saiue  time  admitted  in  the  Deity  a 
relationship  between  the  /oyoj  ivbid'^itoi  and  rc^o^opixbi;.  Again,  while 
in  the  opinion  of  his  predecessors  the  humanity  of  Christ  alone  consti- 
tuted his  distinctive  personality,  Paul  (like  the  Socinians  of  modern 
times)  held  that,  by  His  inimitable  excellency,  the  man  Jesus  had  gra- 
dually risen  to  Divine  dignity,  and  to  deserve  the  name  of  God.  The 
Syrian  bishops  held  three  synods  to  discuss  his  errors.  At  the  third 
of  these  (269),  they  condemned  him,  and  rejected  the  expression  ofioov- 
cfioj,  which  he  had  misapplied.  But,  by  the  protection  of  Queen  Zenobia, 
Paul  retained  his  see.  When  Zenobia  was  vanquished  by  Aurelian,  in 
the  year  272,  the  Synod  accused  him  before  the  (heathen)  emperor, 
who,  after  taking  the  opinion  of  the  bishops  "  in  Italy  and  Rome," 
expelled  Paul. 

8.  Tlie  Millenarian  Controversy. — Since  the  time  of  Papias,  the  expec- 
tation of  a  millenial  reign  of  glory,  at  the  close  of  the  present  dispen- 
sation, had  been  fondly  cherished  by  the  Christians,  who,  under  their 
continued  persecutions,  looked  for  the  speedy  return  of  the  Lord.  Only 
thespiritualistsof  Alexandria(Clement,  Origen,  etc.)  opposed  these  views, 
and,  by  allegorical  interpretations,  explained  away  the  Biblical  argu- 
ments in  favour  of  them.  Caius,  a  Roman  presbyter  (about  210), 
asserted,  in  his  controversy  with  Procuhts,  a  Montanist,  that  both  Mil- 
lenarianism  and  the  Book  of  Revelation,  on  which  it  was  founded,  were 
a  fabrication  of  Cerinthus,  the  heretic.  Fifty  years  later,  the  Millena- 
rians  of  Egypt  were  headed  by  Kepos,  the  learned  Bishop  of  Arsinoe. 
He  wrote  a  treatise  against  Clement  and  Origen,  entitled  'Exiyxoi  rZiv 
oXXriyofirstiiv.  After  the  death  of  Xepos,  his  adherents,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Coracion,  a  presbyter,  seceded  from  the  Church  of  Alexandria. 
To  arrest  tlie  mischief,  Dionysius  immediately  hastened  to  Arsinoe.  A 
discussion  ensued,  which  lasted  for  three  days,  at  the  close  of  which, 
the  leaders  of  the  Millenarian  party  sincerely  thanked  the  Bishop  for 
his  instruction.  Coracion  himself  made  formal  recantation.  To  confirm 
his  converts,  Dionysius  wrote  a  book  entitled  Ilf  pi  iTta.yyt'Kvujv.  Aversion 
to  the  spiritualism  of  the  school  of  Origen  soon  afterwards  induced 
Mefliodivs,  Bishop  of  Olympus,  to  advocate  a  moderate  ]\Iillcnarianism, 
which  Lacianlius  also  enthusiastically  defended.  But  as  the  aspect 
of  outward  afi'airs  changed  under  the  reign  of  Constantine  the  Great, 


THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.  147 

these  views  lost  their  hold  on  men's  minds.  The  Chnrch  now  prepared 
for  a  long-continued  period  of  temporal  prosperity,  and  the  State-Church 
of  that  time  forgot  the  millennial  glory  of  the  future. 

§41-   THEOLOGICAL  LITERATUKE. 

1.  Attention  was  chiefly  paid  to  Apologetics.  —  The  apology  of 
Quadratus,  Bishop  of  Athens,  has  been  lost.  In  this  tractate,  which 
he  handed  to  the  Emperor  Hadrian,  he  appealed  to  the  fact  that  he 
had  been  acquainted  with  some  of  the  persons  Avhom  Jesus  healed  or 
raised  from  the  dead.  —  The  same  fate  overtook  the  apologies  of  Aristi- 
des,  a  converted  philosopher  of  Athens, — oi  Arision  of  Fella,  who  wrote 
a  Dialogue  between  Papiscus,  a  Jew  of  Alexandria,  and  Jason,  a  Jewish 
Christian,  —  oi  Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardes,  of  Claudius  Appolinaris  from 
Ilierapolis,  and  of  Miltiades,  a  rhetorician,  who  handed  their  apologies 
to  Marcus  Aurelius.  (The  "  Oration  of  Melito  to  Antonius  Cjesar," 
edited  by  W.  Curcton  in  his  Spicilegium  Syriac.  Lond.  1855,  is  probably 
not  the  celebrated  apology  of  that  Father,  but  his  tractate  th^I  d^j^^ftaj). 
With  Justin  Martyr  commences  the  series  of  apologies  which  have  been 
preserved.  That  Father  wrote  a  large  and  a  smaller  apology  —  both 
addressed  to  Marcus  Aurelius  —  a  Dialogue  "cum  Tryphone  Judaeo," 
and  a  tractate  rtfpi  jUoi'ap;^ias.  The  authenticity  of  the  ^oyoj  Ttporpf rtT'^x6J 
rtpos  "Exxrivai  (cohortatio),  and  of  the  Xoyoj  (oratio)  rtpoj  "Exxjyvaj,  is 
doubtful.  Tatian,  a  pupil  of  Justin  [1 28,  8),  wrote  a  "Koyoi  rtpoj  "Ex^j^i-aj ; 
Athenagoras  handed  to  Marcus  Aurelius  his  rtpeajSsM  Tttpi  ;^pKjrtanLi' ; 
Tkeophilus  of  Antioch  wrote  rtpoj  AvTfoXvxov  rtfpi)  trj^  fiov  'Kpia-tiavujv 
Ttiotsu^ ;  Hermias,  a  satire,  Siaavpfib^  fHv  s^u>  ^i,%oa6^uv. — From  the  pen 
of  Clemens  Alex,  we  possess  an  apology  consisting  of  three  portions ; 
The  Xoyoi  Ttpo-tpsrtt i,x6i  rtpoj  "Exxjyiaj  shows  the  falsehood  of  heathenism, 
the  rtaiSayuyof  shoAvs  the  way  to  Christ,  and  the  atpio/xata  introduce  the 
reader  to  the  deeper  truths  of  Christianity.  Origen  wrote  an  excellent 
apology  "contra  Celsum"  (|  24,  2).  From  the  able  pen  of  Tertidlian 
we  have  the  "  Apologeticus  adv.  gentes,"  —  the  "  ad  nationes," —  "  ad 
Scapulam"  (the  Proconsul  of  Africa),  —  "  de  testimonio  animse":  — 
from  Minncius  Felix,  an  advocate  at  Rome,  an  excellent  Dialogue  enti- 
tled "Octavius";  —  from  Cyprian  the  "  de  idolorum  vanitate"  and 
"  testimonia  adv.  Jud^eos."  Commodian  wrote,  in  barbarous  Latin  and 
in  bad  hexameters,  his  "  instructiones  adv.  gentium  Deos," — Arnobivs, 
even  before  his  baptism,  the  "  disputationes  adv.  gentes,"  containing 
traces  of  Gnostic  leanings, — Lactaniius,  in  elegant  Latin,  his  "  institu- 
tiones  divinoe'  — "  de  mortibus  persecutorum,"  "  de  opificio  Dei,"  "  de 
iraDei." — Among  Wiq  jiseudo  epigraphic  and  apocrypJial  works,  written 
for  apologetic  purposes,  we  reckon  the  "  Testamenta  XII.  patriarch- 
arum,"  being  the  instructions  and  prophecies  addressed  by  Jacob  to 
his  twelve  sons,  —  and  the  Christian  Sibylline  books,  being  oracles  (in 


148         SECTION    I.  —  riRST    PERIOD    (100—323  A.  D.)  . 

hexameters)  by  the  daughters-in-law  of  Noah,  referring  to  the  history 
of  ^he  various  empires,  the  life  of  Jesus,  the  fate  of  Rome,  Antichrist, 
etc.  The  Christians,  who  frequently  appealed  to  them  as  very  ancient 
testimonies  in  favour  of  the  truth,  were,  by  way  of  derision,  designated 
by  the  heathen  as  SlbtjUists.  —  {CL  I  48,  3.) 

2.  Polemics.  —  No  polemical  works  of  very  ancient  date  (against  the 
Ebionites,  the  Gnostics,  the  Montanists,  etc.)  have  been  preserved. 
This  species  of  literature  seems  to  have  been  assiduously  cultivated  by 
the  theologians  of  Asia  Minor.  Hippolytus  wrote  his  ^CKoco^ov^tva  ^ 
xara  rtaaZiv  (upeaiuv  f?i.fy;KO{  against  every  kind  of  heresy.  The  following 
authors  wrote  against  the  Gnostics:  Irenceus,  the  tytyxo^  xai  diarportj} 
•tiji  ■^ivSiovvnov  yi'u>(7£W5  (adv.  hjereses), — Terhdlian,  "  de  prfescriptione 
hsereticorum,"  "adv.  Hermogenem,"  "adv.  Valentinianos,''  "adv. 
Marcionem,"  "  de  anima,"  "  de  carne  Christi,"  "  de  resurrectiono 
carnis,"  "Scorpiace"  (antidote); — against  the  Monarchians:  Hippoly- 
tus, "contra  Noetum,"  "contra  Artemonem," — Terhdlian,  "adv. 
Praxeam,"  —  Novatian,  "de  trinitate,"  —  Dionysius  of  Alex,  and  Dio- 
nysius  of  Rome;  —  against  the  Allegorists  (the  disciples  of  Origen): 
Nepos  of  Arsinoe  (|  40,  8)  and  Methodius  of  Olympus,  rttpi  dfaoraofcoj 
and  rtspi  tuiv  jivvri'tZiV,  —  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Dionysixis  of  Alex. 
(§  44,  8),  Gregorius  Thaumaturgus  («ij  'Q,pt,yivriv  Ttavrjyvpixbi  Xoyo^),  and 
Pampliilus  of  Caasarea  ('ArtoXoyia)  defended  Origen  and  his  tendencies. 
— (Cf.  I  48,  3.) 

3.  Dogmatics. — In  the  tractate  rUpl  dp;^^^  (de  principiis),  which  has 
only  been  handed  doAvn  in  the  Latin  revision  of  Rufinus,  Origen  gave 
a  systematic  exposition  of  Christian  doctrines  generally.  The  work  is 
full  of  ingenious  speculations;  it  also  contains  many  traces  of  Platonic, 
Gnostic,  and  spiritualizing  views,  and  a  good  many  heterodox  state- 
ments (such  as:  the  eternity  of  creation,  the  fall  of  human  souls  before 
the  creation  of  the  world,  their  incarceration  in  the  body,  a  denial  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  resuri'ection,  Apocatastasis,  etc.).  Occasionally, 
dogmatical  statements  on  special  points  occur  in  some  of  the  apologetic 
and  polemic  writings  of  that  period.  On  the  doctrine  concerning  the 
Church,  the  work  of  Cyprian,  "  de  unitate  ecclesige,"  may  be  said  to 
form  an  era. — (Cf.  ^  48,  5.) 

4.  Criticism  and  Exegesis. — To  correct  the  text  of  the  LXX.,  Origen 
undertook  his  gigantic  work  entitled  the  Hexapla,  which  consists  of 
collation  of  the  different  texts  in  six  columns.  Similar  labours  engaged 
Lucian  of  Autioch  (|  39,  6). — The  exegesis  commonly  in  use  was  that 
known  as  allegorical,  the  Fathers  following  in  this  respect  the  Rabbins 
and  the  Hellenists.  The  Kxsij  of  Melito  [l  39,  3),  in  which  the  mystical 
sense  of  Biblical  names  and  words  is  indicated,  furnishes  directions  for 


THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.  149 

the  allegorical  interpretation  of  Scripture.  It  is  preserved  in  a  later 
Latin  elaboi-ation  (Clavis  Melitonis  in  Pitra  Spicil.  Solcsraense  T.  II, 
III.).  Origen  reduced  the  prevailing  mode  of  interpretation  to  definite 
canons.  He  distinguished  in  every  passage  of  Scripture  a  threefold 
sense — first  the  literal,  then  the  higher  or  mystical,  i.  e.,  the  tropical  or 
moral,  and  lastly,  the  pneumatic  sense, — as  it  were  the  a^jxa,  -^XV'  ^^^ 
Tivsvfjia.  Without  undervaluing  the  literal  meaning  of  a  passage,  he 
deemed  it  of  much  greater  importance  to  ascertain  its  mystical  sense. 
Every  history  in  the  Bible  was  a  representation  of  what  had  occurred 
in  the  higher  world.  Most  events  had  occurred  just  as  they  were  re- 
lated ;  but  some,  which,  if  literally  taken,  appeared  to  him  unworthy 
or  unreasonable,  were  merely  typical,  and  had  not  really  taken  place. 
The  founders  of  the  school  of  Antioch  (§  39,  6),  and  probably  also 
NejMS  the  Millenarian  (|  40,  8),  opposed  this  allegorical  treatment  of 
the  Bible,  and  advocated  an  exclusively  historical  and  grammatical 
interpretation.  The  exegetical  writings  of  the  time  of  Origen  have 
not  been  preserved.  Of  his  own  works,  the  ai^^iMatii  or  brief  scholia, 
the  to^jLoi  or  detailed  commentaries  on  entire  Biblical  books,  and  the 
o^aJat,  being  explanatory  lectures  on  the  Scriptures,  have  been  pre- 
served, partly  in  the  original,  and  partly  in  the  Latin  translations  of 
Hieronymus  and  of  Rufinus.  Hippolytus  was,  next  to  Origen,  proba- 
bly the  ablest  exegetical  writer ;  but  only  small  fragments  from  his 
exegetical  works  have  been  handed  down. — (Cf.  ^  48,  1.) 

5.  In  Historieal  Theology  we  possess  Acts  of  Martyrs,  Apocryplial 
Gospels,  and  Acts  of  Apostles  (Ev.  Jacobi  Minoris,  Ev.  de  nativitate 
Marias,  Hist,  de  Joachim  et  Anna,  Hist.  Josephi  fabri  lignarli,  Ev. 
infantias  Salvat.,  Ev.  Nicodemi,  Acta  Pilati,  etc.).  Eusebius  has  pre- 
served some  fragments  of  the  vnoiivTiiiata  -iC^v  ixxXrisiaa-fix^v  rcpd^aov  of 
Ilegesippus,  a  Jewish  Christian  from  Asia  Minor.  Of  greater  import- 
ance than  this  work  was  the  Chronography  (Xpoi/oypa^i'a)  of  Julius 
Africanus,  which  showed  the  connection  between  Biblical  and  profane 
history.  But  this  tractate  has  also  been  lost.  Among  Avritings  of  the 
same  class  we  may  also  reckon  the  work  of  Lactantiiis,  de  morte  perse- 
cutt.— (Cf.  I  48,  1.) 

6.  PracticaZTIieology. — In  Homiletics,  the  first  rank  must  be  assigned 
to  Origen.  The  most  interesting  writings  of  an  qgce^/c  character  are 
those  of  Clement  o^  Alexandria,  Tjj  o  cfco^o^s wj  rt^^-ovoioj ;  of  Origen, 
Ilfpt  £v;ti75,  and  Eoj  ^aprvptoi/  TtpotptTitixb^  Xoyoj ;  of  Methodius  of  Olym- 
pus, '2viA.7t6aiov  fuiv  8(xa  rtapbiiiov  rtipl  rrji  ayyeXo^inr^tov  Ttap'^tvia.^.  Among 
the  Latins,  avc  have  by  Tertullian  (before  he  became  a  Montanist),  "de 
oratione,"  "ad  raartyres,"  "de  spectaculis,"  "do  idolatria,"  "  de  cultu 
feminarum,"  "  de  patientia,"  "ad  uxorem  ;"  (after  he  became  a  Mon- 
tanist:) "de  virginibus  velandis,"  "  de  corona  militis,"  "do  fuga  in 

13* 


150  SECTION     I. — FIRST    PERIOD    (100— 323  A.  D.). 

persecutioue,"  "  de  exhortatione  castltatis,"  "  de  monogamia/'  "  de 
pudicitia,"  "de  jejuniis,"  "de  pallio  ;" — by  Cyprian,  "  de  gratia  Dei," 
"de  lapsis,"  "  de  opere  et  eleemosj-nis,"  "  de  bono  patientite,"  "  de 
zelo  et  livore,"  etc.  —  On  the  subject  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (constitu- 
tion, worship,  discipline),  the  pseudo-Clementine  Ata-rayai  tav  drtooroJiwv 
(constitutiones  apostolorum)  are  of  very  great  importance.  These 
originated  in  the  Syrian  Church,  partly  at  the  close  of  the  third  and 
partly  at  the  commencement  of  the  fourth  century.  The  first  six  books 
also  bear  the  name  of  SiSauxaXta  xo^oXtz^.  At  the  end  of  Book  VIII. 
eighty-live  pseudo-epigraphic  "  Canones  apostolorum'^  are  appended. — 
(Cf.  I  48,  7.) 


SECOND    PERIOD 

OF 

ECCLESIASTICAL      HISTORY 

UNDER  THE  ANCIENT  CLASSICAL  PORM  OF  CULTURE. 

FROM  THE   YEAR   323-692. 

I.   STATE   AND   CHURCH. 

CoMP.  A.  BcJtgnot,  hist,  de  la  destruction  du  Paganismc  en  Occident. 
Par.  1835.  2  Voll. — E.  Chastel,  hist,  de  Ux  destr.  du  Pag.  dans  I'empire 
de  I'Orient.  Par.  1850. — E.  von  Lasaulx,  der  Untergang  des  Ilelleuis- 
mus  (The  Fall  of  Hellen.).  Mun.  1854.— i^.  Lilbker,  d.  Fall.  d.  Heidenth. 
Scliwerin  1856. 

I  42.   FALL  OF   HEATHENISM  IN   THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE. 

After  the  defeat  of  Licinius  (323),  Constantine  openly  pro- 
fessed himself  a  Christian,  although  he  still  remained  Pontifex 
Maximus,  and  was  baptized  by  Ensebius  of  Nicomedia  but  shortly 
before  his  death  (337).  He  showed  himself  tolerant  towards 
heathenism,  whilst  he  encouraged  conversion  to  Christianity  by 
bestowing  special  favours  upon  those  professing  it.  His  sons, 
however,  used  violence  in  suppressing  heathenism.  Julian^ 
reign  was  merely  a  historical  anomaly,  which  proved  that  hea- 
thenism perished  because  its  eftete  powers  were  exhausted,  rather 
than  by  violence.  Its  labours  all  perished  with  its  death.  Ju- 
lian's successors  resumed  the  work  of  restricting,  persecuting,  and 
exterminating  it.  But  Justinian  inflicted  the  most  fatal  blow. — 
In  spite  of  Julian's  imperial  protection,  and  the  splendid  renown 
of  learned  advocates  ( Jamblicus,  oh.  333  ;  Libanius,  oh.  395  ; 
Himerius,  oh.  390 ;  Themistius,  oh.  390  ;  Proclus,  oh.  485) 
Neo-Platonism  (§  24,  2)  was  wholly  unable  to  accomplish  its 
purpose.  Still  more  signal  was  the  failure  of  the  H'lpsistarians, 
13  (151) 


152        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323—692  A.D.). 

Euphemites,  and  Gcelicoli,  in  their  attempts  to  rejuvenate  hea- 
thenism by  means  of  a  rigid  Jewish  monotheism,  or  an  anti- 
quated Sabaeism.  In  the  literary  controversy  between  Chris- 
tianity and  heathenism,  the  character  of  the  contest  had  been 
reversed. 

1.  Constantine  M.  and  liis  Sons  (Cf.  /.  C.  F.  Manso,  Leb.  Fonst. 
Bresl.  1817.—/.  Burclhardt,  Konst.  u.  s.  zeit.  Bas.  1853.) — Constan- 
tine's  conversion  cannot  be  set  down  to  the  account  of  mere  political 
calculation.  However,  outbursts  of  passionate  violence  (among  them 
the  execution  of  Crispus,  his  son),  and  not  a  few  actions  which  cannot 
be  justified,  occurred  after  his  profession  of  Christianity.  He  died  iu 
337,  soon  after  having  received  baptism,  without  having  ever  taken 
part  in  all  the  rites  of  public  -worship,  llis  dislike  of  heathenism, 
■which,  through  the  influence  of  some  powerful  families,  was  still  preva- 
lent at  Rome,  formed  one  of  the  elements  in  his  resolution  to  transfer 
his  residence  to  Byzantium  (Constantinople).  His  three  sons  com- 
menced their  reign  by  assassinating  all  the  relatives  of  the  Emperor 
(only  two  nephews,  Gallus  and  Julianus,  escaped),  and  by  dividing 
among  themselves  the  empire.  Consianiins  (337-361)  ruled  first  over 
the  East.  After  the  death  of  Constantine  II.  [oh.  340),  and  of  Con- 
stans  [oh.  350),  he  became  sole  lord  of  the  empire.  All  the  sons  of 
Constantine  endeavoured  to  suppress  heathenism  by  force.  Constan- 
tius  caused  all  heathen  temples  to  be  shut,  and  interdicted  sacrifices  on 
pain  of  death.  Great  numbers  of  pagans  made  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity, few  of  them  from  real  conviction.  These  measures  only  deep- 
ened the  dislike  of  the  more  noble-minded  heathen  against  Christianity. 
In  their  opinion,  patriotism  and  intellectual  culture  were  identical  with 
attachment  to  the  old  faith. 

2.  Julian  the  Apostate  (3G1-3G3). — (Cojip.  A.  Neander,  Kaiser  Julian 
und  sein  Zeitalter  (The  Emp.  Jul.  and  his  Age).  Leipz.  1812. —  V.  S. 
Teiifel,  de  Jul.  Christianismi  contemt,.  et  osore.  Tiib.  184-4. — D.  Sfraiiss, 
d.  ilomantiker  auf  d.  Thron  d.  Ctesaren.  Mannh.  1847.  —  /.  E.  Aver, 
Julian  d.  Abtr.  im  Kampfe  mit  den  Kirchenvatern  s.  Zeit.  (Cont.  betw. 
Jul.  the  Apost.  and  the  Fathers  of  his  Age).  Vienna  1855.) — Julian, 
the  heir  to  the  throne,  who  was  at  any  rate  incensed  at  the  murder  of 
his  relatives,  long  chafed  under  the  monkish  and  ascetic  training  to 
which  he  was  subjected.  But  he  knew  to  conceal  under  the  garb  of 
feigned  bigotry  his  heart-hatred  of  Christianity.  When  at  last  he 
obtained  permission  to  study  at  Nicomedia  and  Athens,  the  represent- 
atives of  heathenism  in  these  places  filled  him  with  the  conviction  that 
he  was  called  by  the  gods  to  restore  the  ancient  faith.  Lulled  into 
security  by  his  hypocrisy,  Constantivs  intrusted  Julian  with  the  com- 
mand of  an  army  against  the  Germans.  Ilis  courage  and  talents 
gained  him  the  heart  of  the  soldiers.    He  now  threw  ofi"  the  mask,  and 


FALL    OP    HEATHENISM.  153 

openly  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion.  Constantius  died  on  his  expe- 
dition against  him,  and  Julian  became  Emperor  (361-363).  lie  imme- 
diately addressed  himself  with  zeal  and  energy  to  the  execution  of  his 
long-cherished  plans,  and  sought  to  renew  and  restore  the  glories  of 
ancient  Paganism.  To  weaken  and  oppress  Christianity,  he  employed 
ingenious  rather  than  violent  measures,  although  he  deprived  the  clergy 
of  their  possessions,  reminding  them  in  derision  of  the  duty  of  evan- 
gelical property.  lie  encouraged,  so  far  as  he  could,  schisms  in  the 
Church,  favoured  all  heretics  and  sects,  sought  by  artifices  to  induce 
the  soldiers  to  take  part  in  sacrifices,  interdicted  Christians  from  having 
literary  schools,  removed  them  from  the  higher  offices  of  state,  and 
heaped  on  them  all  manner  of  indignity,  etc.  In  order  to  defeat  the 
prediction  of  Christ  (Matt,  xxiii.  38;  xxiv.  2),  he  attempted  to  restore 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  But  earthquakes  and  flames  bursting  from 
the  ground,  scattered  the  workmen.  By  all  means  in  his  power,  and 
in  every  manner,  he  sought  to  restore  and  to  elevate  Paganism.  From 
Christianity  he  borrowed  certain  charitable  institutions,  its  ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline,  preaching,  singing  at  public  worship,  etc.  He  also 
bestowed  a  number  of  distinctions  on  the  heathen  priesthood  ;  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  insisted  on  strict  discipline  among  them.  In  his  capa- 
city of  Pontifex  Maximus,  he  himself  sacrificed  and  preached,  and  led 
a  strictly  ascetic  and  almost  cynically  simple  life.  But  the  want  of 
success  attending  his  endeavours  increasingly  exasperated  him.  Al- 
ready fears  were  entertained  of  new  persecutions,  when,  after  a  reign 
of  only  twenty  months,  he  died  in  an  expedition  against  the  Persians, — ■ 
as  Christians  related  it,  with  the  words,  ''Tandem  vicisti,  Galila3e!" 
on  his  lips. — On  the  throne  of  the  Ca3sars,  Julian  had  displayed  talents 
and  virtues  such  as  had  not  adorned  it  since  the  time  of  Marcus 
Aurelius. 

3.  Final  Destruction  of  Heathenism.  —  With  Julian  perished  also  his 
futile  attempts.  His  successors,  Jovian  {oh.  364),  and  then  in  the  AYest, 
Valentinian  I.  (o&.  375),  Gratian  (o&.  383),  and  Valentinian  II.  (o&.  392), 
— in  the  East,  Valens  [ob.  378)  and  Theodosius  I.  [oh.  395),  tolerated 
heathenism  for  some  time,  but  only  to  prepare  for  its  more  certain 
destruction.  Scarcely  had  Theodosius  in  some  measure  allayed  political 
troubles,  when,  in  382,  he  made  conversion  to  heathenism  a  criminal 
offence.  The  populace  and  the  monks  destroyed  the  temples.  On  this 
account  Libanius  addressed  to  the  Emperor  his  celebrated  oration,  rtfpt 
■fwv  tEpwr ;  still,  the  latter  caused  the  remaining  temples  to  be  shut,  and 
interdicted  all  attendance  on  them.  Bloody  contests  raged  in  the 
streets  of  Alexandria  during  the  episcopate  of  Theophilus,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  the  Christians  destroyed  the  splendid  Serapeion  (391). 
In  vain  the  heathen  expected  that  this  sin  would  cause  the  heavens  to 
fall  or  the  earth  to  perish ;  there  was  not  even  a  scarcity  in  consequence 
of  the  failure  of  Nile  water. —  Gratian  followed  in  the  West  the  exam- 
ple which  Theodosius  had  sot  in  the  East.    He  was  the  first  to  decline 


154        SECTION    I. —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

the  dignity  of  Pontifex  Masimiis  ;  he  deprived  the  heathen  priests  of 
their  immunities,  confiscated  the  Landed  property  belonging  to  the 
temples,  and  ordered  the  altar  of  victory,  which  stood  in  the  Curia  of 
the  Senate  at  Rome,  to  be  removed.  It  was  in  vain  that  Symmachus, 
the  pra3fectus  urbi,  endeavoured  to  get  it  restored.  By  the  advice  of 
Ambrositts,  Valentinian  IL,  on  four  different  occasions,  refused  to  see 
deputations  which  had  come  to  him  on  this  subject.  As  soon  as  Thee- 
dosius  became  sole  ruler  (392),  edicts  even  more  stringent  appeared. 
On  his  entrance  into  Rome  "(394),  he  addressed  the  Roman  Senate  in 
language  of  reproof,  and  admonished  them  to  adopt  Christianity.  His 
sons  Honor  his  [oh.  423)  in  the  West,  and  Arcadhis  in  the  East  (o6. 
408),  continued  the  policy  of  Theodosius.  Under  Theodosius  II.  [ob. 
450),  monks  armed  with  imperial  power  travelled  through  the  provinces 
for  the  23urpose  of  suppressing  heathenism.  This  was  not  accomplished 
without  violence  or  bloodshed.  Among  the  misdeeds  of  that  period, 
the  best  known  is  the  assassination  of  the  noble  heathen  philosopher 
Hypatia  (415)  at  Alexandria.  In  official  language,  heathenism  was 
regarded  as  defunct.  For  a  long  time  it  had  been  branded  as  the 
religion  of  rustics  [Paganismus),  and  could  only  be  practised  secretly 
and  in  distant  localities.  Its  last,  and  indeed  its  only  prop,  was  the 
Academy  at  Athens,  which  attained  its  highest  celebrity  when  Proclus 
[ob.  485)  taught  in  its  halls.  Justinian  I.  (527-565)  closed  this  insti- 
tution. Its  teachers  fled  into  Persia.  With  their  departure  heathen- 
ism in  the  Roman  and  Grecian  empire  may  be  said  to  have  deceased. 
Still,  in  the  mountains  of  the  Peloponnesus,  the  Mainofs  maintained 
their  political  independence  and  ancestral  religion  so  late  as  the  ninth 
century ;  while  in  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  Sicily,  individual  heathens 
■were  found  even  at  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  [ob.  604). 

4.  Resistance  and  Apologies  of  the  Heathen.  —  Julian  alone  could  still 
polemise  after  the  ancient  fashion.  Of  his  work  xata  Xpia-tiaviliv,  in 
seven  books,  the  principal  portions  have  been  preserved  in  the  reply  of 
Cyrill  of  Alexandria.  He  pronounced  Christianity  a  degenerate  form 
of  Judaism,  and  declared  that  the  adoration  of  Christ,  and  martyr- 
worship,  were  later  perversions  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  The  other 
representatives  of  heathenism  were  content  to  sue  for  religious  liberty 
and  toleration.  Again,  while  among  Christian  writers  Lactantins  had 
still  plead  for  mutual  forbearance,  Firmicus  Matermis  already  plied  the 
sons  of  Constantine  the  Great  with  fanatical  admonitions  to  suppress 
idolatry  by  force,  pressing  upon  them  the  command  of  God  to  Joshua 
to  exterminate  the  Canaanites.  But  when,  from  the  fifth  century,  the 
incursions  of  the  barbarians  gave  indications  of  the  speedy  downfall 
of  the  Roman  empire,  heathen  writers  felt  encouraged  to  ascribe  the 
disasters  of  the  commonwealth  to  a  judgment  of  the  gods,  on  account 
of  the  suppression  of  the  ancient  religion,  under  which  the  State  had 
so  long  flourished.  These  statements  were  made,  among  others,  l)y  the 
heathen  historians  Zosimus  and  Eimapiiis.     But  history  itself  refuted 


CHRISTIAN    STATE    AND    STATE    CHURCH.  155 

them  better  than  Christian  apologetical  writers  (|  48,  3)  could  have 
done ;  for  these  very  barbarians  gradually  adopted  Christianity,  and 
almost  surpassed  the  Roman  emperors  in  the  number  and  severity  of 
their  measures  for  the  suppression  of  heathenism. 

5.  According  to  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  whose  father  had  belonged  to 
the  sect  of  the  Hypsistarians  in  Cappadocia,  the  religious  views  of 
that  party  consisted  of  a  mixture  of  Grecian  heathenism  with  Jewish 
monotheism,  and  the  Eastern  worship  of  fire  and  of  the  stars, —  special 
opposition  being  made  to  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  A 
kindred  sect  were  the  Eupiiemites  (those  that  sung  praise)  in  Asia, 
who  also  bore  the  name  of  Messalians  (praying)  or  Eucheies,  and  the 
sect  of  the  Coelicolce  in  Africa. 

nS.   THE   CHRISTIAN   STATE   AND  THE   STATE   CHURCH. 

CoMP.  C.  Eiffel,  gesch.  Darst.  des  Verb.  zw.  K.  u.  Staat.  (Histor. 
Repr.  of  the  Relat.  betw.  Ch.  and  State).  Vol.  I.  May.  19,?,^.— Planck, 
Gesch.  d.  Kirchl.  Gesellschafts. — Verf.  Vol.  I. 

As,  in  his  capacity  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  the  Roman  Emperor 
had  formerly  had  the  supreme  direction  of  all  religious  affairs, 
so,  when  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the  State,  he 
gradually  came  to  occupy  a  similar  position  in  reference  to  the 
Church.  Even  Constantine  the  Great  regarded  himself  as  iTiisxoTtoi 
tCjv  t|co  t7,i  ixxxr^aiai,  and  all  his  successors  exercised  the  "jus 
circa  sacra,"  nor  were  their  claims  in  this  respect  ever  called  in 
question.  The  Donatists  (§  63,  2)  alone  held  that  the  State  had 
no  control  whatever  over  the  Church.  As  yet,  the  limits  within 
which  the  State  might  claim  certain  rights  in  reference  to  the 
Church  were  not  clearly  defined.  But  thus  much  was  asserted, 
at  least  in  theory,  that  the  Emperor  had  no  power  of  his  own 
accord  to  decide  on  internal  questions  concerning  the  Church 
(worship,  discipline,  and  doctrine).  To  decide  on  such  questions, 
General  Syvods  were  convened,  of  which  the  decrees  obtained 
imperial  sanction,  and  thereby  became  public  enactments.  But, 
in  measure  as  the  court  of  Byzantium  degenerated  and  became 
the  centre  of  intrigues,  the  interference  of  the  court  in  eccle- 
siastical matters  became  increasingly  pernicious.  More  than 
once,  heresy  for  a  time  prevailed  through  personal  feeling, 
unworthy  artifices,  and  even  by  open  force.  But  in  the  end, 
generally,  truth  again  obtained  the  victory.  The  usurper  Basil- 
isciis  was  the  first,  in  the  year  4T6,  to  determine,  by  imperial 
edicts,  what  should  be  taught  and  what  should  be  believed 
13* 


156    SECTION  I.  —  SECOND  PERIOD  (323^692  A.  D.). 

throug-lioiit  the  empire  (§  52,  5).  Later  emperors  followed  liis 
example  ;  among  them,  especially  Justinian  I.  (527  to  565)  ; 
and  court  theologians  even  attempted  to  justify  such  interferences 
by  investing  the  imperial  oflBce  with  a  priestly  character,  of 
which,  according  to  them,  Melchisedec  had  been  a  type.  — The 
emperors  exercised  great  influence  on  the  election  of  bishops  in 
the  principal  cities  ;  at  a  later  period,  they  appointed  or  deposed 
them  as  they  chose.  On  the  other  hand,  the  protectorate  of  the 
emperors  conferred  on  the  Church  a  number  of  outward  advan- 
tages and  privileges.  Among  them  we  reckon  the  fact,  that  the 
State  undertook  the  maintenance  of  the  Church,  partly  by 
bestowing  rich  presents  and  foundations  from  the  public  ex- 
chequer, partly  by  making  over  to  the  Church  the  heathen 
temples  and  the  possessions  attaching  to  them.  Even  Con- 
stantine  had  authorized  the  Church  to  receive  legacies  of  every 
kind.  Besides,  churches  and  ecclesiastical  ofiScials  were  free  from 
all  public  burdens.  The  ancient  practice  of  bishops  to  act  as 
arbiters  (1  Cor.  vi,  1-6)  was  formally  recognized  ;  the  clergy 
were  exempted  from  secular  jurisdiction,  and  placed  under  the 
authority  of  their  superiors.  The  right  of  asylum  which  had 
belonged  to  the  heathen  temples  was  transferred  to  Christian 
churclies.  Connected  with  this  was  the  right  of  episcopal  inter- 
cession in  favour  of  those  who  had  been  condemned  by  the 
tribunals,  —  a  practice  by  which  the  latter  became  subject  to  a 
certain  spiritual  control,  and  unjust,  arbitrary,  or  harsh  measures 
were  not  unfrequently  prevented. 

1.  According  to  the  jus  circa  sacra,  the  emperors  had  power  to 
arrange  all  things  which  bore  on  the  relation  between  Church  and 
State.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  also  their  duty  to  preserve  or  restore 
peace  and  unity  in  the  Church,  to  protect  orthodoxy,  to  take  charge  of 
the  interests  of  the  Church  and  of  the  clergy,  and  to  uphold  the  eccle- 
siastical canons.  Constantine  the  Great  already  excluded  all  heretics 
from  the  privileges  which  he  had  accorded  to  the  Church,  and  deemed 
it  his  duty  to  oppose  the  progress  of  heresy  to  the  best  of  his  power. 
For  that  purpose,  the  State  did  not  hesitate  to  take  away  or  to  close 
such  churches,  to'  interdict  their  worship,  to  exile  their  leaders,  and 
afterwards  also  to  confiscate  their  property.  The  usurper  Maximus 
(g  54,  2)  was  the  first,  so  early  as  the  year  385,  to  execute  sentence  of 
death  against  heretics.  But  during  this  period  his  example  was  not 
followed  by  his  successors.  In  654,  Consians  II.  caused  a  determined 
opponent  of  his  ecclesiastical  schemes  (§  52,  8)  to  be  scourged  and 
barbarously  mutilated. — The  Fathers  of  the  fourth  century  disapproved 
of  all  constraint  in  matters  of  faith  (comp.  however  |  63,  2). 


CHRISTIAN    STATE   AND    STATE   CHURCH.  15t 

2.  The  institution  of    General  Sijnods    [avvohot,   olxov^ievixM,  concilia 
universalia  s.  gcneralia)  originated  Avith  Cunstaniine  the  Great.     They 
were   convoked   by  the   Emperor,  and    presided   over   either  by  the 
monarch  in  person,  or  by  a  prelate  chosen  by  the  Council.    An  imperial 
commissary  opened  the  Synod  by  reading  the  imperial  edict  convening 
it ;  and  also  attended  the  meetings,  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  the 
rights   of  the    State.     The   travelling   expenses   and  maintenance  of 
members  of  Synod  were  paid  from  the  treasury.     The  decrees  were 
designated  by  the   common  name  of  opot,  definitiones ;  —  if  they  de- 
termined on  matters  of  faith,  they  were  called  86yfw.ta,  or  if  couched 
in  the  form  of  a  confession,  avufSoXa;  —  if  they  bore  on  the  government, 
worship,  or  discipline  of  the  Church,  they  were  called  xavw? 5.    Dogmas 
and  symbols  required  to  be  unanimously  passed ;  for  canons  a  majority 
of  votes  was  sufficient.     From  the  first,  only  bishops  were  held  entitled 
to  vote  in  synods.     But  the  prelates  might  be  represented  by  some  of 
their  inferior  clergy.  —  Instead  of  oecumenic  councils,  which  could  not 
be  rapidly  convened,  avvoSoi,  ivSrjfxovaai,  as  they  were  called,  were  some- 
times held  at  Constantinople.     These  were  composed  of  all  the  bishops 
present  at  the  time  in  the  capital.     Such  endemic  synods  were  also 
occasionally  held  at  Alexandria.  —  Twice  a  year  Provincial  Synods 
assembled  under  the  presidency  of  their  respective  metropolitans.     By 
and  bye  Patriarchal  or  Diocesan  Si/nods  were  instituted,  to  serve  as  a 
court  of  appeal. 

3.  Among  the  sources  of  general  Ecclesiastical  Law  at  that  period, 
we  may  mention,  1.  The  canons  of  the  general  councils,  —  2.  The 
decrees  of  the  principal  provincial  synods,  —  3.  The  Apostolic  Canons 
(§  41,  6),  —  4.  The  epistolce  canonicce  of  the  principal  bishops  (especially 
of  those  in  the  sedes  apostolicos,  §  30  ;  above  all,  those  from  Rome  and 
Alexandria),  in  reply  to  inquiries  about  the  ecclesiastical  practice  pre- 
valent in  their  dioceses  (those  from  Rome  were  called  epistolce  decre- 
tales),  —  5.  The  imperial  laws  on  the  subject,  i/o/ioi  (the  Codex  Theodo- 
sianus  about  440,  the  Codex  Justinianaeus  534,  the  Novellae  Justiniani). 
So  far  as  we  know,  the  first  collection  of  those  was  made  in  the  Greek 
Church,  by  Johannes  Scholasticus,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  It 
obtained  the  name  of  Nomo-canon  (about  560),  because  the  ecclesiastical 
vofxot,  of  Justinian  were  added  to  it.  A  later  Greek  nomo-canon  bears 
the  name  of  Theodoras  Balsamon.  In  the  West,  all  former  collections 
gave  place  to  the  Codex  canonum,  compiled  by  the  Roman  abbot 
JJionysius  the  Small,  to  which  also  all  the  decretal  letters  then  extant 
were  appended  (about  500). 

14 


158       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

II.  MONASTICISM,  THE  CLERGY  AND  HIERARCHY. 

§44.  MONASTICISM. 

CoMP.  A.  Moliler,  Gesch.  d.  Monchth.  in  d.  Zeit  sein.  Entsteh.  (Hisl 
of  Mon.  at  the  time  of  its  Orig.)  in  his  colL  Works,  II.  165,  etc. —  G 
I.  Mangold,  de  monachatus  orig.  et  causis.  Marb.  1852.  —  Comp.  als(» 
the  works  cited  in  §  2,  2. 

Satiated  of  the  ways  of  the  world,  and  following  the  inclina- 
tion for  a  contemplative  life,  which  is  characteristic  of  Orientals, 
many  persons  retired  into  solitude.     Here,  amidst  prayer  and 
labour,  amidst  want  and  self-denial  which  not  unfrequently  de- 
generated into  self-torture,  these  Anacliorets  sought  after  that 
sanctification  which  they  deemed  impossible  to  attain  in  the  midst 
of  a  corrupt  world.     The  first  example  of  this  mode  of  life  was 
given  by  Paul  of  Thebes,  whose  end  became  only  accidentally 
known  (§  36,  3).     But   Monasticism    properly  originated  with 
8t.  Antonius,  oh.  356.     His  shining  example  was  soon  followed, 
and  the  deserts  of  Egypt  became  peopled  with  swarms  of  hermits, 
who  gained  from  the  wilderness  a  scanty  subsistence.     On  the 
Nitrian  mountains. .4monius,  and  in  the  Scetian  Desert  3Iacarius 
the  elder,  founded  celebrated  institutions  of  anachorets.     The 
largest  of  these  communities  was  that  founded  by  Pachomius 
(oh.  348)  in  Tabennse,  an  island  in  the  Nile.    By  the  rules  which 
he  gave  to  his   followers,  the    institutions  of  anachorets  were 
transformed  into  regular  monastic    establishments    (xou'65  ^ioi). 
The  monks  with  their  president,  called  Ahhot  (abbas  =  father) 
or  Archimandrite,  were  to  live  in  a  cloister  (ccenobium,  monas- 
terium,  claustrum,  mandra,  dairo,  i.  e.,  dwelling),  and  to  spend 
their  time  in  prayer  and  labour  (agriculture,  making  of  baskets, 
carpets,  etc.).     Several  other  monasteries  were  founded  in  con- 
nection with  the  great  cloister  at  Tabennse,  and  soon  the  number 
of  these   monks   amounted   to    50,000.     Hilarion  founded   in 
Palestine,  near  Gaza,  a  monastery  on  the  same  principles,  the 
affiliated  cloisters  of   which  extended  over  all  Syria.  —  In  the 
East,  the  number  of  cloisters  and  monks  increased  immensely. 
The  monastic  life  was  vaunted  as  a  /3(-'of  dyys^txbj  and  a  ^i.%oao<fia. 
v^^-K'^,  and  regarded  as  a  substitute  for  the  martyrdom  which  was 
not  any  longer  attainable.     Already  its  institution  was  traced 


MONASTICISM.  159 

back  to  Elijah  and  John  the  Baptist,  and  the  Therapeutce  were 
represented  as  having  been  the  first  Christian  monks.  The 
cloisters  became  an  asylum  for  those  that  were  oppressed  or 
persecuted,  institutions  of  charity  for  the  poor  and  sick,  and  soon 
afterwards  also  seminaries  for  training  those  who  were  to  fill  the 
clerical  or  episcopal  office.  But  here  also  corruption  made  sad 
havoc.  Not  spiritual  motives  only,  but  ambition,  vanity,  idle- 
ness, and  especially  a  desire  to  withdraw  from  the  obligation  to 
serve  in  the  army,  etc.,  or  to  pay  taxes,  helped  to  fill  the  cloisters. 
Hence  in  365,  the  Emperor  Valens  ordered  that  such  persons 
should  be  taken  by  force  out  of  the  monasteries.  In  order  to 
arrest  religious  delusions  (such  as  self-tortures,  work-righteous- 
ness, enthusiasm  and  fanaticism,  spiritual  pride,  etc.),  and  to  make 
these  institutions  available  for  the  real  good  of  the  Church,  by 
converting  them  into  seminaries  for  scientific  studies  and  for 
education,  some  eminent  bishops,  among  them  Basil  the  Great, 
took  the  monasteries  under  their  special  superintendence  and 
care.  Other  prelates,  however,  frequently  employed  the  monks 
as  a  ready  soldiery  to  carry  out  their  ambitious  or  party  views. 
—  At  first,  the  Western  Church  was  opposed  to  these  monastic 
tendencies.  The  authority  of  Athanasius,  who  on  several  occa- 
sions was  obliged  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  West,  led  to  a  more 
favourable  opinion  of  them.  After  that,  the  most  celebrated  of 
the  Fathers,  headed  by  such  men  as  Ambrose,  Jerome,  and 
Augustine,  exerted  all  their  influence  to  spread  monastic  institu- 
tions. Martin  of  Tours  introduced  them  into  Northern  Gaul 
about  the  year  380.  In  Southern  Gaul,  Jlonoratus  founded  the 
celebrated  monastery  of  Lerinum,  and  Johannes  Cassianus,  {oh. 
432)  the  still  more  celebrated  institution  at  Massilia.  But 
Monasticism  in  the  V/est  almost  perished  during  the  migration 
of  nations  ;  it  was  reserved  for  Benedict  of  Nursia,  in  the  year 
529,  to  reorganize  the  monasteries,  and  to  introduce  unity  and 
order  in  them  (§  85). 

1.  St.  Antonius  sprung  from  a  Coptic  family  at  Coma,  in  Egypt, 
Left  iu  his  18th  year  an  orphan,  the  passage  in  the  Gospel  about  the 
rich  young  man  (Matt,  xix.)  affected  him  in  such  a  manner,  that  he 
gave  all  his  goods  to  the  poor  and  retired  to  the  desert.  Amidst 
agonizing  internal  conflicts  and  temptations,  his  Christian  experience 
ripened.  Persons  of  all  ranks  -w^ent  to  consult  him  in  search  of  comfort 
and  peace.  Even  Coiistantine  the  Great  intimated  in  a  letter  his 
veneration  for  this  Christian  Diogenes.     Through  his  prayers  bodily 


160  SECTION    I. — SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

diseases,  through  his  counsel  spiritual  ailments,  were  removed.  Twice 
—  in  the  year  311,  during  the  Diocletian  persecution,  and  in  the  year 
351,  during  the  height  of  the  Arian  controversy  —  he  suddenly 
apjjeared  in  Alexandria.  By  Christians  and  Pagans  regarded  as  a 
sign  from  God,  he  succeeded  in  converting,  within  a  few  days,  thousands 
of  heathens.  Like-minded  persons  gathered  around  him  in  order  to 
enjoy  his  ministrations.  In  his  last  days  he  retired  from  them,  and 
died  at  the  age  of  105  years  (in  356). 

2.  Nunneries.  —  As  early  as  the  second  century,  some  pious  virgins 
renounced  marriage  in  order  to  devote  themselves  wholly  to  God.  As 
their  sex  prevented  them  from  leading  the  life  of  anachorets,  they  were 
the  more  ready  to  fall  in  with  the  idea  of  a  monastic  life  St.  Antonius 
himself  had  given  the  first  example  of  a  nunnery,  when,  on  retiring  to 
the  wilderness,  he  founded  for  his  sister,  at  Cona  in  Egypt,  an  institu- 
tion destined  to  receive  such  virgins.  The  first  regular  nunnery  was 
instituted  by  Fachomiits,  and  presided  over  by  his  sister.  After  that 
time  their  number  rapidly  increased.  Their  president  was  called 
Aminas  (mother),  and  the  members  ixovax^,  Sanctimoniales,  Nonncs 
(in  Coptic  =  castae).  St.  Paula  of  Rome,  the  pupil  and  friend  of  St. 
Jerome,  became  the  patroness  of  female  Monasticism  in  the  West. 
She  and  her  daughter  Eustochium  followed  Jerome  to  Palestine,  and 
founded  in  his  vicinity,  near  Bethlehem,  three  nunneries. 

3.  St.  Basil  gave  to  the  monks  in  the  East  new  and  improved  rules, 
which  soon  came  into  general  and  almost  exclusive  use.  Since  the 
fifth  century  the  synods  gave  laws  to  monasteries  and  their  inmates. 
In  451  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  subjected  cloisters  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  bishops.  —  At  first  it  was  held  lawful  for  monks  to  return  into  the 
world,  although  this  step  was  regarded  as  blameworthy,  and  requiring 
penance.  But  from  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  monastic  vows  were 
regarded  as  absolutely  binding.  Hence  entrants  required  to  be  of  a 
certain  (canonical)  age,  and  to  have  passed  a  noviciate,  or  period  of 
probation  and  for  consideration.  Since  the  sixth  century,  not  only  a 
"propria  professio,"  but  even  a  "paterua  devotio"  was  held  to  be  bind- 
ing.—  According  to  the  rule  of  St.  Basilius,  every  monastery  had  one 
or  more  presbyters  attached  to  it,  who  conducted  worship  and  admin- 
istered the  sacraments.  Up  to  tlae  tenth  century,  the  monks  themselves 
were  regarded  as  laymen,  but  Avere  distinguished  as  " Religiosi"  from 
the  "  Secnlares."  Monasticism  was,  however,  considered  a  preparation 
for  the  clerical  office,  and  the  majority  of  bishops  were  taken  directly 
from  mona.steries. — (Cf.  §  70,  3.) 

4.  The  AcoiMETES  were  a  particular  class  of  monks,  whose  origin 
dates  from  the  fifth  century.  Studius,  a  Roman,  founded  for  them  at 
Constantinople  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Studion.  They  derived 
their  peculiar  name  from  the  circumstance  that,  in  their  cloisters, 


MONASTICISM.  161 

Divine  worship  was  coutinuously  celebrated  night  and  day.  —  The 
Stylites  were  a  peculiar  class  of  hermits.  The  best  known  among 
them  was  Si/meoii  SfijUtes,  who  at  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury lived  for  thirty  years,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Antioch,  on  a  pillar 
thirty-six  yards  high,  and  thence  preached  repentance  to  the  multitudes 
who  from  all  parts  crowded  to  see  and  hear  him.  Vanquished  by  the 
power  of  his  addresses,  thousands  of  Saracens  who  wandered  about  in 
that  neighbourhood  were  baptized.  The  best-known  Stylites,  next  to 
him,  are  a  certain  Daniel  (near  Constant,  ob.  489)  and  a  younger 
Simeon  (near  Antioch,  ob.  596). 

5.  Even  after  Pacliomiiis,  Hilarion,  and  Basilius  had  given  fixed 
rules  to  the  various  monasteries,  individual  associations  of  hermits 
refused  to  submit  to  any  regulation.  Among  them  we  may  mention 
the  Sarabaites  in  Egypt,  and  the  Remoboth  in  Syria.  Irregular  asso- 
ciations of  monks  v\'andered  about  through  Mesopotamia,  under  the 
name  of  Boffxoi,  pabnlatores,  from  the  circumstance  that  they  lived  on 
herbs  or  roots.  Since  the  fifth  century  we  read  of  the  Gijrovagi  (as 
they  Avere  called),  in  Italy  and  Africa,  who,  under  the  designation  of 
monks,  led  a  dissolute  and  vagrant  life.  —  The  Euchites  and  Eusta- 
THiANS,  who  appeared  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  century,  were 
heretical  and  schismatic  monks.  The  former  —  who  are  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  heathen  Euchetai  (^  42,  5)  —  bore  also  the  names  of 
Messalians  and  Choreidai  (from  their  mystical  dances).  They  claimed 
to  have  attained  the  highest  point  of  spirituality,  and  on  that  ground 
to  be  above  the  law.  Pretending  to  be  absorbed  in  silent  prayer,  and 
honoured  with  heavenly  visions,  they  went  about  begging,  since  labour 
was  unbecoming  perfect  saints.  They  taught  that,  in  virtue  of  his 
descent  from  Adam,  every  man  brought  an  evil  spirit  with  him  into 
the  world,  who  could  only  be  overcome  by  prayer.  Thus  alone  would 
the  root  of  all  evil  be  removed.  After  that  was  done,  man  required  no 
longer  either  the  law,  the  Scriptures,  or  the  sacraments.  He  might 
give  reins  to  his  passions,  and  even  do  what  would  be  sinful  in  one  who 
was  still  under  the  law.  They  employed  the  lascivious  imagery  of 
sensual  love  to  describe  their  mystical  communion  with  God.  The 
Gospel  history  they  regarded  as  only  an  allegory,  and  considered  fire 
to  be  the  creative  principle  of  the  universe.  Flavian,  Bishop  of  An- 
tioch, by  artifices  and  accommodation,  obtained  knowledge  of  their 
secret  principles  and  practices  (381).  But,  despite  the  persecution  to 
which  they  were  subjected,  they  continued  till  the  sixth  century. — The 
EusTATHiANS  dcrivcd  their  name  from  Eustathius,  Bishop  of  Sebaste, 
the  founder  of  Monasticism  in  the  Eastern  provinces  of  the  empire. 
In  their  fanatical  contempt  of  marriage,  they  went  so  far  as  to  regard 
communion  with  married  persons  as  impure,  and  to  institute  religious 
services  of  their  own.  They  rejected  the  feasts  of  the  Church,  enjoined 
fasting  on  Sundays  and  feast-days  (|  32),  and  entire  abstinence  from 
animal  food.  Their  women  went  about  dressed  as  men.  Thej-  also 
14*  L 


162        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

insisted  that  persons  of  property  should  give  up  all  their  possessions. 
Servants  left  their  masters,  wives  their  husbands,  to  join  the  commu- 
nion of  these  saints.  But  the  vigorous  measures  taken  by  the  Synod 
of  Gangra  in  Paphlagonia  (between  a.d.  360  and  370)  arrested  the 
spread  of  the  sect. 

I  45.  THE  CLERGY. 

Gradually  the  separation  between  the  clergy  and  laity  became 
more  and  more  marked,  while  the  superior  ecclesiastical  function- 
aries formed  a  spiritual  corresponding  to  the  secular  aristocracy. 
It  was  maintained  that  the  priesthood  occupied  the  same  relation 
to  the  laity  as  the  soul  to  the  body.  Withal,  the  number  of 
aspirants  to  the  clerical  office  increased  to  a  degree  to  render  it 
necessary  for  the  State  to  regulate  their  admission  by  certain 
laws.  The  clergy  were  appointed  by  the  bishops,  but  with  the 
formal  concurrence  of  the  people.  In  the  East,  bishops  were 
chosen  by  all  the  prelates  of  a  province,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  metropolitan,  on  whom  also  devolved  the  ordination  of 
the  person  elected.  But  in  the  West  the  old  practice  continued, 
and  bishops,  clergy,  and  people  combined  in  making  the  choice. 
The  Council  of  Nice  interdicted  the  translation  of  bishops, 
characterizing  it  as  spiritual  adultery  (Eph.  v.  23,  etc.);  still 
the  practice  was  by  no  means  uncommon.  The  monarchical 
power  of  the  bishop  over  his  clergy  was  admitted  by  all  parties. 
According  to  the  practice  in  Rome,  one-fourth  of  the  total 
revenues  of  a  congregation  went  to  the  bishop,  another  fourth 
to  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  a  third  portion  to  the  poor,  and  the 
remainder  was  employed  for  ecclesiastical  buildings  and  furni- 
ture. In  the  course  of  time  the  episcopal  functions  and  privi- 
leges of  the  chorepiscopoi  were  more  and  more  limited  ;  they 
were  subordinated  to  the  city  bishops,  and  ultimately  (about  360) 
the  office  was  wholly  suppressed.  After  the  reaction  against 
episcopal  claims  had  ceased,  the  j^resbyters — especially  those  who 
ministered  in  affiliated  or  rural  congregations  —  obtained  a  posi- 
tion of  greater  independence  than  before  as  regarded  the  admin- 
istration of  worship  and  of  the  sacraments.  By  and  by  the 
extension  of  congregational  relationships  gave  rise  to  a  variety 
of  neiv  ecclesiastical  offices. 

1.  Training  of  the  Clergy. —  The  few  theological  schools  which  existed 
in  Alexandria,  in  CjBsarea,  in  Antioch,  in  Edcssa,  and  in  Nisibis,  were 
manifestly   quite   insufficient  for  the   requirements  of    the   Church. 


THE    CLERGY.  163 

Besides,  most  of  them  Avent  down  dui-ing  the  political  and  ecclesiastical 
turmoils  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries.  In  the  West  there  were  not 
any  such  institutions.  So  long  as  the  heathen  seminaries  of  learning 
flourished  at  Athens,  Alexandria,  Nicomedia,  etc.,  many  Christian 
youths  obtained  in  them  their  preparatory  literary  training,  and  after- 
wards supplemented  what  was  wantiag  in  a  religious  aspect  by 
retiring  into  solitude  or  into  monasteries,  and  there  devoting  them- 
selves to  asceticism  and  theological  study.  Others,  despising  classical 
training,  contented  themselves  with  a  monastic  education.  Others, 
again,  commenced  their  clerical  career,  when  still  boys,  as  lectores  or 
episcopal  clerks,  and  Avere  trained  under  the  superintendence  and 
direction  of  bishops  or  experienced  clergymen.  Augustine  constituted 
his  clergy  into  a  kind  of  monastic  community  [monaster ium  clericorum), 
and  transformed  it  into  a  clerical  seminary.  This  arrangement  met 
with  general  approbation  ;  and,  when  the  North  African  bishops  were 
expelled  by  the  Vandals  from  their  country,  was  imported  into  Sicily 
and  Sardinia. 

2.  Ultimately  the  Canonical  Age  of  priests  was  fixed  at  30  years, 
that  of  deacons  at  25.  Neophites,  those  who  had  been  baptized  when 
sick  (clinici),  penitents  and  energumenoi,  higami,  mutilated  persons, 
eunuchs,  slaves,  actors,  dancers,  solders,  curials,  etc.,  were  not  to  be 
admitted  to  the  clerical  office.  At  so  early  a  period  as  the  fourth  century 
the  African  Church  insisted  that  candidates  for  the  ministry  should 
undergo  a  strict  examination  as  to  their  attainments  and  orthodoxy; 
Justinian  I.  required  that  the  bishops  should  at  least  inquire  into  the 
orthodoxy  of  candidates. 

3.  Ordination  [xn-fo-iovCa)  was  regarded  as  analogous  to  the  chrisma 
of  baptism,  and  hence  as  a  sacrament.  If  the  latter  admitted  into  the 
general  priesthood,  the  former  made  a  person  a  priest  in  a  special 
sense ;  both  imparted  a  '■^character  indelebilis."  Its  efiect  was  commonly 
regarded  as  magical.  To  impart  ordination  was  the  privilege  of  bishops 
only ;  but  presbyters  were  wont  to  assist  in  the  ordination  of  their 
colleagues.  The  principle,  "  ne  qnis  vage  ordinetur,"  was  universally 
acted  upon  —  the  only  exception  being  in  the  case  of  missionaries. 
According  to  the  Canons,  a  person  was  not  to  be  ordained  to  any 
superior  ecclesiastical  ofiice  till  he  had  passed  through  all  the  inferior 
grades,  commencing  with  the  sub-diaconate.  At  first,  ordination  con- 
sisted onlj'  in  imposition  of  the  hands  ;  but  at  a  later  period  the  person 
set  apart  was,  after  the  analogy  of  baptism,  also  anointed  (with  chrism, 
i.  e.,  oil  mixed  with  balsam).  This  ceremony  Avas  preceded  by  the 
Lord's  Supper,  taken  fasting.  Since  the  sixth  century  candidates  had 
also  to  submit  to  Tonsure.  This  practice  was  first  introduced  in  the 
case  of  penitents ;  it  Avas  imitated  by  the  monks,  as  being  a  symbol  of 
humility,  and  from  them  it  passed  to  the  regular  clergy.  According 
to  the  Grecian  mode  of  tonsure  (tonsura  Pauli),  the  hair  of  the  whole 

14 


1»'4        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD   (323— 692  A.  D.). 

l>»>ad  was  clipped  quite  short ;  according  to  the  Roman  mode  (tonsura 
Petri),  a  narrow  rim  of  hair  was  left  all  round  the  head  (either  in 
r-miembrance  of  Christ's  crown  of  thorns,  or  as  a  symbol  of  tlie  royal 
y-riesthood,  corona  sacerdotalis).  The  anniversaries  of  episcopal  ordi- 
nations [natales  Episcoporiim)  were  frequently  celebrated  as  festivals. 
Gradually,  Investiture,  or  the  solemn  putting  on  of  the  insignia  of 
office,  was  introduced.  It  formed  the  only  real  mark  of  distinction  in 
ordination  between  the  different  grades  of  the  clerical  office.  —  The 
practice  among  the  clergy  of  wearing  a  peculiar  dress  on  all  ordinary 
occasions,  and  official  robes  when  administering  the  ordinances,  had  its 
origin  in  the  circumstance  that  the  clergy  still  retained  a  style  of  dress 
after  fashion  had  abolished  its  use  among  the  laity.  The  desire  to 
attach  a  symbolical  meaning  to  everything,  and  to  imitate  the  dresses 
worn  by  the  priests  under  the  Old  Testament  dispensation,  gave  rise  to 
various  other  modifications  and  additions. 

4.  Injunction  of  Celibacy.  —  Following  the  precedent  of  the  SpanisJi 
Provincial  Synod  of  Elvira  (a.d.  305),  the  first  Council  of  Nice  (325) 
felt  inclined  to  enjoin  clerical  celibacy  throughout  the  whole  Church, 
at  least  so  far  as  the  "  ordines  majores"  were  concerned.  But  this 
measure  was  opposed  by  Paplinidivs,  a  confessor  and  Egyptian  bishop, 
who  from  his  youth  had  been  an  ascetic.  He  maintained  that  not  only 
abstinence,  but  marriage  also,  was  chastity ;  and  his  influence  decided 
the  question.  The  former  practice  was  therefore  maintained,  which 
ruled  that  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons,  were  not  to  have  been  twice 
married,  nor  to  contract  a  marriage  after  their  ordination,  but  were 
allowed  to  use  their  own  discretion  in  reference  to  marriages  contracted 
before  their  ordination.  These  comparatively  liberal  views  continued 
for  a  considerable  period  to  be  entertained  in  the  East ;  and  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Eustathians  (|  GO,  5),  the  Synod  of  Gangra  defended  the 
sanctity  of  wedlock,  and  the  rights  of  married  priests.  In  the  fourth 
and  fifth  centuries  frequent  instances  of  married  bishops  occurred  (for 
example,  the  father  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Syne- 
sius  of  Ptolemais,  and  many  others).  Jnslinian  I.  prohibited  married 
persons  to  be  elected  bishops.  The  second  Trnllan  Council  (a.d.  692) 
confirmed  this  mandate,  prohibited  all  clergymen  from  marrying  a 
second  time ;  but  allowed  presbyters  and  deacons,  before  their  ordina- 
tion, to  contract  a  first  marriage,  only  enjoining  a  temporary  separation 
during  the  period  of  their  service  at  the  altar.  To  this  a  special  pro- 
test against  the  unnatural  severity  of  the  Roman  Church  was  added. — 
In  the  West  the  principles  promulgated  in  Spain  were  generally  entei'- 
taiued,  and  Leo  the  Great  applied  them  also  to  sub-deacons.  But  there 
also  the  frequent  instances  of  contravention  rendered  a  degree  of  indul- 
gence necessary. 

5.  The  number  of  Ecclesiastical  Functionaries  was  largely  increased 
by  the  employment  of  clerical  attendants  on  the  sick,  or  parabola.voi 


PATRIARCHAL    OFFICE    AND    PRIMACY.  165 

(from  rtapa/3a?.?tf(5^t  trjv  ^u>r-v),  and  grave-diggers  {xoTiiatai,  fossarii), 
whose  number  increased  to  a  very  great  extent  in  the  larger  cities. 
Where  a  bishop  was  arrogant,  imperious,  or  prone  to  violent  measures, 
he  had  in  these  officials  a  kind  of  standing  army  and  body-guard.  In 
A.D.  418,  Tlicodosius  II.  limited  the  number  of  parabolanoi  in  Alexan- 
dria to  600,  and  that  of  the  copiatai  in  Constantinople  to  950.  The 
property  of  the  churches  was  administered  by  olxovoy.oi ;  their  causes 
were  carried  through  the  courts  of  law  by  special  advocates  [Xxbixoi, 
crvi'Stxoi,  defensores)  ;  the  proceedings  at  ecclesiastical  assemblies  were 
taken  down  hj  iiotarii,  taxvypafoi.  Besides  these  officials,  record-keepers 
[xa-pto^v'Kaxei),  librarians,  thesanrarii  [csxcvo^v'Ka.xii),  etc.,  were  employed. 
All  these  were  unordained  persons.  Among  the  ordines  majores,  also, 
new  grades  were  introduced.  In  the  fourth  century  an  archdeacon  was 
placed  over  the  deacons.  He  was  the  right-hand  man,  the  substitute 
and  plenipotentiary  of  the  bishop,  and  frequently  succeeded  to  that 
office.  The  College  of  Priests  also  was  presided  over  by  an  arch- 
presbyter.  The  superintendence  of  several  congregations  was  en- 
trusted to  a  city  presbyter,  who  was  called  the  periodeutes,  or  visita- 
tor.  —  The  seniores  plehis  of  the  African  churches  were  lay  elders,  and 
not  ordained  in  the  same  manner  as  the  clergy.  The  office  of  deacon- 
esses gradually  lost  in  importance,  and  ultimately  ceased  entirely. 


ne.   THE   PATRIARCHAL  OFFICE   AND   THE   PRIMACY. 

CoMP.  Le  Qiiien,  Oriens  Christianus.  Par.  1740.  3  Voll.  fol. — Janus, 
de  origg.  Patr.  chr.  Vit.  1718.  —  Wiltsch,  kirchl.  Geogr.  u.  Statistik. 
(Eccl.  Geogr.  and  Statist.).     I.  56  etc. 

The  institution  of  Metropolitan  Sees  (§  30)  had,  during  the 
period  preceding  that  which  we  describe,  prepared  the  way  for 
introducing  hierarchical  distinctions  among  bishops.  This  move- 
ment was  greatly  furthered  by  the  political  division  of  the  empire 
under  Constantine  the  Great.  The  bishops  of  capital  cities  now 
claimed  a  spiritual  sway  analogous  to  that  which  the  imperial 
governors  exercised  in  secular  matters.  But  former  privileges 
and  later  claims  prevented  anything  like  a  complete  correspond- 
ence between  the  secular  and  the  hierarchical  arrangements. 
The  first  Council  of  Nice  (325)  expressly  confirmed  the  prepon- 
derance of  the  Bishops  of  Borne,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch,  which 
these  prelates  had  long  enjoyed.  The  second  general  Council 
of  Constantinople  (in  381)  exempted  the  Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople (Slo-  to  dial  avtr;v  vtav  Taurjv)  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Metropolitan  Ileraclea,  in  Thracia,  and  assigned  to  him  the  first 
rank  after  the  Bishop  of  Rome.     The  bishops  thus  distinguished 


166        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND  PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

bore  the  title  of  Patriarchs  —  a  designation  which  the  Roman 
bishops  refused,  in  order  not  to  be  on  the  same  level  with  other 
prelates,  choosing  in  preference  the  title  of  Papa,  Yldnas.     The 
fourth  general  Council  of  Ghalcedon  (a.d.  451)  placed  the  Pa- 
triarch of  the  metropolis  of  the  East  on  a  footing  of  perfect 
equality  with  his  colleague  of  Rome  ;  put  the  three  dioceses  of 
Tliracia,  Pontus,  and  Asia  under  his  jurisdiction  ;  and  invested 
him  with  the  power  of  receiving  complaints  against  the  metro- 
politans of  any  diocese.    The  same  council  also  raised  the  Bishop 
of  Je7-iisalem,  whom  the  Council  of  Nice  had  in  325  already 
declared  as  entitled  to  special  honours,  to  the  dignity  of  Patri- 
arch, and  invested  him  with  supremacy  over  the  whole  of  Palestine, 
while  formerly  that  prelate  had  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Metropolitan  of  Cassarea.    Still,  some  metropolitans — and  among 
them  especially  those  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus,  o^  Milan,  of  Aquileia, 
and  oi Ravenna,  in  Italy — refused  to  acknowledge  that  their  sees 
were,  in  any  sense,  subject  to  their  respective  patriarchs.  —  The 
district  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  was  called  parochia, 
rtct,)ot,zia,  that  of  the  metropolitan  j^^ovincia,  sTtapx^a,  that  of  the 
patriarch  dioecesis,  bioixr^oLS ;  but  these  terms  were  often  inter- 
changed. —  The  patriarchs  were  entitled  to  have  at  the  Imperial 
Court  resident  legates,  who  were  called  Apocrisiarians.     The 
aiyxt'Kxov    acted   as  clerical  councillors  and  assistants  of  the 
patriarchs.  —  From  the  sixth  century  the  popes  began  to  confirm 
the  election  of  oriental  metropolitans,  by  sending  them  the  paZ- 
lium,  as  the  archiepiscopal  insignium.  —  From  this  period  it  was 
considered  to  be  necessary  for  the  validity  of  a  general  council, 
that  all  the  five  patriarchs  should  be  represented  in  them.     But 
when  in  637  Jerusalem,  in  638  Aniioch,  and  in  640  Alexandria, 
became  subject  to  the  Saracens,  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople 
remained  the  sole  representative  of  that  dignity  in  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  Roman  Empire.     His  Roman,  colleague  was  his 
only  rival,  and  he  was  no  way  able  to  compete  with  him.      On 
the  contrary,  the  pretensions  of  Rome  to  the  primacy  rapidly 
secured  universal  assent. 

1.  The  Rivalry  between  Rome  and  Byzantium. — (CoMP.besides'the  works 
referred  to  in  ^  52,  also:  Arcltiaard,  les  origines  de  I'egl.  Rom.  2  VoU. 
Par.  1851. — H.  G.  Hasse,  liber  d.  Vereinig.  d.  geistl.  u.  AYeltl.  Oberge- 
walt  im  rom.  Kirchenstaate  (On  the  Combinat.  of  Spir.  and  Seoul.  Su- 
premacy in  the  States  of  the  Ch.).  Haarl.  1852.  4to.  —  F.  Maassen 
(Rom.  Cath.),  der  Primat  d.  Bisch,  zu  Rom  u.  d.  altesten  Patriarchal- 


PATRIARCHAL    OFFICE    AND    PRIMACY.  167 

kirchen  (The  Primacy  of  the  Bish.  of  Rome  and  of  the  oldest  Patr.  Ch.), 
Bonn  1853.) — Since  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451)  the  Patriarch 
of  Constantinople  alone  claimed  equal  power  and  honours  with  the 
Bishop  of  Ptorae.  Justinian  I.  gave  indeed  to  the  Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople the  designation  of  (Eeninenical  Patriarch  ;  but  this  remained  an 
empty  title,  while  the  Bishop  of  Rome  took  every  opportunity  to  declare, 
by  word  and  deed,  that,  according  to  Divine  appointment,  he  exercised 
supremacy  over  the  whole  Church,  and  over  all  prelates,  including  the 
Pati'iarch  of  Constantinople.  Even  in  so  far  as  the  principles  were 
concerned  on  which  each  of  these  two  prelates  rested  his  claims,  those 
of  Rome  w^ere  much  more  full  and  intelligible.  In  the  East  the  epis- 
copal sees  ranked  according  to  the  political  importance  attaching  to 
the  cities  in  which  they  were  placed.  As  Constantinople  was  the  resi- 
dence of  the  ruler  of  the  whole  oir.ovfx.iviri,  its  bishop  was  likewise  held 
to  be  oecumenical.  But,  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  the  position  of 
ancient  Rome  was  higher  than  that  of  her  modern  rival.  All  the  proud 
reminiscences  of  history  clustered  around  the  capital  of  the  West.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  visible  decline  and  the  threatening  decay  of  the 
empire  were  associated  with  Byzantium.  But  neither  did  the  West 
admit  the  principle  on  which  the  pretensions  of  the  see  of  Constanti- 
nople were  founded.  Not  the  will  of  the  Emperor,  it  was  argued,  nor 
the  growing  decrepitude  of  the  empire,  could  decide  the  spiritual  rank 
of  a  bishop  ;  the  history  of  the  Church  and  the  will  of  its  Divine 
Founder  and  Lord  must  determine  the  question.  Measured  by  this 
standard,  the  see  of  Constantinople  was  not  only  inferior  to  those  of 
Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem,  but  even  to  those  in  many  cities 
whose  bishops  indeed  were  not  metropolitans,  but  whose  churches  had 
been  founded  by  apOvStles  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Rome  undoubtedly 
occupied  the  first  rank.  There  the  two  princes  of  the  apostles  had 
lived,  taught,  witnessed,  and  sufi"ered ;  their  graves  and  bones  were 
there.  More  than  that,  Peter,  whom  the  Lord  Himself  had  made  pri- 
mate among  the  apostles,  had  been  the  first  occupant  of  the  see  of 
Rome,  and  the  Roman  bishops  were  his  successors  and  the  heirs  of 
his  privileges.  The  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  depended  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  claims  only  on  the  influence  of  the  court.  But  frequently 
that  very  court,  which  had  seconded  and  fostered  his  claims,  deserted 
him,  in  order,  through  the  wide  influence  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  to 
strengthen  its  tottering  power  in  Italy.  Again,  he  was  selected  and 
deposed  by  the  court ;  too  often  he  fell  a  sacrifice  to  its  intrigues,  or 
became  the  tool  of  its  policy  and  the  advocate  of  its  heretical  views. 
How  favourable,  in  comparison  with  this,  was  the  position  of  the  Bishop 
of  Rome !  In  his  selection  the  court  could  but  rarely  exercise  any 
influence,  much  more  rarely  could  it  bring  about  his  deposition.  While 
the  East  was  torn  by  a  number  of  ecclesiastical  disputes,  in  which  truth 
and  error  (if  only  for  a  time)  alternately  prevailed,  the  West,  ranged 
under  the  leadership  of  Rome,  presented  almost  always  a  close  and 
14* 


168         SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

united  phalanx.  To  Rome  disputants  appealed  for  ultimate  decision, 
oppressed  parties  for  advocacy  and  protection  ;  and  since  the  Bishops 
of  Rome  always  lent  their  authority  to  truth  and  right,  the  party 
whose  case  was  supported  by  them  always  ultimately  carried  off  the 
victory.  Even  at  that  period,.  "  Roma  locuta  est"  was  in  itself  a  power. 
Thus,  in  the  opinion  of  Christendom,  Rome  gradually  rose  in  authority, 
and  soon  it  claimed,  as  of  right,  what  at  first  personal  confidence  or 
the  urgency  of  circumstances  had  accorded  in  special  and  individual 
instances.  Besides,  during  the  lapse  of  ages,  Rome  always  learned, 
but  never  forgot.  The  consciousness  of  common  interests,  supported 
by  a  deep  hierarchical  spirit,  had  sprung  up  and  gathered  around 
the  chair  of  Peter,  —  influences  by  which  even  worthless  or  weak 
popes  were  upheld.  Thus,  despite  all  opposition  and  resistance, 
Rome  steadily  advanced  towards  the  mark  which  all  along  it  had  kept 
in  view.  At  last  the  East  was  only  able  to  preserve  and  assert  its 
ecclesiastical  independence  by  an  act  of  complete  and  final  separation. 

2.  Ilistonj  of  the  Pretensions  of  Rome  to  the  Primacy.  —  The  Council 
OF  Nice  (325)  assigned  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  spiritual  supremacy  over 
the  (ten)  suburbicarian  provinces,  i.e.,  over  Middle  and  Lower  Italy, 
and  the  islands  of  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  Sicily.  This  arrangement 
had  been  made  in  conformity  with  the  political  position  of  Rome  at  the 
time.  But  long  before  that,  Rome  enjoj-ed  a  much  more  extensive 
authority  (§30,  4),  from  the  circumstance  that  it  was  the  ovlj  sedes 
apostolica  in  the  West.  Indeed,  when  any  difficulty  occurred,  it  was 
the  practice  in  all  parts  of  the  West  to  apply  to  Rome  for  guidance. 
As  early  as  the  fourth  century,  the  official  answers  to  these  appeals 
assumed  a  tone  of  command  rather  than  of  advice  (epistol^  decre- 
TALEs).  But  until  the  year  343,  no  attempt  was  made  to  assert  any 
claim  of  authority  over  the  East.  But  in  that  year,  the  pressure  of 
circumstances  obliged  the  Council  of  Sardica  (|  50,  2)  to  decree  that 
Jvliiis,  Bishop  of  Rome,  had,  as  the  consistent  and  trustAvorthy 
advocate  of  orthodoxy,  the  right  of  hearing  appeals  from  bishops  in  any 
part  of  the  empire;  and,  if  he  found  the  complaints  just,  of  appointing 
judges  and  instituting  a  fresh  trial,  the  verdict  in  that  case  to  be  final. 
But  this  decree  applied  only  to  Julius  as  an  individual,  and  must  be 
regarded  as  only  a  temporary  expedient  adopted  by  a  minority  which 
was  hardly  beset.  Hence  it  scarcely  excited  attention,  and  was  soon 
forgotten.  But  Rome  did  not  forget  it ;  and  in  402-417,  Innocent  I. 
made  it  the  basis  of  a  claim  to  the  eS"ect  that  all  causes  majores  should 
be  submitted  to  the  Apostolic  See  for  decision.  Still,  even  then  the 
claim  to  primacy  was  based  only  upon  human  authority.  Leo  the 
Great  (440-461)  was  the  first,  in  his  instruction  to  his  legates  at  the 
Council  of  Ephesiis  (449),  to  rest  it  on  Divine  authority,  by  appealing 
to  Matt.  xvi.  18  (§30,  3).  Formerly,  Western  authorities,  such  as 
Hilary,  Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Augustine,  and  Innocent  I.  himself,  had 
adopted  the  interpretation  of  the  passage  by  Cyprian,  who  applied  it 


PATRIARCHAL    OFFICE    AND    PRIMACY.  169 

to  all  the  apostles,  and  hence  to  all  bishops  ;  while  they  understood 
the  word  rtetpa,  as  applying  either  to  the  confession  of  Peter,  or  to  the 
person  of  Christ.  Leo  L,  however,  applied  it  to  Peter  exclusively,  and 
to  the  Pope  as  his  sole  successor.  Of  course,  the  Fathers  of  Ephesus, 
and  afterwards  also  those  of  Chalccdon  (a.  d.  451,  comp.  1 52,  4), 
refused  to  receive  this  interpretation.  The  claims  of  Leo  received 
fuller  acknowledgments  in  the  West.  On  the  occasion  of  a  resistance 
to  them  by  Hilary,  Bishop  of  Aries,  the  Pope  procured  from  the  youth- 
ful Emperor  Valentixian  III.  a  rescript  (a.d.  445),  which  ordained 
that  in  future  none  should  venture  to  resist  or  to  doubt  the  primacy  of 
the  Pope,  which  the  Lord  Himself  had  instituted.  The  suburban 
bishops  of  Italy  readily  submitted.  The  Synodus  palmaris  of  Rome 
(a.d.  503),  which  Theodoric,  King  of  the  East  Goths,  had  summoned 
to  inquire  into  the  charges  brought  against  Pope  Syminaclms,  absolved 
the  latter  without  an  investigation ;  and  Ennodius  of  Pavia  openly 
proclaimed  the  principle  that,  since  the  Pope  was  judge  over  all,  he 
could  not  be  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  any.  Still,  the  metropolitans 
of  Northern  Italy  (of  Aquileja,  Milan,  and  Ravenna)  steadily  opposed 
these  views,  and  for  centuries  maintained  the  independence  of  their 
sees.  However  great  their  reverence  for  the  "  cathedra  Petri,"  the 
bishops  of  North  Africa  ascribed  to  the  Pope  only  a  "  principatus 
honoris  ; "  at  all  periods  they  firmly  resisted  the  aggressions  of  Rome ; 
and  when  Apiarins,  a  presbyter  who  had  been  deposed,  sought  pro- 
tection in  Rome  (a.  d.  418),  they  interdicted,  on  pain  of  excommunica- 
tion, every  appeal  "  ad  transmarina  judicia."  They  also  refused  to 
acknowledge  the  validity  of  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  even 
when  Pope  Zosimns  pretended  it  had  come  from  the  Council  of  Nice. 
—  In  a.  d.  590-604,  Gregory  the  Great  still  admitted  that  the 
Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch  occupied  the  same  rank  with 
himself,  and  that  even  the  other  bishops  were  subject  to  his  jurisdiction 
only  in  case  of  an  accusation  preferred,  but  that  in  other  respects  their 
office  was  the  same  as  his.  That  prelate  also  refused  the  proud  title 
of  "  episcopus  universalis,"  which  Johannes  Jejnnator,  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  had  shortly  before  assumed  (a.  d.  587),  and  in  token 
of  humility  called  himself  "  servus  servorum  Dei."  But  the  protest  of 
Rome  against  the  assumption  of  the  see  of  Constantinople  remained 
unheeded,  till  the  usurper  and  murderer  Phocas  interdicted  the  use  of 
this  appellation  to  his  patriarch,  and  acknowledged  the  see  of  Peter  as 
the  "caput  omnium  ecclosiarum"  (a.  d.  606). — The  firm  and  energetic 
bearing  of  Rome  during  the  Monothelete  controversy  (§  52,  8)  secured 
for  it  another  brilliant  triumph.  The  sixth  cecum.  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople condescended,  in  680,  to  make  to  the  Pope  a  humble  report 
of  its  proceedings,  and  to  request  his  confirmation  of  them.  However, 
the  SECOND  Trcllan  Council,  a.  d.  692  (|  63,  3),  amply  made  up  for 
this  by  a  sweeping  condemnation  of  the  decrees  of  Rome,  thereby  lay- 
mg  the  foundation  for  the  later  schism  between  the  East  and  the  West. 
15 


170         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.)  . 

III.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE  AND  LITEKATURE. 
g  47.  THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOLS  AND  TENDENCIES. 

Tlie  ancieut  Church  attained  its  highest  stage  of  literary  emi- 
nence during  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  As  the  number  of 
seminaries  of  theological  learning  was  very  small  (§  45,  1),  most 
of  the  great  theologians  of  that  period  were  self-taught.  But 
the  fewer  the  outward  means,  opportunities,  and  stimuli  for  call- 
ing forth  and  developing  the  mental  activity,  the  greater  must 
have  been  the  intellectual  resources  of  that  period,  and  the 
stronger  its  general  impetus  towards  such  culture.  These  schools 
still,  however  few,  served  as  points  whence  a  more  scientific  theo- 
logy issued,  and  where  it  found  a  rallying-place.  Their  extinc- 
tion marks  the  general  decadence  of  scientific  studies  and  of 
original  investigation.  Probably  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century 
—  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  A.  d.  451  —  formed  the  turning- 
point.  After  that  period,  science,  and  in  general  every  ecclesi- 
astical movement,  stagnated  or  declined. — The  theological  direc- 
tions prevalent  at  the  time  may  be  distinguished  as  those  of 
traditionalism  and  of  free  scientific  inquiry.  The  collisions 
between  them  gave  rise  to  the  various  dogmatic  discussions  of 
that  period.  The  former  of  these  parties  defended  the  results 
of  the  development  of  doctrine  already  achieved,  as  being  esta- 
blished and  sanctioned  by  tradition,  and  even  sought  conclusively 
to  settle,  in  the  same  manner,  the  doctrinal  questions  which 
arose  in  the  progress  of  subjective  development.  The  latter  of 
these  schools  represented  the  cause  of  the  freedom  of  Christian 
intellect,  and  resisted  every  attempt  at  narrowing  the  province 
of  free  inquiry.  The  first  had  its  most  numerous  adherents 
among  the  Latins  of  Italy  and  North  Africa;  the  second,  among 
•  the  Grecians  of  the  East  and  of  Egypt.  But  this  division  was 
not  by  any  means  complete,  nor  was  the  distinction  perfectly 
marked  and  established.  From  the  lively  intercourse  subsisting 
between  different  parts  of  the  empire,  the  germs  of  traditionalism 
were  carried  to  the  East  (and  especially  to  Egypt),  while  those 
of  scientific  and  philosophical  inquiry  were  also  brought  to  the 
West ;  and  this  interchange  and  admixture  gave  rise  to  various 
intermediate  views. — But  after  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  the 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS    AND    TENDENCIES,        171 

spirit  of  free  scientific  inquiry  gradually  disappeared  in  the  East- 
ern as  in  the  Western  Church,  and  a  traditionalism,  which  became 
more  and  more  ossified,  attained  supreme  and  unlimited  sway. 
Political  troubles,  hierarchical  aggressions,  a  narrow-minded 
monasticism,  and  the  spread  of  barbarism,  arrested  every  liberal 
or  scientific  movement.  In  place  of  the  youthful  vigour  of  inde- 
pendent inquiry,  we  find  the  industry  of  mere  compilers,  or  labo- 
rious but  vain  attempts  to  appropriate  the  intellectual  products 
of  centuries  gone  by.  Such  was  now  the  authority  of  the  older 
Fathers,  and  so  binding,  in  common  esteem,  were  their  dicta, 
that  the  discussions  in  councils  were  almost  entirely  carried  on 
by  citations  from  those  Fathers  whose  orthodoxy  was  ac- 
knowledged. 

1.  The  School  of  Aniioch  may  be  regarded  as  representing  liberal 
and  scientilio  investigations  (§  36,  6).  At  first,  following  in  the  wake 
of  the  inquiries  and  general  principles  of  Origen,  it  became,  in  the 
course  of  its  development,  independent  of,  and  indeed  frequently  di- 
verged from,  that  great  teacher.  More  especially  did  it  substitute  a 
tnethod  of  grammatical  and  historical  exegesis  for  the  allegorical  inter- 
pretations of  the  Origenists,  and  calm,  sober  reflection  in  jDlace  of  their 
extravagant  speculations.  It  endeavoured  to  ascertain  the  plain  mean- 
ing of  the  Scriptures,  and  to  derive  from  them  a  purely  Biblical  theo- 
logy. Thoroughly  opposed  to  all  mysticism,  these  divines  viewed 
Christianity  in  its  intellectual  and  rational  aspect ;  and,  by  a  process 
of  clear  and  logical  thinking,  sought  to  deduce  its  dogmas.  Hence 
they  attempted  carefully  to  distinguish  between  the  Divine  and  the 
human  in  Christ  and  in  Christianity,  to  view  each  of  these  elements 
separately,  and  to  secure  its  right  place  especially  for  the  human  ele- 
ment. But  in  this  they  frequently  strayed  into  rationalistic  sentiments. 
Still  the  school  impressed  its  stamp  on  the  East  properly  so  called.  Its 
most  celebrated  representatives  were  Diodorus  of  Tarsus,  and  his 
pupils,  the  three  great  Antiochians  (as  they  are  called) :  Theodorus, 
John  Chrysostom,  and  Theodoret.  —  Diodorus  was  first  a  monk  and 
presbyter  at  Antioch,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia  {ob.  394). 
In  consequence  of  a  later  condemnation  of  the  Church  (§  52,  6),  his 
numerous  writings  were  suppressed.  lie  gave  to  the  school  its  peculiar 
dogmatic  character. — Theodorus,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia  in  Cilicia  {ob. 
429),  was  a  friend  and  fellow-student  of  Chrysostom.  The  ban  of  the 
fifth  oecumenical  Council  of  Constantinople  attached  also  to  his  writings 
and  teaching.  At  a  later  period,  the  Syrian  Church  honoured  him 
with  the  designation  of  "  Interpres."  He  was  considered  one  of  the 
deepest  thinkers  of  the  age. — John  of  Antioch,  whose  name  was  after- 
wards almost  forgotten  in  the  title  of  Chrysostom,  by  which  he  was 
designated.   Ilis  pious  mother  Anihusa,  who  had  early  become  a  widow, 


172         SECTION    I. SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

bestowed  great  care  on  his  education.  He  attended  the  rhetorical 
school  of  Libanius,  and  practised  at  Antioch  with  great  success  as  an 
advocate.  But  after  his  baptism  he  gave  up  this  profession,  became 
the  pupil  of  Diodorus,  and  a  monk  and  presbyter  in  his  native  city. 
Ultimately,  his  brilliant  eloquence  procured  for  him  the  patriarchal 
see  of  Constantinople  (a.  d.  397).  On  his  activity  there,  comp.  I  51,  3. 
He  died  in  exile,  a.  d.  407.  Along  with  Athanasius  and  the  three 
Cappadocians  (§  75),  he  may  be  ranked  as  the  most  eminent  of  the 
Greek  Fathers  (Ed.  of  his  works  by  M.  Montfaucon.  Par.  1713.  13 
Voll.  fob). — Theodoret,  Bishop  of  Cyros  in  Syria,  was  jv  pupil  of  The- 
odorus  [oh.  457 )>  He  was  the  most  learned  and  fertile  writer  of  his 
age  —  a  profound  thinker,  and  a  diligent  pastor,  a  man  of  straightfor- 
ward and  noble  character,  and  one  who  could  avoid  the  extreme  views 
of  his  cotemporaries  (§  52,  3,  4).  Still,  during  the  imperial  attempts 
at  bringing  about  a  union,  he  was  branded  as  a  heretic  (^  52,  6).  Best 
ed.  of  his  works  by  J.  Sirmond  et  J.  Garnier.  Par.  1642 ;  and  by  J.  L. 
Schulze.  Halle  1769. 

2.  The  theology  of  the  national,  East  S^jrian  Chiirch,  which  had  for 
its  semrnary  the  theological  school  of  Eclessa  (^  39,  6),  was  still  more 
bound  by  tradition,  than  that  of  the  Antioch  (Greek)  Syrian  Church. 
There  the  oriental  spirit  reigned  still  more  absolutely,  showing  itself  in 
a  play  of  fancy  with  excessive  pathos  and  exuberant  imagery,  a  leaning 
to  theosophy,  mysticism  and  asceticism,  fertility  in  hymnology,  addi- 
tions to  the  liturgy,  the  service  of  the  Church,  and  constitution,  com- 
bined with  doctrinal  stability.  In  exegesis  it  adopted,  like  that  of 
Antioch,  the  opposite  of  Origen's  allegorical  arbitrariness,  but  was 
not  scientific  and  critical,  but  rather  purely  practical  and  mystical ; 
hence  the  errors  of  Origen's  school  were  rationalizing,  those  of  the 
school  of  Edessa  anthropomorphistic,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Audians 
(I  62).  But  their  local  proximity,  and  the  active  intercourse  between 
the  teachers  and  pupils  of  both  schools,  resulted  in  a  greater  agreement 
between  them.  In  the  christological  controversies,  especially,  the 
school  at  Edessa,  and  its  daughter  at  Nisibis,  attached  themselves 
closely  to  the  interests  and  doctrines  of  the  school  at  Antioch  (|  52,  3). 
The  most  renowned  teachers  of  the  East  Syrian  Church  were : 

(1.)  Jambs  of  Nisibis  {ob.  circa  350),  founder  of  the  school  there, 
champion  against  the  Arian  heresy,  distinguished  by  zeal  in  performing 
his  duties  as  a  bishop,  and  one  of  the  most  revered  fathers  of  the 
Syrian  Church. 

(2.)  Efhraem  Syrus,  deacon,  and  second  founder  of  the  theological 
school  at  Edessa  (350),  the  most  celebrated  poet,  exegete,  and  preacher 
of  the  national  Syrian  Church  [propheia  Si/rorum),  was  a  zealous 
adherent  of  Nicene  orthodoxy,  and  in  old  age  made  (372)  a  journey 
to  Cappadocia,  to  become  acquainted  with  Basil. 

(3.)  Ibas  of  EnESSA  [ob.  circa  470)  teacher,  then  bishop  at  Edessa, 
translator  of  the  writings  of  Diodorus  and  Theodorus.     Like  them  he 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS    AND    TENDENCIES.       173 

was  accused  of  Nestorianism,  and  acquitted  at  Chalcedon  (451),  but 
pronounced  a  heretic  at  Constantinople  (553). —  (Cf.  §  52,  4,  G.) 

3.  After  the  discussion  between  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  and  hia 
namesake  of  Rome  (|  40,  5),  the  theology  of  Alexandria  had  assumed 
a  twofold  type.  The  Old  School  remained  faithful  to  the  views  of 
Origen,  and  generally  assumed  a  position  antagonistic  to  the  theology 
and  tradition  of  the  West,  asserting  the  right  of  free  and  unrestricted 
investigation.  While  revering  the  memory  of  Origen,  the  representa- 
tives of  that  school  discarded  most  of  his  extravagant  speculations. 
The  best  known  theologian  of  that  party  was  Eusehius  of  Ccesarea  [oh. 
338)  the  historian.  He  was  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship  with 
Pamphilus  the  confessor,  whom  he  called  father,  and  whose  admiration 
of  Origen  he  shared.  He  also  enjoyed  the  fullest  confidence  of  Con- 
stantino the  Great,  who  furthered  his  historical  studies  by  giving  him 
access  to  all  the  archives  of  the  empire.  His  learning  was  extensive, 
and  his  diligence  untiring ;  but  he  was  not  profound,  and  lacked  specu- 
lative talent  and  doctrinal  consistency.  All  the  more  credit  is,  there- 
fore, due  to  his  comprehensive  and  laborious  historical  investigations. 
He  and  most  of  his  friends  were  semi-Arians.  The  school  became 
extinct  during  the  latter  half  of  the  fourth  century.  Since  that  time, 
enthusiastic  admirers  of  Origen  have  not,  indeed,  been  wanting;  but 
their  influence  on  the  development  of  the  Church  has  been  small, 
and  the  suspicion  of  heterodoxy  has  always  attached  to  them  (comp. 
I  52,  G). 

4.  It  was  otherwise  with  the  New  Alexandrian  School,  whose  influ- 
ence became,  after  the  fourth  century,  co-extensive  with  that  of  Alex- 
andrian culture  generally.  This  party  also  (at  least  the  earlier  repre- 
sentatives) sincerely  respected  the  memory  of  Origen,  and  in  their 
speculative  treatment  of  Christian  doctrine  followed  in  his  footsteps. 
But  they  disowned  his  unbiblical  errors,  and  consistently  carried  out 
what  was  sound  in  his  teaching.  More  especially  did  this  school,  by 
firm  adherence  to  the  doctrine  of  the  eternal  generation  of  the  Son, 
keep  clear  of  all  siibordinatianisrn,  and  thus  draw  more  closely  to  the 
divines  of  the  Western  Church  (?  40,  G).  A  predilection  for  what  in 
Christianity  was  mysterious,  and  a  dislike  of  the  intellectual  tendency 
in  theology,  were  the  characteristics  of  the  school  of  Alexandria  as 
contrasted  with  that  of  Antioch.  It  regarded  the  union  of  the  Divine 
and  the  human  in  Christ  and  in  Christianity  as  a  glorious  mystery, 
which  it  was  impossible  to  analyze  or  explain.  But  it  lost  sight  of  the 
human  aspect  of  these  realities,  or  rather  merged  the  human  in  the 
Divine.  While  energetically  maintaining  the  intimate  connection  of 
these  two  elements,  it  lost  sight  of  their  diversity,  and  fell  into  an 
error  the  opposite  from  that  towards  which  the  school  of  Antioch 
verged.  Its  leading  and  most  orthodox  representatives  were  Athanasins, 
the  three  great  Cappadocians    {Basilius  and  the  two  Greffori/s)  and 

15* 


174       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (;!23— 692  A.  D.)  , 

Didymus  the  Blind.  The  leaven  of  error  in  the  New  Alexandrian 
School  appeared  for  the  first  time  in  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  although 
that  Father  was  still  regarded  as  orthodox.  After  that  period  the 
school  rapidly  declined.  The  tendency  of  the  teaching  of  Synesiiis  was 
philosophical  rather  than  theological.  Almost  his  counterpart  was 
Epiphanius,  whose  glowing  zeal  for  traditionary  orthodoxy  inclined 
him  towards  the  New  Alexandrian  School,  although  he  had  not  the 
least  sympathy  with  its  speculative  tendencies. 

(1.)  Probably  the  most  prominent  ecclesiastical  personage  in  the  fourth 
century  was  Athanasius,  whom  his  successors,  in  acknowledgment  of 
his  merits,  have   called    "  Pater  orthodoxue."     He  was   every  inch  a 
Church-Father,  and  his  history  is  at  the  same  time  that  of  the  Church 
of  his  day  (comp.  g  50).     His  was  a  life  of  heroism  in  the  midst  of 
contests,  of  faithfulness,  of  power  and  wisdom  in  construction  ;  nor  Avas 
he  less  great  when  defeated  than  when  successful;    rich  and  varied 
talents,  energy,  determination,  earnestness  and  gentleness,  extensive 
learning  and  humble  faith,  were  beautifully  blended  in  him.     In  319 
he  became  a  deacon  in  Alexandria.     Alexander,  the  bishop  of  that  see, 
perceiving  his  talents,  took  him  to  the  Council  of  Nice  (325),  where  he 
first  engaged  in  that  great  contest  to  which  his  life  was  devoted.    Soon 
afterwards,  when   Alexander  died,  Athanasius  was   chosen   his   suc- 
cessor (328).     He  held  the  episcopal  office  for  forty-five  years:  during 
that  period  he  was  ten  times  banished,  and  passed  twenty  years  in 
exile,  chiefly  in  the  West  {ob.  373).     His  writings  are  mainly  directed 
against  Arianism.    (His  works  edited  by  Monifaiicon.  Par.  1698,  3  vols.) 
(2.)    Basil   the   Great,    Bishop   of  Ci^sarea   in    Cappadocia — his 
native  city  —  was  truly  a  "  royal"^  personage  in  history  [oh.  379).     His 
mother  Emmclia,  and  his  grandmother  Macrina,  early  planted  the  seeds 
of  piety  in  his  breast.     When  studying  at  Athens  he  entered  into  close 
friendship  with  his  like-minded  countryman,   Gregory  of  Nazianztis. 
This  connection,  based  upon  attachment  to  the  Church  and  to  science 
—  which    afterwards   also   embraced    Gregory,  BisTiap   of  Nyssa,  the 
brother  of  Basil  —  lasted  through  life.     Having  spent  a  considei-able 
period  in  ascetic  retirement,  and  distributed  his  property  among  the 
poor,  Basil  first  became  presbyter  and  then  bishop.     His  life  Avas  that 
of  a  faith  which  overcomes  the  world,  of  self-denying  love,  of  high  aims, 
and  of  royal  dignity.     By  the  power  of  his  spirit  he  kept  together  the 
Catholic  Church  of  the  East  during  the  frightful  persecutions  inflicted 
by  Vulens,  the  Arian.     Perhaps  his  best  monument  was  the  foundation 
of  a  great  hospital  at  Ca^sarea,  to  which  he  devoted  the  rich  revenues 
of  his  see,  living  himself  in  poverty.     His  writings  also  entitle  Basil 
to  a  distinguished  place  among  the  Fathers.     His  3G5  letters  are  a 
faithful  reflex  both  of  his  own  mind  and  of  those  stormy  times. — (Comp. 
W.  Close,  Bas.  d.  Gr.  nach  Leben  u.  Lehro  (Basil  the  Gr.,  his  Life  and 
Teaching).     Strals.  1835.  —  Bohringcr,  Kirchengesch.  in  Biogr.,  vol.  I. 
2  (his  writings,  edited  by  /.  Gamier  and  P.  Maranus.     Par.  1721.     3 
Voll.  fol.). 


THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOLS  AND  TENDENCIES.    175 

(3).  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  was  born  at  Arianzus  about  the  year 
328.  Gregory,  his  father,  who  had  been  a  Ilypsistarian,  was  converted 
through  his  pious  wife  Nonna,  and  became  Bishop  of  Nazianzus. 
Gregory  the  Younger  became  the  assistant  and,  though  against  his 
will,  the  successor  of  his  fiither.  From  his  see  he  first  retired  into  the 
wilderness,  then  became  bishop  of  the  small  community  at  Constanti- 
nople which  had  remained  faithful  to  the  Nicene  creed  (the  church  of 
Anastasia,  where  he  delivered  the  celebrated  orations  which  procured 
for  him  the  designation  of  6  ^toxoyoi),  and  was  nominated  Patriarch  by 
Theodosms  the  Great  in  380.  Driven  the  year  following  from  that  post 
through  the  envy  of  his  enemies,  he  returned  to  Nazianzus,  where  he 
died  in  391. —  (Comp.  C.  VLlmann,  Greg,  of  Naz.  the  Theol.  Darmst. 
1825,  and  Bohringer  ut  supra  I.  2  (best  ed.  of  his  writings  by  D. 
Clemencet.  Par.  1788.  2  Voll.  foL). 

(4.)  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  the  younger  brother  of  Basil.  He  excelled 
his  two  friends  in  philosophic  acumen  and  scientific  acquirements. 
His  theological  views  were  more  closely  connected  with  those  of  Origen 
than  theirs,  but  he  was  equally  zealous  in  opposing  Arianism.  Both 
among  his  cotemporaries  and  with  posterity  his  fame  has  scarcely  been 
less  than  that  of  his  friends. — {J.  Rupp,  Greg.  v.  Nyssa,  Leben  u.  Mein- 
ungen  (Greg,  of  Nyssa,  his  Life  and  Opinions). — Leipz.  1834  (best  ed. 
of  his  writings  by  Fronton  le  Due. — Par.  1615. — 2  Voll.  foL). 

(5.)  Though  DiDYMUs  the  Blind  had  lost  his  sight  when  only  four 
years  old,  he  acquired  very  extensive  learning.  He  acted  as  catechist 
in  Alexandria,  where  he  died  about  the  year  395.  He  wrote  many 
works,  of  which,  however,  only  few  have  been  preserved.  An  enthusi- 
astical  admirer  of  Origen,  he  shared  some  of  the  extravagant  views  of 
that  Father ;  but  in  consequence  of  the  discussions  of  that  period  his 
theology  gradually  came  to  be  more  in  accordance  with  that  of  the 
Catholic  Church. 

(6.)  Synesius,  Bishop  of  Ptolemais  in  Egypt,  was  a  pupil  of  the 
celebrated  Hypaiia  (comp.  ^06),  and  an  enthusiastic  disciple  of  Plato 
[oh.  about  430).  Happy  as  husband  and  father,  wealthy,  and  devoted 
to  the  study  of  philosophy,  he  felt  considerable  difficulty  in  accepting  a 
see.  He  openly  confessed  his  heterodoxy  in  respect  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  resurrection,  and  stated  his  determination  to  continue  in  the  married 
relation  even  after  his  consecration.  In  the  discharge  of  his  of&ce  he 
was  equally  distinguished  by  zeal  and  by  undaunted  courage.  He 
composed  several  hymns  and  philosophical  tractates.  (His  works 
edited  by  Petavius. — Par.  1612.  fol.). 

(7.)  Efiphanius,  Bishop  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus,  was  born  in  Palestine 
of  Jewish  parents,  and  trained  by  *?.  Hilarion  and  his  monks  [oh.  403). 
As  bishop  he  was  a  pattern  of  faithfulness  and  devotedness,  being 
specially  distinguished  for  his  self-denying  care  of  the  poor.  But  the 
main  characteristic,  both  of  his  inner  and  outer  life,  was  zeal  for  eccle- 
siastical orthodoxy.  He  was  honest,  truthful,  and  kindlv,  but  some- 
15 


176        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

what  narrow-minded,  without  much  breadth  of  culture  or  knowledge 
of  the  world,  incapable  of  taking  a  comprehensive  view  of  matters, 
stubborn  and  very  credulous,  though  at  the  same  time  learned,  diligent, 
and  not  without  talent  or  acuteness.  His  monkish  teachers  had  filled 
his  mind  with  a  perfect  horror  of  heretics,  and  he  firmly  believed  that 
Origenism  was  the  source  of  the  Arian,  and  indeed  of  all  other  heresies. 
Comp.  §  51.  (His  works  edited  by  D.  Petavius.  Par.  1622.  2  Yoll.  fol.). 
(8.)  CvRiLLiTs,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the  nephew,  pupil,  and  suc- 
cessor of  T/ieopJiilus.  The  bigoted  and  violent  measures  adopted  by 
Theophilus  were  not  without  their  influence  in  forming  the  character 
of  this  Father.  As  to  his  life  and  labours  comp.  ^  52,  3.  (His  works 
edited  by  /.  Aubertus.     Par.  1638.     6  Voll.  foL). 

5.  T/ie  Western  Church  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  carrying  Chris- 
tianity into  every  relationship  of  life,  of  fully  developing  its  dogmas, 
and  of  distinctly  expressing  and  guarding  them  against  all  innovations. 
Hence  it  became  the  great  focus  of  traditionalism.  But  as  yet  the 
connection  between  the  East  and  the  West  was  so  close,  that  many  of 
the  views  broached  in  the  East  found  at  least  partial  reception  in  the 
West  also,  and  led  to  many  discussions.  We  have,  therefore,  to  dis- 
tinguish two  directions,  which,  however,  frequently  coalesced.  The 
genuine  Latin  School,  following  in  the  wake  of  Tertullian  and  Cyprian, 
embodied  the  theology  of  the  West  in  its  most  distinctive  features. 
Among  the  representatives  of  that  party  we  reckon  Ambrose,  Augustine, 
and  Leo  I.  At  first  it  joined  the  New  Alexandrian  School  in  its  oppo- 
sition to  the  semi-Arian  followers  of  Origen,  and  the  Nestorian  lean- 
ings of  the  theologians  of  Antioch.  But  when,  by  their  one-sided 
views,  the  Alexandrians  themselves  verged  towards  heresy,  the  Western 
School  declared,  with  equal  decision,  in  favour  of  that  aspect  of  the 
truth  which  the  School  of  Antioch  represented.  Another  party  in  the 
West  owned  to  a  certain  extent  the  influence  of  Origen,  without,  how- 
ever, giving  up  the  distinctive  theological  characteristics  of  the  West. 
Among  these  divines  we  name  Hilary,  Jerome,  and  Evjinvs.  The 
practical  and  merely  intellectual  tendency  of  the  West,  which  was 
wanting  in  spiritual  depth,  gave  rise  to  Pelagianism,  a  heresy  first 
broached  by  Pelagius,  a  British  monk  (comp.  |  83,  3).  Lastly,  a  fourth 
party,  the  Massilian  (or  semi-Pelagian)  theologians,  sought  to  leaven 
the  theology  of  the  West  with  ideas  derived  from  the. School  of  Antioch. 
This  school  was  founded  by  John  Cassianus  (comp.  |  83,  5). 

(1.)  Ambrose,  Bishop  of  Milan  {ob.  397),  was  Governor  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Milan,  and  had  not  been  baptized  when  the  voice  of  a  child 
designated  him  as  bishop.  In  vain  he  resisted  the  ofl^er.  He  was 
baptized,  distributed  his  property  among  the  poor,  and  eight  days 
afterwards  occupied  the  episcopal  see.  The  duties  of  his  new  office  he 
discharged  with  a  zeal  truly  apostolic.  He  proved  a  father  of  the  poor, 
the  protector  of  those  who  Avere  oppressed,  an  unwearied  pastor,  and  a 
powerful  opponent  both  of  heresy  and  of  heathenism.     The  eloquence 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS    AND    TENDENCIES.        177 

which  formcrlj^  ho  had  disphiyed  in  the  forum,  became  more  brilliant 
when  employed  in  the  service  of  Christ.  To  redeem  captives  he  would 
even  part  with  the  sacred  vessels  of  his  church.  To  affability  and 
gentleness  he  joined  a  firmness  which  neither  the  fear  of  men  nor 
threats  and  dangers  could  shake.  Theodosiiis  the  Great  venerated  him 
as  a  father,  and  openly  declared  that  he  was  the  only  bishop  who 
deserved  that  title.  Ilis  claim  to  such  an  acknowledgment  he  proved 
in  a  conflict  with  this  emperor,  in  which  it  Avere  difficult  to  say  whether 
bishop  or  emperor  deserved  greater  admiration.  When,  in  a  fit  of 
passion,  Theodosius  had  committed  great  cruelties  among  the  rebellious 
Thessalonians,  the  bishop  publicly  refused  to  admit  him  to  the  altar 
till  he  had  done  public  penance.  Ambrose  was  a  zealous  advocate  of 
Monasticism,  and  in  his  sermons  extolled  the  merits  of  virginity  so 
much  that  many  mothers  prohibited  their  daughters  from  attending 
his  church. — (Comp.  Bohringer,  I.  3. — Rudelbach,  chr.  Biogr.  I.  2  (best 
ed.  of  his  works  by  N.  le  Nourry  and  /.  du  Frische.  Par.  1686.  2 
vols,  fol.) 

(2.)  AuRELius  Augustine  was  born  at  Tagaste  in  Numidia.  His 
pious  mother,  Monica,  had  early  led  him  to  Christ,  but  during  the  time 
he  studied  at  Carthage  he  lapsed  into  sensuality  and  worldliness.  The 
Ilortensius  of  Cicero  again  awakened  in  him  a  longing  for  something 
higher  and  better  than  pleasure.  We  next  find  him  professing  rhetoric 
at  Carthage,  at  Rome,  and  at  Milan,  when  ambition,  worldliness, 
doubts,  and  higher  aspirations  led  him  in  turn  to  oscillate  between  the 
world  and  religion.  During  the  next  nine  years  he  held  ManichEean 
views.  Finding  himself  grievously  deceived  in  that  sect,  he  would 
have  wholly  given  himself  up  to  the  world,  if  he  had  not  for  a  time 
been  kept  back  through  the  influence  of  Platonism.  But  philosophy 
could  not  give  peace  to  his  soul.  At  last,  the  sermons  of  Ambrose 
(who  had  comforted  Monica  with  the  assurance  that  a  son  of  so  many 
prayers  and  tears  could  not  be  lost)  became  the  means  of  directing 
him  to  the  truth,  which  the  Spirit  of  God  applied  to  his  heart  and  con- 
science. Ambrose  administered  baptism  to  him  in  387.  Immediately 
afterwards  Augustine  gave  up  his  employment  as  rhetorician,  returned 
to  Africa,  became  first  a  presbyter,  and  in  396  Bishop  of  Hippo  Regius 
in  Numidia,  where  he  died  in  430,  Augustine  was  the  greatest  and 
most  influential  among  the  Fathers.  He  combined  in  a  rare  degree 
acuteness  with  breadth  of  mind,  clearness  and  depth  with  dialectic 
versatility.  Christian  experience  with  simplicity  of  faith,  and  strength 
of  mind  with  energy  of  will.  His  writings  bear  upon  almost  all  the 
departments  of  theology,  and  may  be  characterized  as  forming  an  era 
in  theological  literature.  This  remark  applies  especially  to  his  eluci- 
dation of  the  doctrines  of  the  Trinity  (comp.  I  50,  6),  and  of  those  of 
sin  and  grace  (comp.  |  53).  In  his  "  Confessiones"  he  lays  before  the 
Lord  the  whole  of  his  past  life,  indicating  in  a  spirit  of  deepest  humility, 
and   of  holy,  prayerful  solemnity,  both  its  errors  and  His  gracious 

M 


178        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A. D.). 

leadings;  in  his  " Retractiones "  he  displayed  the  same  conscientious- 
ness in  regard  to  his  writings. — (Comp.  Bbhringer,  I.  3. — C.  Bindemann, 
S.  Augustine,  2  vols.  Berl.  1844,  56. — K.  Braune,  Monica  and  Augus- 
tine. Grim.  1846  (his  works  ed.  by  Th.  Bamplin  et  P.  Constant.  Par. 
1679.  11  Voll.  fol.,  and  frequently  since). 

(3.)  Leo  I.,  the  Great,  Bishop  of  Home,  440-461.  Even  when  a 
deacon  he  was  the  most  j^i'ominent  person  in  Rome.  ElcA'ated  to  the 
see  of  the  capital,  he  found  a  fitting  sphere  for  the  exercise  of  talents 
of  a  peculiarly  high  order.  From  the  energy  and  consistency  with 
which  he  advocated  the  idea  of  the  primacy  of  Rome,  he  may  be  re- 
garded as  really  the  founder  of  its  spiritual  supremacy  (comp.  §  46,  3). 
With  vigorous  hand  he  guided  the  Church ;  he  introduced  reforms  or  a 
better  organization,  restored  discipline  and  order,  advocated  orthodox 
views,  refuted  heretics,  and  even  conciliated  the  barbarians  (Attila452, 
Genseric  455).  His  sermons  and  letters  have  been  preserved  (best  ed. 
by  the  brothers  Ballerinii.  Venet.  1753.  3  Voll.  fol.). — (Comp.  Bohr- 
inger  I.  4;  E.  Pertliel,  Leo's  I.  Leben  u.  Lehre.     Vol.  I.     Jen.  1843.) 

(4.)  Hilary,  Bishop  of  Poitiers  [oh.  368),  was  the  Athanasius  of 
the  West.  His  zealous  opposition  to  Arianism  was  punished  with  four 
years  of  exile.  After  his  return  he  undertook  a  journey  to  Italy,  in 
order,  if  possible,  to  convert  Auxeutius,  Bishop  of  Milan,  the  leader  of 
the  Arians  in  Italy.  But  this  prelate  avoided  the  encounter  through 
means  of  an  imperial  ordinance,  which  enjoined  Auxentius  to  leave 
Italy.  He  was  specially  distinguished  for  the  philosophical  acumen 
with  which  he  defended  this  doctrine.  (Best  ed.  of  his  writings  by  P. 
Constant.  Paris,  1693.  fol. ;  and  by  Sc.  MafiFei.  Veron.  1730.  2  Voll.  fol.) 

(5.)  Jerome,  a  native  of  Stridon  in  Dalmatia  [ob.  420).  His  life  and 
labours  were  devoted  partly  to  the  East  and  partly  to  the  West.  He 
was  the  most  learned  among  the  Fathers  of  his  time,  a  zealous  advocate 
of  monasticism,  of  asceticism,  and  work-righteousness.  His  character 
was  not  without  its  blemishes,  among  which  we  reckon  vanity,  ambi- 
tion, jealousy,  passionateness,  bigotry,  and  a  peculiarly  acrimonious 
mode  of  polemics.  He  resided  successively  in  Gaul,  Italy,  Syria, 
Egypt,  Constantinople,  Rome,  and  Palestine.  Damasiis,  Bishop  of 
Rome,  honoured  him  with  his  implicit  confidence,  and  commissioned 
him  to  revise  the  "Itala"  (comp.  |  63,  3).  His  many  and  successful 
efforts  to  recruit  the  number  of  monks  and  virgins  from  among  the 
youthful  nobility  of  Rome  raised  so  many  enemies  that  he  Avas  at  last 
obliged  to  leave  the  city.  He  returned  to  the  East  in  385,  and  settled 
at  Bethlehem,  where  he  founded  a  monastery,  over  which  he  presided 
till  his  death,  with  only  an  interruption  of  two  years,  during  which  he 
had  to  withdraw  from  the  persecution  of  his  enemies.  At  one  time  he 
had  been  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Origen ;  but  fear  of  being  stig- 
matized as  a  heretic  afterwards  led  him  to  take  a  position  directly  anta- 
gonistic to  that  school  (comp.  ^  51,  2).  His  contributions  to  exegesis, 
especially  hia  translation  of  the  Bible  —  the  Vulgate,  as  it  is  called  — 


THEOLOGICAL    SCHOOLS    AND    TENDENCIES.        179 

proved  of  greatest  service  to  the  Churcli.  (Best  edition  of  his  works 
by  D.  Vallarsi.  Yeron.  1734.  11  Voll.  4.) — (Comp.  F.  Lauchert  and  A. 
Knoll,  Hist,  of  S.  Jerome.  Rottw.  1846.) 

(6.)  RuFiNUS  of  Aquileia  (o&.  410)  had  from  his  youth  been  the  inti- 
mate friend  of  Jerome,  in  whose  vicinity  he  settled  (on  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  by  Jerusalem).  But  the  controversy  about  Origen  and  his 
writings  changed  this  friendship  into  the  bitterest  hostility  (comp.  §  51, 
2).  Rufinus  considered  it  the  mission  of  his  life  to  translate  the  wri- 
tings of  Origen,  and  of  others  of  the  Greek  Fathers,  in  order  to  make 
them  accessible  to  readers  in  the  West. 

6.  The  Theology  of  the  Sixth  and  Seventh  Centuries.  —  The  brightest 
period  of  theological  literature  had  gone  by.  Study  was  indeed  still 
carried  on,  and  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  were  assiduously  perused 
and  adapted  to  the  wants  of  the  times ;  but  we  miss  every  trace  of 
genius  or  life,  of  creative  power  or  originality.  About  the  year  550 
John  Philoponus,  a  Monophysite  at  Alexandria,  wrote  a  commentai'y  on 
Aristotle,  and  applied  to  theology  the  categories  of  that  philosophy. 
After  that  Platonism,  which,  from  its  idealism,  had  hitherto  been  chiefly 
in  vogue  with  those  Fathers  who  cultivated  philosophical  studies,  gra- 
dually gave  place  to  the  fuller  and  more  developed  forms  of  the  Aristo- 
teliau  philosophy.  Already  the  theology  of  the  Greeks  assumed  the 
type  of  scholasticism.  But  along  with  this  tendency  a  theosophic  mys- 
ticism also  appeared,  founded  chiefly  on  spurious  writings  of  Dionysius, 
which  embodied  the  neo-Platonic  ideas  that  had  lately  been  broached. 
The  writings  of  Maximus,  the  Confessor,  exhibit  a  combination  of  this 
mysticism  with  the  dialectics  of  Aristotle.  In  the  West,  the  troubles 
connected  with  the  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  Empire  contributed  to 
and  hastened  on  the  decay  of  theological  literature.  Still,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  sixth  century,  flourished  some  theologians  who 
recalled  better  times  ;  among  them,  in  Africa,  Fiilgentius  of  Ruspe  ;  in 
Gaul,  Ccesarius  of  Aries.  In  Italy,  Boethiiis  and  Cassiodorns  gained 
immortal  fame  by  cultivating  and  preserving  classical  and  patristic 
lore  at  a  time  when  it  seemed  threatened  with  complete  extinction. 
Gregory  the  Great  closed  the  series  of  Latin  Fathers  in  the  strict  sense 
of  that  term. 

(1.)  The  spurious  writings  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite  (Acts  xvii. 
"  34)  first  made  their  appearance  about  the  year  532,  and  among  the 
monophysite  sect  of  the  Severians.  Most  probably  the  real  author  of 
these  compositions  belonged  to  that  party,  and  lived  about  that  time 
(comp.  I  48,  5).  They  met  with  little  opposition,  and  soon  passed  as 
genuine.  (Best  ed.  by  B.  Corderius.  Antv.  1634.  2  Voll.  fol. ;  transl. 
into  German,  and  with  dissertations,  by  Engelhardt.  Sulzb.  1823.  2 
vols.) 

(2.)  Maximus  Confessor  was  the  most  acute  and  profound  thinker 
of  his  time,  and  favourably  distinguished  by  firmness,  adherence  to 
15* 


180        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

his  convictions,  and  courage,  at  a  time  when  such  qualities  were  rare. 
At  first  private  secretary  to  the  Emperor  Heraclms,  he  afterwards  be- 
came monk  and  abbot  of  a  monastery  near  Constantinople,  where  he 
contended  and  suffered  for  duothelete  orthodoxy  (comp.  §  52,  8).  He 
died  in  exile  in  662.  (Best  ed.  of  his  writings  by  Fr.  Combefisius. 
Par.  1675.  2  Voll.  fol.) 

(3.)  FuLGENTius,  Bishop  of  Ruspe,  was  exiled  by  Thrasivmnd,  King 
of  the  Vandals,  on  account  of  his  zeal  for  Catholic  doctrine  [ob.  533). 
He  was  one  of  the  ablest  defenders  of  the  views  of  Augustine.  (0pp. 
ed.  J.  Sirniond.  Par.  1612.)  Ilis  life  was  written  by  Fulgentius  Fer- 
randus,  his  excellent  pupil,  who  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  contro- 
versy about  "the  Three  Chapters"  (comp.  §  52,  6). 

(4.)  C^SARius,  Bishop  of  Aries  [ob.  542),  was  one  of  the  most  pro- 
minent and  deserving  men  of  his  time,  and  specially  distinguished  for 
practical  usefulness  in  the  Church,  and  for  able  advocacy  of  Augus- 
tinian  views. 

(5.)  BoETHius  occupied  high  offices  under  Theoderic,  King  of  the 
Ostrogoths.  His  enemies  charged  him  with  treason,  in  consequence  of 
which  he  was  thrown  into  prison  and  executed  in  524.  While  in  con- 
finement, he  wrote  his  work,  "  de  consolatione  philosophise,"  —  a  book 
very  popular  in  the  middle  ages,  but  which  of  late  has  given  rise  to 
doubts  whether  the  writer  had  been  a  Christian,  although  legend  has 
even  transformed  him  into  a  Christian  martyr.  The  theological  wri- 
tings attributed  to  him  are  spurious.  In  point  of  form,  his  philosophy 
agrees  with  that  of  Aristotle ;  in  point  of  substance,  with  that  of 
Plato. 

(6.)  AuRELius  Cassiodorus  retired,  after  fifty  years'  public  service 
under  Odoacer  and  Theodoric,  into  the  monastery  of  Vivarium  in  Lower 
Italy,  which  he  had  founded,  and  where  he  died  in  565,  at  the  advanced 
age  of  nearly  one  hundred  years.  To  his  conduct  in  office,  Italy  was 
indebted  for  the  blessings  of  an  excellent  administration;  to  his  learned 
researches  and  retirement  from  the  world  the  literary  history  of  Europe 
owes  the  preservation  of  what  of  classical  and  patristic  lore  still  re- 
mained at  the  time. 

(7.)  Gregory  I.,  the  Great,  Bishop  of  Rome,  590-614.  The  Roman 
Catholic  Church  numbers  him  (with  Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Augustine) 
among  the  four  great  Fathers  ("doctores  ecclesiae").  Although  his 
theological  writings  were  not  distinguished  by  great  depth  or  origin- 
ality, he  deserves  the  appellation  of  Great  on  account  of  his  successful 
labours.  With  a  remarkable  strength  of  purpose  he  combined  mildness 
and  gentleness,  and  with  humility  and  unfeigned  piety  a  full  conscious- 
ness of  AA'hat  became  his  position  as  the  supposed  successor  of  Peter. 
But  with  all  his  knowledge,  circumspectness,  and  liberality,  he  was 
full  of  monkish  prejudices,  and  clung  tenaciously  to  the  traditionalism 
of  the  Roman  Church  in  respect  of  forms  and  dogmas.  He  lived  in 
the  most  retired  and  simple  manner,  as  a  strict  ascetic,  spending  all 


TIIEOLOaiCAL     LITERATURE.  181 

his  property  and  income  in  deeds  of  charity.  His  lot  was  cast  in  trou- 
bled times,  -when  the  throes  of  a  new  historical  period  were  felt  over 
Europe.  All  the  more  precious,  therefore,  was  it  that  Providence  had 
called  such  a  man  to  act  as  spiritual  father  and  guide  of  the  Western 
Church.  He  was  a  strenuous  advocate  of  monasticism  and  of  all  simi- 
lar institutions ;  nor  can  posterity  feel  otherwise  than  grateful  for  it, 
since,  at  that  troubled  period  of  transition,  monasticism  was  almost 
the  sole  depositary  and  centre  of  intellectual  culture  and  of  spiritual 
aspirations. — (Comp.  Th.  Lmt,  Gregor  d.  Gr.,  nach  s.  Leben  u.  s.  Lehre. 
Leipz.  1845  ;  G.  Ffalder,  Greg.  d.  Gr.  u.  s.  Zeit.  Vol.  I.  Frkf.  1852. 
(0pp.  ed.  Sammarthanus.  Par.  1705.  4  Voll.  fol.) 

§48.   THEOLOGICAL   LITERATURE. 

1.  Exegeiical  Theologrj.  —  As  yet  the  critical  study  of  the  text  of 
Scripture  had  not  been  commenced.  Jerome  himself  was  only  a  trans- 
lator. In  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  the  LXX.  was  considered  a 
satisfactory  version,  and  its  divergences  fi'om  the  Hebrew  text  were  set 
down  to  Jewish  interpolations.  With  the  exception  of  Jerome,  the 
Fathers  were  entirely  ignorant  of  Hebrew.  The  allegorical  mode  of  inter- 
tation  was  that  most  in  favour.  The  school  of  Antioch,  however, 
adopted,  both  in  theory  and  practice,  the  historical  and  grammatical 
mode  of  interpretation.  Dioclorus  of  Tarsus  disputed  the  propriety  of 
the  method  of  Origen  in  a  tractate  (Tt'j  Sccujjopo.  ^stoptaj  xa.1  dx^jyyopt'as), 
which  has  not  been  handed  down.  In  the  same  strain  wrote  his  pupil, 
Tkeodorus  of  Mops,  (de  allcgoria  et  historia) ;  while  Gregory  of  Nyssa 
defended  the  opposite  view  in  his  Prooem.  in  Cant.  Cant.  The  first 
attempt  at  a  work  on  Hermexeutics  was  made  by  Tyclionius,  aDonatist 
(Regulne  W\.  ad  investigandam  intelligentiam  ss.  Scr.),  which,  how- 
ever, is  far  inferior  to  the  tractate  of  Augustine  on  the  same  subject, 
entitled,  "  de  doctrina  Christiana."  In  Book  I.  Augustine  gives  a  sum- 
mary of  the  "  analogia  fidei,"  as  the  ultimate  standard  for  the  interpre- 
tation of  special  points  ;  the  two  following  books  detail  the  canons  of 
interpretation ;  while  Book  IV.  explains  how  the  truth  thus  ascertained 
was  to  be  communicated  to  the  people.  The  "liber  formularum  spiri- 
tualis  intelligentice,"  by  Eucherius,  a  Gaul  [oh.  450),  is  a  practical 
manual  for  allegorical  interpretation.  The  EtsaycjyjJ  r^j  ^ttaj  ypa^^j, 
by  Adrianus,  a  Greek,  is  a  kind  of  hermeneutical  manual.  —  For  the 
study  of  the  Introduction  to  the  Scriptures,  the  Prooemia  of  Jerome 
were  of  some  service.  Tkeodorus  of  Mops,  denied  the  genuineness  of  the 
superscriptions  to  the  Psalms,  and  the  canonicity  of  Chronicles,  Esther, 
and  the  General  Epistles.  Junilius,  an  African,  was  the  first  (about 
560)  to  attempt  a  scientific  Introduction  to  the  study  of  the  Bible,  in  a 
work  entitled,  Libri  II.  de  partibus  div.  legis  ;  the  "  Institutio  div.  lite- 
rarvim,"  by  Cassiodorus,  was  mainly  designed  for  popular  use.  —  The 
ToTtixd,  or  Bibl.  Geography,  of  Eusehius,  preserved  in  Latin,  as  recast 
16 


182         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

hj  Jerome  (de  situ  et  nominibus  loc.  Hebr.),  and  the  tractate  of  EpipJia- 
nius,  rtipi  fiitpiov  xai  atd^fxav  (on  measures  and  weights),  may  be  re- 
garded as  contributions  towards  the  study  of  Biblical  Antiquities. — 
The  most  celebrated  and  fertile  among  the  allegorical  Commentators 
of  the  East  was  Ci/ril  of  Alexandria.  The  school  of  AnUoch,  on  the 
other  hand,  furnished  a  succession  of  able  interpreters  of  the  historical 
meaning  of  the  Scriptures.  Among  them  we  mention  Existathius  of 
Antioch,  oh.  3G0  (whose  writings  have  been  lost),  Eusehiiis  of  Emisa, 
oh.  360  (writ,  lost),  Diodorns  (writ,  lost),  Theodoms  oi  Mo-^s.  (consider- 
able fragm.  preserved),  Chrysosiom  (Homilies  and  Comment.),  and 
Theodoret.  Theodorus  referred  most  of  the  Messianic  predictions  to 
cotemporaries  of  the  prophets — to  Ilezekiah,  Zerubabel,  etc. — and  pro- 
nounced the  Song  of  Songs  "  libidinose  pro  sua  mente  et  lingua  mere- 
tricia."  The  exegesis  of  Theodoret  was  much  more  trustworthy  ;  the 
Song  of  Songs  he  regarded  as  an  allegory.  Chrysosiom  combined 
with  grammatical  commentation  a  deep  practical  tendency.  The  same 
remark  applies  to  the  commentaries  of  Ephrtem,  written  in  Syriac. 
All  the  Western  divines  —  Hilary,  Amhrose,  the  Amhrosiasier  (a  com- 
mentary on  the  Epistles  of  Paul  by  Ililarius,  an  unknown  writer,  which 
is  found  among  the  works  of  Ambrose),  Jerome,  and  Aiigiisthie  —  more 
or  less  adopted  the  allegorical  mode  of  interpretation  ;  although  Jerome, 
on  principle,  applied  himself  also  to  grammatical  commentation.  Pela- 
gius  was  the  only  writer  who  busied  himself  exclusively  with  the 
literal  meaning  (of  the  Epistles  of  Paul).  After  the  sixth  century, 
independent  exegetical  investigations  were  almost  entirely  given  up, 
and  theologians  contented  themselves  with  making  compilations  from 
the  commentaries  and  homilies  of  the  Fathers  [Caieucc).  This  species 
of  composition  originated  in  the  East  with  Procopius  of  Gaza  (in  the  sixth 
cent.),  a,\id'<N\th.  Anastasiiis  Sinaita  (in  the  seventh  cent.)  ;  in  the  West, 
with  Primasms  of  Adrumetum,  about  560.  Only  Gregory  the  Great 
possessed  sufficient  originality  and  confidence  in  himself  to  write  an 
original  commentary  (Expositio  in  1.  Jobum  s.  Moralium  libri  24). 

2.  Historical  Theology.  —  The  study  of  General  Church  History  was 
especially  cultivated  during  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  (comp.  §  4, 1). 
The  history  of  the  rise  and  of  the  various  forms  of  heresy  was  traced 
by  Epiplianius  {lla.vdpiov  or  Ktf3wT'tov  —  i.e.,  medicine-chest  —  xaza  cdps- 
otoiv  80),  by  Theodoret  {Alpsttxiji  xaxo^v^La?  irttto/xri,  s.  ha^retic.  fabulje), 
by  Leontius  of  Byzance  (about  the  year  600:  L.  de  sectis)  ;  —  among 
Latin  writers,  by  Aiigustine  (de  hgeresibus),  by  Philasirins,  oh.  397  (de 
han'esibus),  and  by  the  author  of  the  "  Prasdestinatus"  (comp.  §  53,  5). — 
Many  biographies  of  eminent  Fathers,  dating  from  that  period,  have 
also  been  preserved.  Jerome  was  the  first  to  compose  something  like  a 
theological  literary  history  in  the  form  of  biographies  (Catalogus,  s.  de 
viris  illustr.).  This  work  was  continued  by  Gennadiiis  of  Massilia. 
Palladius  (Hist.  Lausiaca,  i.  e.,  dedicated  to  Lausus),  Theodoret  (^tXo- 


THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.  183 

^£05  wropt'a,  s.  hist,  religiosa),  and  livfinus  (Hist,  ereniitica  s.  Vitas  Pp.), 
collected  the  accounts  circulating  ahout  the  great  monastic  saints. 
But  even  the  writings  of  Gregory  the  Great  (Dialogorum  Libri  IV.  de 
vita  et  miraculis  Pp.  Italicorum),  and  of  Gregory  of  Tours  (Libri  VII. 
de  miraculis),  are  couched  in  the  tone  of  later  legends,  and  exhibit 
immense  credulity  and  love  of  the  miraculous.  The  correspondence  of 
the  Fathers,  which  in  many  instances  has  been  preserved  and  handed 
down,  is  of  great  importance  as  an  authority  on  all  subjects  connected 
with  the  history  of  their  times.  The  Cyclus  pascJialis  of  Dionysius 
Exiguus  (comp.  ^  43,  3),  which  gave  rise  to  the  JEvii  Dionysiaca,  still 
in  use,  forms  an  important  contril)ution  to  the  science  of  Ecclesiastical 
Chronology.  In  Ecclesiastical  Statistics  the  Tojtoypa^ia  ;tpi.(jT'iai'txj7  of 
Cosmas  Indicoplenstes,  a  Nestorian,  who  as  a  merchant  had  travelled  a 
good  deal  in  the  East  (about  the  year  550),  deserves  attention.  —  The 
7ta.v(oha.7f^  icrropia  s.  Chronicon,  by  Eusebius,  in  two  books  —  of  which 
the  second  was  recast  in  Latin  by  Jerome  —  was  designed  to  illustrate 
the  connection  between  Biblical  and  profane  history.  The  original  of 
this  tractate  has  been  lost,  but  a  complete  Armenian  translation  of  it 
has  lately  been  discovered.  At  the  suggestion  of  Augustine,  Orosius, 
a  Spaniard,  wrote  a  secular  history  for  the  purpose  of  proving  that  the 
decline  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  not  attributable  to  Christianity  (Hist, 
adv.  Paga,nos,  Libri  VII.). 

3.  Apologetics. —  The  controversial  tractate  of  Julian  (comp.  §  42,  4) 
was  answered  by  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (rtpoj  -^a  tov  iv  d^£otf  'lovT^tdvov) , 
by  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  {"koyoi,  a-ajXitivtixoi  s.  Invectivae  in  Jul.),  and 
by  Chrysotom  (in  his  oration  on  S.  Babylas).  Ambrose  and  Prudentius 
the  poet  (see  below.  Note  8)  wrote  against  the  design  of  Symmachus 
(comp.  I  42,  3).  The  insinuations  of  Zosimus,  Eunapius,  and  others 
were  met  by  the  history  of  Orosius,  and  by  Augustine  in  his  dogmatical 
and  apologetical  work,  "  de  civitate  Dei," — by  far  the  ablest  apology 
put  forth  by  the  ancient  Church.  For  the  same  purpose,  Salviaiius,  a 
Gaul,  composed  eight  books,  "  de  gubernatione  Dei."  John  Philoponus 
replied  to  the  objections  of  Proclus  against  the  Christian  doctrine  of 
creation.  The  controversy  with  the  Jews  was  carried  on  by  Chrysotom, 
Augustine,  and  Gregentius,  Bishop  of  Taphar  in  Arabia,  who,  in  pre- 
sence of  a  vast  concourse,  for  four  days  carried  on  a  discussion  with 
Herban,  a  Jew.  Apologetic  works  of  a  more  general  character  were 
composed  by  Eusebius  of  Csesarea  (the  "  Praeparatio  evangelica,"  in 
fifteen  books,  and  the  "  Demonstratio  evangelica,"  in  twenty  books), 
by  Athanasius  (two  books,  xa.ta  '¥.x%vrvu>v  —  Book  II.  bearing  also  the 
title,  rttpt  r^j  £i'ai'^pcjrt?j5£cof  tov  @iov  Aoyov),  by  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (rtpoj 
"^XXvivai  ix  T'wi'  xowZiV  ivvowv),  by  Theodoret  (de  curandis  Grtecor.  affec- 
tionibus),  and  by  Firmicus  Matermts  (de  errore  profanarum  religg.  ad 
Constantium  et  Constantinum.     Comp.  I  42,  4). 

4.  But  by  far  the  greatest  energy,  talent,  acuteness,  and  research 


184        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (.323—692   A.  D.). 

■^•as  displayed  in  the  Polemical  Avritings  of  that  period,  which  -was 
directed  partly  against  old  and  partly  against  recent  heresies. — (Conip. 
bclo-sv,  the  history  of  Thcol.  Controv.) 

5.  Dogmatics.  —  The  precedent  of  Origen  in  constructing  a  general 
theological  system  -o-as  not  followed.  But  theologians  addressed  them- 
selves to  the  elucidation  of  Christian  doctrines  for  practical  purposes, 
especially  for  the  instruction  of  catechumens.  Among  such  works  we 
reckon  those  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  ob.  386  (twenty-three  addresses  to 
catechumens,  of  which  the  last  five  treat  of  the  Christian  mysteries) ; 
of  Gregory  of  Xyssa  (Oratio  catech.  magna) ;  of  Epiphanius  (to  defend 
Catholic  truth  against  Arianism) ;  of  Augustine  (in  the  last  books  of 
the  "civitas  Dei,"  in  Books  I.  de  doctrina  Christ.,  and  in  the  "  enchi- 
ridium  ad  Laurentium  ")  ;  of  Fulgentius  of  Ihispe  (de  regula  verae 
fidei)  ;  and  of  two  semi-Pelagian  writers,  Geniiadius  (de  fide  sua),  and 
Vi)icentius  Lirineiisis,  oh.  450  (Commonitorium  pro  cath.  fidei  antiqui- 
tate  et  universitate,  comp.  §  53,  5).  The  tractates  written  on  special 
topics,  more  particularl}-  for  controversial  purposes,  greatly  contributed 
to  the  elucidation  of  certain  dogmatical  questions.  The  works  of  the 
Pseudo-Dionysius  (^  47,  6),  in  which  the  main  elements  of  Christianity 
were  represented  as  a  theosophic  and  gnostic  mysticism,  understood 
onlj^  by  the  initiated,  acquired  a  jilace  of  very  great  irapoi-tance.  Their 
author  distinguished  between  a  ^ioT^oyia.  xtxta^anxri,  in  which  truth 
was  presented  under  the  garb  of  a  S3-mbol,  of  history,  or  of  the  tra- 
ditionary teaching  of  the  Church,  and  a  ^soxoyta  arioffatixri,  which 
dispensed  with  such  media,  and  in  which  the  initiated  rises  by  con- 
templation or  the  ecstatic  state  to  an  immediate  view  of  things  divine. 
The  writer  also  discussed  at  considerable  length  the  diS"ercnt  grades 
among  heavenly  beings,  of  which  he  supposed  the  earthly  hierarchy 
was  a  type.  His  system  was  based  on  Neo-Platonism,  and  derived 
only  its  terminology  and  forms  from  the  theology  of  the  Church.  This 
mysticism  assumed  a  higher  and  decidedly  Christian  cast  in  the  hands 
of  Maximns  Confessor,  who  in  numerous  writings  attempted  to  combine 
these  speculations  with  orthodox  views. 

6.  Ethics  and  Asceticism.  —  The  tractate  of  Ambrose,  "  de  ofiiciis 
ministrorum,"  was  specially  designed  for  the  clergy,  while  that  of 
Gregory  the  Great  (expositiones  in  1.  Jobum  s.  Moralium  LI.  24)  dis- 
cussed moral  questions  generally.  Special  tractates  were  frequently 
devoted  to  particular  topics,  especially  to  those  connected  with  asceti- 
cism. Among  them  we  instance  Chrysotom's  four  books,  "de  Sacer- 
dotio,"  and  John  Cassian's  tractate,  "de  institutis  coenobiorum,  LI.  12," 
and  the  "  CoUationes  Patrum,  25"  (comp.  §  53,  5). 

7.  Practical  Theology.  —  The  most  distinguished  preachers  of  that 
age  were  Macarius  the  Great,  an  hermit,  ob.  390  (distinguished  for 
fervour  and  a  profound  mysticism,  in  which  he  approximated  the  views 


THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.  185 

of  Augustine),  Basil  the  Great,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  Eplircvm  (the 
Chrysostom  of  the  Syrians),  above  all,  John  Chrysostom  (the  twenty- 
one  orations,  "dc  statuis,"  delivered  when  the  Antiochians  had  thrown 
down  the  statue  of  Theodosius  I.,  are  specially  noteworthy), — Ambrose, 
Augustine,  Leo  the  Great,  Ccrsarius  of  Aries,  and  Gregory  the  Great. 
The  fourth  book  of  Augustine's  "  doctr.  christ."  may  be  considered  as 
a  kind  of  homiletics.  On  the  catechetical  writings,  comp.  ^  59,  4 ;  on 
eccles.  law,  ^  43,  3. 

8.  Christian  Poetry. — When  first  Christianity  made  its  appearance, 
the  poetic  inspiration  of  antiquity  had  already  vanished  from  among 
the  people.  But  the  Gospel  possessed  energy  sufficient  to  revive  the 
ancient  spirit.  Despite  the  decay  of  taste  and  language  at  the  time, 
it  evoked  a  ncAV  school  of  poetry,  which  will  bear  comparison  with 
classical  poetry  in  point  of  depth  and  ardour,  if  not  in  purity  and 
elegance  of  form.  The  Latins,  to  whom  Christianity  was  chiefly  matter 
of  experience,  of  the  heart  and  inner  life,  Avere  more  distinguished  in 
this  branch  than  the  Grecians,  who  regarded  the  Gospel  rather  as  an 
object  of  knowledge  and  of  speculation.  For  further  information  about 
Hymns  comp.  |  59,  2;  about  the  controversial  poetry  of  Arius,  ^  50, 
1,  6.  The  most  celebrated  among  Greek  Christian  poets  were  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus  (especially  the  satirical  "Carmen  de  vita  sua"),  Nonnus 
of  Panopolis,  Eudocia,  the  wife  of  Theodosius  II.  (author  of  a  canto 
on  the  History  of  Jesus,  consisting  of  Homeric  verses,  and  of  poetic 
paraphrases  of  portions  of  Scripture),  and  Paulus  Sileniiarius  (author 
of  a  poetical  description  of  the  Church  of  Sophia,  built  by  Justinian  I., 
and  of  the  Ambon  of  that  church  —  chiefly  of  archa3ologIcal  interest). 
Among  Latin  Christian  poets  we  mention  Jnvencus,  a  Spaniard,  who 
flourished  about  330  ("  Hist,  evangelica,"  in  four  books,  the  first  Chris- 
tian epos,  which  is  distinguished  for  elevation  of  sentiment,  simplicity, 
and  the  absence  of  oratorical  turgidity) ;  Prndentius,  likewise  a  Spa- 
niard [ob.  413),  perhaps  the  ablest  among  ancient  Christian  poets  (L. 
peristephanon,  or  fourteen  hymns  in  honour  of  the  luartyrs ;  Apotheosis, 
a  poem  in  honour  of  Christ's  Divine  nature;  Ilamartigenia;  Psycho- 
machia,  contra  Symmachum,  comp.  |  47) ;  Panlinus,  Bishop  of  Nola  in 
Campania,  ob.  431  (thirty  poems,  of  which  fifteen  are  in  honour  of 
Felix  the  Martyr) ;  Sedulins  (Mirabilia  divina,  being  a  poetical  version 
of  Old  and  New  Testament  history,  a  "hymnus  acrostichus"  on  the 
Life  of  Jesus) ;  Prosper  Aqnitanicvs  (de  libero  arbitrio  c.  ingratos,  an 
indignant  expostulation  addressed  to  those  who  despised  grace,  comp. 
§  53,  5);  Avitus,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  ob.  523  (de  mundi  principio) ;  and 
Venantius  Forfunafiis,  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  who  flourished  in  the  sixth 
century  (LI.  IV.  de  vita  Martini,  a  description  of  a  journey  on  the 
Moselle,  etc.). 
16* 


186         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD   ('323— 692  A.  D.)  • 

IV.  DOCTRINAL  CONTROVERSIES  AND  HERESIES. 
H9.   GENERAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  DOCTRINES. 

During  the  preceding  period,  Christian  truth  had  chiefly 
developed  subjectively,  and  hence  assumed  various  directions. 
But  now  the  altered  state  of  outward  affairs  pointed  out  the 
necessity,  increasingly  felt,  of  arranging  the  doctrines  which  had 
already  been  formulated,  of  combining  and  giving  them  solemn 
ecclesiastical  sanction.  The  tendency  to  scientific  development 
also,  which  was  inherent  in  Christianity,  increasingly  asserted  its 
power  and  influence.  Accordingly  the  different  types  of  doctrine 
were  no  longer  confined  to  particular  countries  ;  through  the 
Intercourse  between  the  various  branches  of  the  Church,  opposing 
views  were  marshalled  in  hostile  array ;  the  court,  the  people, 
and  the  monks  took  part  in  these  controversies,  and  the  Church 
became  the  scene  of  violent  contests  which  endangered  its  unity 
and  purity.  These  dangers  called  for  a  combined  defence  of  the 
truth,  by  which  all  error  should  be  eliminated  as  heresy  —  a 
result  which,  through  the  presence  of  the  Spirit  with  the  Church, 
was  ultimately  always   accomplished,  though  not  without  cou- 


1.  The  Dogmatic  Controversies  of  that  period  had  their  bright  and 
their  dark  side.  Occasionally,  indeed,  truth  was  made  subservient  to 
personal  ambition  and  to  self-seeking ;  instead  of  contending  only  with 
spiritual  weapons,  state  interference,  court  intrigues,  and  popular  pas- 
sions were  not  unfreauently  called  into  requisition  ;  in  the  ardour  for 
pure  doctrine,  holiness  of  life  was  sometimes  lost  sight  of;  differences, 
■which  might  have  been  adjusted  if  the  passions  of  controversialists  had 
not  been  at  play,  became  grounds  of  separation  ;  subordinate  points 
acquired  an  undue  importance,  etc.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  destiny  of  Christianity,  to  become  the  religion  of 
the  whole  world,  rendered  it  necessary  that  its  dogmas  should  receive 
the  most  close,  scientific,  and  consistent  examination  ;  that,  accordingly, 
the  Church  had  to  engage  in  certain  contests  in  order  to  put  aside  all 
errors ;  that  Christianity  would  not  have  been  able  so  firmly  to  meet 
the  shock  of  barbarism,  which  it  had  soon  to  encounter  in  its  contact 
■with  those  nations  which  subverted  the  Roman  Empire,  if  the  unity 
of  the  Catholic  Church  had  not  been  so  ■well  guarded  by  strict  defini- 
tions of  doctrine ;  and,  lastly,  that  if  Christian  truth  had  not  been  so 
fully  and  strictly  formulated,  the  admission  of  heathen  nations  into  the 


THE    TRINITARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  187 

Church,  and  the  partial  importation  of  their  pagan  modes  of  thinking, 
would  have  become  the  source  of  much  greater  dangers  than  those 
which  were  actually  encountered. 

2.  The  Heresies  of  the  preceding  period  were,  in  great  measure, 
syncretislic  (§  26)  ;  those  of  the  period  under  review,  revolutionary, — 
i.  e.,  in  the  development  of  Christian  doctrine,  they  sprung  from  an 
exclusive  advocacy  and  from  exaggerated  views  of  one  particular  aspect 
of  the  truth,  which,  by  this  process,  became  changed  into  error;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  orthodoxy  sought  to  view  truth  under  all  its  aspects, 
and  to  harmonize  its  different  bearings.  Only  echoes  of  the  syncretistic 
heresies  of  a  former  period  were  still  heard  (§  54).  But  another  form 
of  heresy,  which  as  yet  appeared  only  in  isolated  instances  (|  02),  was 
possible.  Catholic  doctrine  might  be  represented  as  an  unhealthy 
excrescence  —  either  unjustly,  in  which  case  the  Church  would  be 
interrupted  or  disturbed  in  the  exercise  of  its  proper  and  necessary 
life-functions ;  or  justly,  but  in  such  a  manner  that,  in  the  general 
charge,  truth  was  not  properly  distinguished  from  error,  and  that, 
in  reality,  the  attempt  was  made  to  remove  the  one  along  with  the 
other. 

1 50.    THE   TRINITARIAN   CONTROVERSY   (.318—381). 

CoMP.  /.  A.  Stark,  Versuch  e.  Gesch.  d.  Arianism.  (Hist,  of  Arian.). 
Berl.  178.3.  —  Ad.  Mohler,  Athanas.  d.  Gr.  u.  seine  Zeit.  2d  edition. 
Mayence  1844.  2  vols. — F.  Chr.  Baur,  d.  chr.  Lehre  von  d.  Dreieinigk. 
(The  Chr.  Doctr.  of  the  Trinity).  3  vols.  Tiibg.  1844.  —/.  A.  Dorner, 
d.  Lehre  von  d.  Person  Christi  (The  Dogma  about  the  Person  of  Christ). 
2  vols.  2d  ed.  Stuttg.  1845,  etc.  —  H.  Bitter,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  Philos. 
Vol.  II. 

The  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  formed  the  subject  of  the  first — or 
Arian — controversy.  In  it  the  discussion  chiefly  turned  upon  the 
nature  and  essence  of  the  Logos,  who  in  Christ  had  become  incar- 
nate, and  about  his  relation  to  the  Father.  Since  the  contro- 
versy between  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  and  his  namesake  of 
Rome  (§  40,  6),  the  view  that  the  Son  was  of  the  same  essence 
and  equal  with  the  Father,  had  gained  adherents  in  Alexandria 
also,  and  given  rise  to  a  new  school  (§  4^,  4).  But  an  appre- 
hension— excited  by  the  teaching  of  Sabellius  and  Paul  of  Samo- 
sata  (§  40,  T) — lest  this  doctrine  should  lead  to  Monarchianism, 
influenced  many  to  retain  the  views  known  as  Subordinatianism. 
The  School  of  Lucian,  the  Antiochian  (§  39,  6  ;  4*7,  I),  especi- 
ally furnished  able  opponents  to  homoousian  principles.  Origen 
had  held  these  two  apparently  antagonistic  views  ( subordination 
10 


188        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD   (323— 692  A.  D.). 

and  eternal  generation  from  the  substance  of  the  Father),  comp. 
§  40,  5.  But  now  they  were  no  longer  combined.  One  party 
rejected  subordination,  maintained  the  dcrctrine  of  eternal  gene- 
ration, and  completed  their  system  by  admitting  the  homoousia 
of  Christ ;  another  held  subordinatian  views,  and  carried  them 
as  far  as  heteroousianism.  A  thirty  party — chiefly  followers  of 
Origen — attempted  to  reconcile  these  antagonisms,  by  a  sort  of 
intermediate  view,  known  under  the  term  of  ouocov5io.  During 
the  course  of  these  controversies,  which  for  almost  a  whole  cen- 
tury agitated  the  Christian  world,  the  Divine  Personality  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  was  established  as  a  logical  and  theological  deduction 
from  orthodox  principles.  After  many  contests,  the  homoousia 
of  the  Son  and  that  of  the  Holy  Ghost  were  ultimately  acknow- 
ledged as  the  orthodox  view  of  the  Church. 

1.  First  Victorif  of  Homoousian  Pi-inciples  (318  —  325).  —  Arics,  a 
pupil  of  Lucian,  and  from  313  a  presbyter  at  Alexandria,  an  acute  but 
not  a  profound  thinker,  was,  in  318,  charged  by  two  presbyters  — 
adherents  of  Western  views — with  having  promulgated  opinions  incom- 
patible with  the  Divinity  of  the  Saviour.  Arius  had  publicly  taught 
that  the  Son  had,  before  the  commencement  of  time,  but  not  from  all 
eternity  [fiv  on  ovx  ^),  been  created  out  of  nothing  (x-cia^a  tl  ovx  ovtav) 
by  the  Will  of  the  Father  (>EXj;^aTi  ^lov),  in  order  that  the  world  might 
be  called  into  existence  through  Him.  He  also  maintained  that,  as 
Christ  was  the  most  perfect  created  image  of  the  Father,  and  had  car- 
ried into  execution  the  Divine  purpose  of  creation.  He  might  be  called 
J>fbj  and  Xoyoj,  though  not  in  the  proper  sense  of  these  terms.  Alex- 
ander, who  at  that  time  filled  the  see  of  Alexandria,  was  devotedly 
attached  to  the  doctrines  of  the  eternal  generation  of  the  Son,  and  of 
His  equality  with  the  Father.  He  convoked  a  si/imd  (312),  which  con- 
demned the  views  of  Arius,  and  deposed  him  from  his  office.  But  the 
populace,  which  looked  upon  him  as  an  ascetic,  and  many  of  the  bishops, 
who  shared  his  opinions,  took  his  part.  He  also  implored  the  protec- 
tion of  foreign  prelates, — among  them,  that  of  Eiisebiiis  of  Nicomedia, 
a  former  fellow-pupil,  and  of  the  influential  Ensebius  of  Civsarea.  The 
former  of  these  prelates  pronounced  in  his  favour,  while  the  latter 
declared  his  views  at  least  harmless.  Arius  spread  his  opinions  among 
the  people  by  means  of  hymns  adapted  to  various  conditions  of  life  (to 
millers,  sailors,  travellers,  etc.).  The  controversy  led  to  a  schism  which 
extended  wellnigh  over  the  whole  East.  In  Alexandria  passions  ran 
so  high,  that  the  heathens  made  it  the  subject  of  ridicule  on  the  stage. 
Coiistantine  the  Great  received,  with  much  displeasure,  tidings  of  these 
disputes.  He  Issued  an  order  —  of  course  without  success  —  that  such 
''  useless  discussions"  should  be  discontinued.     But  Hoains,  Bishop  of 


THE    TRINITARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  189 

Cordova,  who  came  to  Alexandria  as  bearer  of  this  imperial  ordinance, 
learned,  during  his  stay  in  that  city,  the  real  state  of  matters,  and  the 
importance  of  the  controversy.  On  his  return,  he  convinced  the  Em- 
peror that  this  was  not  a  trivial  disput^.  Constantine  now  summoned 
a  General  Couxcil  at  Nice  (325),  which  was  attended  by  himself  and 
by  318  bishops.  The  majority  of  members,  headed  by  Eiisebms  of 
Ccesarea,  were  followers  of  Origen,  and  occupied  a  kind  of  intermediate 
position  ;  nor  was  the  party  of  Arius,  which  was  led  by  Eusebius  of 
Nicomedia,  inconsiderable.  The  Homoousians  were  in  a  decided  mino- 
rity ;  but  tl^  enthusiastic  eloguencc_oXtbe  youthful  J)Gsxcqn^At]ianasiiis, 
whom  Alexanae?!TaaTjrought  with  him,  and  the  influence  of  the  Em- 
peror,  procured  them  the  victory.  The  Ilomoousian  formulas  [ix  trj^ 
oidtaj  roi)  rtarpoj,  ytvir^'^cii  ov  rtotjj^ftj,  o/ioovcrca^  tcf  rtarpt)  were  inserted 
into  the  Creed,  Arius  was  excommunicated,  and  his  writings  con- 
demned. Fear  of  being  deposed,  and  a  desire  for  peace,  induced  many 
to  subscribe  who  were  not  convinced.  Only  Arius  himself,  and  tAvo 
Egyptian  bishops,  Tlieonas  and  Secundits,  refused  to  submit,  and  were 
exiled  into  lUyria.  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia  and  Theor/nis  of  Nice,  who 
subscribed  the  creed,  but  not  the  formula  of  condemnation,  were  also 
banished  (to  Gaul). 

2.  Vicfori/  of  Evsebianism  {^'2S-or>6).  —  The  concord  brought  about 
by  subscription  to  the  Xicene  Creed  was  neither  real  nor  lasting.  The 
remonstrances  of  Constantia,  the  sister  of  the  Emperor,  when  on  her 
death-bed,  and  the  advice  of  some  of  the  leading  prelates,  induced 
Constantine  to  revert  to  his  first  opinions  regarding  this  controversy. 
Arius  made  a  confession  of  his  faith,  couched  in  general  terms,  and 
was  recalled  from  exile  along  with  his  fellow-sufferers  (328).  Soon 
afterwards  the  Emperor  ordered  him  to  be  restored  to  his  office  (330). 
But  Athanasiiis,  who  in  the  meantime  had  succeeded  to  the  see  of 
Alexandria  (328),  declared  himself  unable  to  comply  with  this  demand. 
The  Emperor  threatened  to  depose  the  bishop  ;  till,  in  a  personal  inter- 
view, the  latter  made  so  deep  an  impression,  that  Constantine  yielded. 
But  the  enemies  of  Athanasius,  especially  those  Meletians,  (|  38,  4)  in- 
stigated by  Eusebius  of  Xicomedia,  were  continually  representing  him 
to  the  Emperor  as  one  that  fomented  discord  and  rebellion.  Ultimately, 
a  sj/nod  convoked  at  Tyre  (335),  and  consisting  entirely  of  Arians,  was 
charged  with  a  new  investigation  of  these  questions.  Athanasius 
appealed  against  the  sentence  of  deposition  pronounced  against  him, 
which,  however,  was  confirmed  by  another  synod,  that  met  at  Con- 
stantinople :  and  the  Emperor  banished  him  to  Treves  (336).  Despite 
the  protest  of  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  Arius  was  now  to  have 
been  solemnly  restored  to  church-communion  in  the  capital  of  the 
empire,  when  he  suddenly  died  the  evening  before  the  day  of  his 
restorati(m  (at  an  age  of  upwards  of  80  years).  Soon  afterwards  Con- 
Btantine  also  died  ;  and  Constantine  II.,  immediately  on  his  accession, 
restored  Athanasius,  who  was  enthusiastically  received  by  his  flock. 


190        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

But  Constaniius  favoured  the  Avians,  and  his  sentiments  -were  shared 
\)j  the  court  and  capital.     In  every  street  and  market,  in  every  shop 
and  house,   these   questions  were   now  discussed.     The   majority  of 
bishops  in  the  East,  headed  by  Eusebixis  of  Ccesarea,  in  their  desire  to 
fiud  an  intermediate  position,  adopted  the  expression  ofiotovffioj ;    the 
Ariaii  party  was  led  by  Eiisebius  of  Nicom.,  who  since  -338  was  Bishop 
of  Constantinople  {oh.  341).     Common  opposition  to  the  adherents  of 
the  Nicene  Creed  formed  a  bond  of  union  between  these  two  parties 
(the  Eusehians).    The  "West  was  entirely  in  favour  of  the  Nicene  Creed. 
In  340  the  Eusebians  held  a  council  at  AnfiocJi,  which  safe  for  several 
days.     It  once  more  deposed  At7ia)iasitts,  and  in  his  room  elected  Gre- 
gorius,  a  rude   Cappadocian.     Athanasius   fled   to    Rome,  where   his 
orthodoxy  and  innocence  were  solemnly  acknowledged  by  a  council 
under  Bishop  Julius  (341).   A  new  council  in  Antioch  (341),  summoned 
to  consecrate  a  Church,  prepared  successively  four  symbols,  each  ap- 
proximating as  closely  as  possible  to  that  of  Nice,  (to  conciliate  the 
West),  but  carefully  evading  the  o^oovatoj.     To  restore  harmony,  Con- 
siantius,  at  the  suggestion  of  Constans,  his  brother,  convoked  a  general 
Council  at  Sardica  in  Illyria  (343).     But  as  the  Latins  admitted  Atha- 
nasius to  a  seat  and  vote,  without  paying  any  regard  to  his  deposition 
by  the  Council  of  Antioch,  the  Eastern  bishops  immediately  withdrew, 
and  held  a  separate  council  at  Philippopolis  in  Thracia.     In  Sardica, 
where  important  privileges  were  assigned  to  Julius,  Bishop  of  Rome 
(comp.   §46,   2),   the  Nicene   Creed  was   confirmed,   and   Athanasius 
restored  to  his  see.     Even  before  that,  Gregorius,  who,  by  his  violence 
and  acts    of  oppression,  had   incurred   additional   unpopularity,  was 
murdered   by   the   populace   of  Alexandria.     Athanasius  was    again 
welcomed  with  enthusiasm  by  his  flock.     But  after  the  death  of  Con- 
stans (350),   Constaniius  once   more  favoured  the  Arian  party.     The 
latter  assembled  in  council  at  Sirmium  in  Pannonia  (351)  ;  but  forbear- 
ing directly  to  attack  Athanasius  himself,  they  confined  their  opposi- 
tion, in  the  first  place,  to  a  friend   and  adherent  of  the   Bishop  of 
Alexandria.     In  his   zeal   for   Nicene  views,   Marcellus,   Bishop  op 
AxcTRA,  had  fallen  into  Sabellianism.     Already,  in  336,  the  Synod  of 
Constantinople  had  deposed  him,  and  deputed  Eusebius  of  Cassarea  to 
refute  his  tenets.    But  he  continued  to  enjoy  the  protection  of  the  "West, 
and  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  till  PnoTixrs,  Bishop  of  Sirmium,  a 
pupil  of  Marcellus,  promulgated  what  undoubtedly  were  IMonarchian 
views  (?  40).     These  opinions  had  been  declared  heretical,  not  only  by 
the  Council  of  Antioch,  but  by  that  of  Milan  also  (346),  the  members 
of  which  adhered  to  the  Nicene  Creed.     Photinus  was  deposed  by  the 
Council  of  Sirmium,  and,  along  with  his,  the  tenets  of  Marcellus  were 
also  condemned.     But  even  this  did  not   satisfy  the  Eusebians.     As 
soon  as  Constantius  had  vanquished  Magnentius,  the  usurper,  and  was 
thus  unembarrassed   in  his   actions,  he   called   tAvo  synods   at   their 
request,  one  at  Arelaie  in  Gaul  (353),  another  at  Milan  (355),  by  which 


THE    TRINITARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  191 

Athanasius  was  anew  condemned.  They  prevailed  on  Constantius  to 
issue  an  ordinance,  enjoining  all  AVestern  bishops  to  subscribe  the 
condemnation  of  Athanasius.  Those  who  resisted  were  deposed  and 
banished  —  among  them,  Liherius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  Hosius  of  Cordova, 
Hilarius  of  Poitiers,  Eusehius  of  VercelU,  and  Lucifer  of  Calaris. 
Another  Cappadocian,  of  the  name  of  Georgius  —  not  less  violent  than 
his  countryman  and  predecessor  —  was  to  be  installed  by  force  as 
Bishop  of  Alexandria.  Having  calmly,  and  with  dignity,  finished  the 
celebration  of  the  worship  in  which  he  was  engaged,  Athanasius 
managed  to  escape  to  the  monks  in  the  Egyptian  desert  (35G).  Thus 
victory  seemed  throughout  the  Roman  Empire  to  have  decided  in 
favour  of  Homoiousianism. 

3.  Homoiism  (357-361). — But  soon  the  Eusebians  began  to  dispute 
among  themselves.     The  extreme  party,  headed  by  Aetius,  a  deacon 
at  Antioch,  and  Eiinomius,  Bishop  of  Cyzicus,  went  so  far  as  to  main- 
tain that  the  Son  was  unlike  the  Father  (avo^otoj),  from  which  the  party 
received  the  name  of  Anomoiles  or  Exucontians,  (f|  oix  ovtav).     The 
Ilomoiousians,  who  were  now  designated  as  Scmi-Arians,  prepared  to 
contest  this  point.     They  were  led  by  Basilius,  Bishop  of  Ancyra,  and 
countenanced  by  the  Emperor  Constantius.     Ultimately,  however,  the 
intrigues  of  Ursacius  and  Valens,  the  two  court  bishops,  who  at  heart 
were  Arians,  proved  successful.     "With  consent  of  the  Emperor,  they 
held  a  second  council  at  Sirmittm  (357),  where  it  was  resolved  wholly 
to  discard  the  unbiblical  term  oiisia,  which  had  been  the  cause  of  all 
these  diasensions,  not  to  enter  upon  any  definitions  about  the  nature  of 
God,  which  was  incomprehensible,  and  to  unite  in  simply  asserting 
that  the  Son  was  similar  to   the   Father  (o^oioj  —  hence   their  name 
Homoiites).     Two   of  the   exiled   bishops  —  Hosius   of    Cordova    and 
Liberius  of  Rome  —  purchased  permission  to  return  to  their  sees  by 
subscription  to  this  formula.     But  the  other  Latin  bishops,  in  a  synod 
at  Agennvm,  again  declared  their  adherence  to  the  Nicene  Creed  ;  while 
the  Semi-Arians  met  at  Ancyra  under  the  presidency  of  Basilius,  and 
reafiirmed  the  Confession  of  Antioch.     The  latter,  also,  found  access 
to  the  Emperor,  who  had  their  confession  ratified  by  a  third  synod  at 
Sirniiinn  (358),  and  compelled  the  bishops  of  the  court  to  subscribe  it. 
Even  Liberius  of  Rome,  softened  by  an  exile  of  two  years'  duration, 
gave  his  signature,  and  was  allowed  to  return  to  Rome.     Thereupon, 
the  bishop  of  the  court  compromised  with  the  Semi-Arians  upon  the 
following  formula: — 'tov  Tlhv  o^oiov  t<^  Ila'tpl,  dvaL  xa-ia  rlavta,  wj  a.1 
uyCai,  ypa^ai,  Xsyovavv .     The  Emperor  was  so  much  pleased  with 
this   formula,  that   he   resolved   to    have  it  sanctioned  by  a  general 
council.     To  prevent  a  combination  between   the   Homoiousians  and 
the  Homoousians   of  the  West,  Ursacius   and  Valens  persuaded  the 
Emperor  to  summon  two    councils  instead  of  one,  of  which  that  of 
Seleucia  was  destined  for  the  East,  and  that  of  Rimini  (359)  for  the 
West.     Both  councils  rejected  the  new  formula;  the  one  in  favour  of 
16* 


192         SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

the  creed  of  Antioch,  the  other  in  favour  of  that  of  Nice.  But  Ursacius 
m.anaged  by  intrigues  to  bring  the  bishops  to  submission.  For  two 
years  the  prelates  were  detained  at  Seleucia  and  at  Rimini,  as  it  were 
in  exile ;  while  their  delegates,  after  travelling  about  for  half  a  year, 
were  unable  to  obtain  an  audience  of  the  Emperor.  Thus  coerced,  they 
at  last  subscribed  the  new  formula.  Those  who  refused  to  submit 
(Aetius  and  Eunomius)  were  persecuted  as  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
Church.  Homoiism  now  became  the  acknowledged  creed  of  the  empire. 
But  the  death  of  Constantius  (3G1)  speedily  put  an  end  to  this 
temporary  prevalence  of  error. 

4.  Final  Ascendency  of  the  Nicene  Creed  (361-381). — Julian  gave 
equal  rights  to  all  parties,  and  recalled  the  exiled  bishops,  so  that  in 
some  churches  there  were  two  or  even  three  bishops  at  one  and  the 
same  time.  Athanasius  also  returned  to  his  see.  He  convoked  a  synod 
at  Alexandria  (362)  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  ecclesiastical  order, 
and,  despite  the  protest  of  the  narrow-minded  Lucifer  of  Calaris,  with 
equal  moderation  and  prudence,  received  into  church-fellowship  those 
bishops  who  had  been  misled  into  Arian  views,  but  repented  of  their 
error.  The  success  which  attended  the  endeavours  of  Athanasius, 
determined  the  Emperor  once  more  to  send  him  into  exile,  on  pretence 
that  he  was  the  occasion  of  disturbances.  Jovian,  the  successor  of 
Julian,  favoured  the  Nicene  party,  and  allowed  Athanasius  to  return 
to  his  see  (364)  ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  also  extended  toleration 
to  the  Arians.  But  Valens,  to  whom  Valentinian  I.,  his  brother,  com- 
mitted the  government  of  the  East,  was  a  zealous  Arian  (364—378).  He 
persecuted  with  equal  cruelty  both  Athanasians  and  Semi-Arians,  a 
proceeding  which  led  to  an  approximation  between  these  two  parties. 
Athanasius  Avas  obliged  to  flee ;  but  after  the  lapse  of  four  months  was 
allowed  to  return,  and  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  without  fur- 
ther molestation.  He  filled  the  episcopal  see  for  forty-five  years,  of 
which  twenty  were  spent  in  exile  [oh.  373).  The  persecutions  of  Valens 
were,  however,  kept  in  check  by  the  urgent  representations  of  Valen- 
tinian, his  brother,  and  by  the  dignified  and  energetic  resistance  of 
eminent  prelates,  especially  of  the  three  great  Cappadocians.  The 
intrigues  of  the  Empress  Justina  in  the  West,  during  the  minority  of 
her  son,  Valentinian  II.,  were  frustrated  through  the  watchfulness  of 
Ambrose  of  Milan.  The  soldiers  who  were  to  take  possession  of  his 
church,  and  to  hand  it  over  to  the  Arians,  met  with  passive  but  success- 
ful resistance,  in  finding  the  edifice  occupied  by  a  congregation  engaged 
in  prayer  and  the  singing  of  psalms.  - —  Theodosiiis  I.  the  Great,  a  Spa- 
niard (379-395),  who  for  a  short  period  ruled  over  the  East  and  West, 
banished  Arianism  from  the  empire.  He  appointed  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anzns.  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  It  was  intended  that  this  prelate 
should  preside  over  the  Second  General  Council  of  Constantinople 
(381).  But  as  his  authority  was  impugned  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
changed  his  see  (comp.  g  45),  he  laid  down  his  office,  and  Gregory  of 


THE     TRINITARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  198 

Nyssa  presided  in  his  stead.  The  Nicene  Creed  was  enlarged  by  the 
addition  of  a  formula  affirming  the  equality  of  the  Holy  Spirit  with 
the  Father  and  the  Son.  From  that  time  the  Arians  were  only  allowed 
to  hold  their  worship  outside  the  city.  Somewhat  later  all  their  churches 
in  the  empire  were  taken  from  them. 

5.  The  Paenmatomachoi  (362-381).  —  According  to  Arius  and  his 
adherents,  the  Holy  Ghost  was  the  first  being  created  by  the  Son.  But 
even  zealous  advocates  of  the  homoousia  of  the  Son  were  undecided  on 
this  doctrine.  In  the  Nicene  Creed  nothing  beyond  a  xal  stj  Ilvsv^a. 
ayiov  was  inserted ;  and  Hilar?/  of  Poitiers  hesitated  to  enter  upon  fuller 
particulars,  from  fear  of  going  beyond  the  teaching  of  Scripture.  But 
Athanaains  (at  the  Synod  of  Alex,  in  362),  Dldi/mus  the  Blind,  and  the 
three  Cappadocians,  consistently  carried  out  their  theological  princi- 
ples, and  by  their  authority  succeeded  in  bringing  their  party  to  admit 
also  the  homoousia  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  Semi-Arians  who  had 
adopted  the  Nicene  Creed  —  and  among  them  especially  i/aceJonm^, 
formei'ly  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  whom  the  Ilomoiists  had  deposed — 
felt  extremely  reluctant  to  adopt  this  view  [Macedonians,  Pneumatoma- 
clioi).  The  second  cecum.  Council  (381)  sanctioned  the  homoousia  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  by  adding  to  the  expression  eij  Yiv.  wyiov,  the  words  -to 
xvptor,  ro  ^coortotoi',  t'6  ix  tov  Xlai'poj  iX7io(:iv6ixivov,  to  (jw  Tlatpi  xal  Tlut 
evyftpo;xvvovi4.svov  xal  awSo^a^ofisvov . 

6.  Literature  of  the  Controversy. — Arius  himself  explained  his  views 
in  a  semi-poetical  tractate  ©axda  (of  which  Athanasius  has  preserved 
fragments).  His  principles  were  zealously  defended  by  Asterius,  a 
sophist  (whose  writings  have  been  lost).  Phttostorgius,  the  historian, 
attempted  to  show  from  history  that  they  were  conformable  to  the 
views  of  the  apostles  and  of  the  early  Church.  Eusebius  of  Cces.  wrote 
two  tractates  in  defence  of  Serai-Arianism,  against  Marcellus  [xata 
'^lapxsX'Kov  and  rCspi  •tyji  ixx'Krjaiaatixrji  ^EoXoytaj).  The  drto^ioyjji'txoj  by 
J'Jtiuoiiiiu.i  has  been  lost.  Foremost  among  the  opponents  of  Arianism 
stands  Afhannsius  —  Oratt.  IV.  c.  Arianos  ;  hist.  Arianorum  ad  mona- 
chos;  Epist.  de  decretis  Nicasnis;  Epist.  de  Synodis  Arimini  et  Seleuciae 
habitis ;  'ArtoXoytjtLxoi  rtpo?  rovj  'Apstarouj,  etc.  Basil  the  Great  wrote 
four  books  against  Eunomius;  the  JIspi;  -foij  ayCov  Jlffp^Ma-Foj ;  and  the 
Ad  Amphilochium  (against  the  Pneumatomachoi)  ; — Gregory  of  Naz., 
five  XoyoL  ^loXoyixoi  (§  47,  4) ;  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  twelve  Xoyot,  avTftjjp'yjTtcxob 
xata  Evpoj-uov;  —  Didymus  the  Blind,  three  books  de  Triniiate ;  —  Epi- 
phanius  the  'Ayxvptoroj  (§  78,  5)  ;  —  Cyril  of  Alex.,  a  ^>;cjavpdj  rttpt  riyj 
oytaj  xa.i  6|Uoou<Ti.'aj  TpiaSo; ;  —  Chrysostom  delivered  twelve  orations 
against  the  Anomoites ;  Theodoret  wrote  Dialogi  VII.  de  s.  Trinit. 
Epkroem  Syrus,  also,  frequently  controverted  in  his  sermons  the  views 
of  the  Arians.  Among  Latin  writers  the  most  distinguished  contro- 
versialists were:  Lucifer  of  Calaris  ("Ad  Constantium  Imp.  LI.  II. 
pro  Athan.,"  in  which  he  denounces  the  Emperor  as  an  apostate,  as 

17  N 


194        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323—692  A.D.). 

Antichrist  and  Satan;  the  "  moricndura  pro  filio  Dei;"  the  "De  nou 
convenlendis  cum  ha;reticis)  ;  Hilary  of  Fictavium  ("De  Trinitate,  LI. 
XII.;"  "  de  Synodis  s.  de  fide  Orientalium ;"  "Contra  Constantium 
Aug.  ;"  "  Contra  Auxentium,"  §  76,  4)  ;  Phcebadius,  Bishop  of  Agen- 
num  about  359  ("  c.  Arianoa") ;  Ambrose  ("  de  fide  ad  Gratianum  Aug. 
LI.  v.")  ;  Augustine  {"  c.  sermonem  Arianorum  ;"  "  Collatio  cum  Max- 
imino  Arianorum  Episc. ;"  "  c.  Maximinum")  ;  Fulgent ius  of  Euspe 
("c.  Arianos,"  and  three  books  addressed  to  Trasimund,  the  Arian 
King  of  the  Vandals). 

7.  Later  Development  of  Nicene  Yieios.  —  Even  the  formula  adopted 
by  the  second  Council  of  Constantinople  was  not  entirely  free  from  all 
traces  of  Subordinatianism.  At  least  the  expression,  slj  ^foj,  as  applied 
to  the  Father  exclusively,  might  give  rise  to  misunderstanding.  Angus- 
tine  completely  removed  any  uncertainty  still  hanging  over  this  doctrine 
("de  trinitate  LI.  XV.").  But  as  yet  the  personality  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  His  relation  to  the  Son,  had  not  been  defined  with  sufficient 
accuracy.  This  afterwards  gave  rise  to  the  schism  between  the  Eastern 
and  the  Western  Church.  In  this  respect  also  Augustine  correctly 
taught  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceeded  both  from  the  Father  and  the 
Son.  Among  those  who  advocated  these  truths,  Fulgentius  of  Rtispe 
("de  s.  trinit.")  deserves  special  mention.  The  so-called  (pseudo-) 
Athanasian  Creed,  or  Symholum  Quicunque  (from  the  word  with  which 
it  commences),  dates  probably  from  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. It  originated  in  Spain,  and  simply  inserted  the  words,  "  qui 
procedit  a  Patre  Filioque." 

I  51.  ORIGENISTIC  CONTROVEESIES  (394-438). 

The  controversies  about  the  Trinity  were,  in  due  course,  fol- 
lowed by  discussions  about  the  person  of  Christ  (§  52).  Before 
these  took  place,  another  question,  however,  engaged  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Church.  Although  the  Origenistic  controversy  was 
a  personal  dispute  rather  than  a  discussion  of  importance  to  the 
Church  generally,  it  served  to  confirm  the  impression  that  Origen 
had  really  been  a  heresiarch. 

1.  The  Monks  of  tlie  Scctian  and  of  the  Nitrian  Desert.  —  The  most 
strenuous  advocates  of  Nicene  views  {Athanasius,  the  three  great  Cap- 
padocians,  Didymus,  Hilary,  etc.)  had  held  Origen  in  great  repute. 
But  as  the  Arians  continually  appealed  to  his  authority,  the  more 
narrow-minded  opponents  of  Arianism,  especially  those  in  the  West, 
and  the  monks  of  the  Scetian  Desert  in  Egypt,  headed  by  Fachomius, 
gradually  began  to  suspect  the  orthodoxy  of  Origen.  By  and  by  they 
denounced  the  speculations  of  that  Father  as  the  source  of  every 
heresy,  and  came  to  entertain  grossly  anthropomorphic  views  of  God 


OKIGENISTIC     CONTROVERSIES.  195 

and  of  Divine  things.  Epiphanhis,  Bishop  of  Salamis  (§  47,  4),  was 
trained  in  their  school.  In  direct  opposition  to  these  monks,  others, 
-who  inhabited  the  mountains  of  Niiria,  were  enthusiastic  admirers  of 
Origen,  and  adopted  a  lofty  spiritualism,  coupled  with  a  devout  and 
contemplative  mysticism. 

2.  Controversy  in  Palestine  and  Italy  (394-399).— In  Palestine,  JoiiNr, 
Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  two  Latins,  Jerome  and  Rufinus,  were 
ardent  admirers  of  Origen  (|  47,  5).     But  when,  in  the  year  394,  two 
strangers  from  the  West  expressed  their  astonishment  about  this,  Je- 
rome, anxious  to  retain  his  reputation  for  orthodoxy,  immediately  pre- 
pared to  denounce  the  errors  of  Origen.    Meantime,  the  Scetian  monks 
had  also  called  the  attention  of  the  aged  and  over-zealous  Epiphanius 
to  the  existence  of  a  nursery  of  heresy  in  Palestine.     He  immediately 
took  ship,  and  employed  the  pulpit  which  John  had  kindly  opened  to 
him  for  delivering  a  vehement  denunciation  of  Origenistic  views.    Upon 
this,  John  preached  against  anthropomorphism.     Epiphanius  anathe- 
matized these  views,  but  insisted  that  John  should  pronounce  similar 
sentence  against  Origenistic  principles.     On  the  refusal  of  the  latter, 
Epiphanius  indignantly  left  Jerusalem,  renounced,  with  Jerome  and 
the  monks  at  Bethlehem,  church-communion  with  John  and  Rufinus, 
and  even  interfered  with  the  episcopal  functions  of  John,  by  ordaining 
a  presbyter  for  the  monks  at  Bethlehem.     All  this  gave  rise  to  au 
angry  controversy,  which  was  with  difficulty  settled  through  the  inter- 
ference of  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  who  for  that  purpose  deputed 
Isidore,  one  of  his  presbyters.    Jerome  and  Rufinus  became  reconciled 
at  the  steps  of  the  altar  (396).     The  latter  soon  afterwards  returned  to 
the  West.     He  translated  the  work  of  Origen  Tttpl  6.px<^v,  leaving  out  a 
few  of  the  most  objectionable  passages;  but  was  so  indiscreet  as  to 
hint  in  the  preface  that  even  the  orthodox  Jerome  was  an  admirer  of 
Origen.     AVhen  informed  of  this  by  friends  at  Rome,  Jerome  wrote 
in  unmeasured  terms  against  Origenistic  views  and  against  the  friend 
of  his  youth.  —  At  the  same  time  he  made  a  literal  translation  of  the 
rtspt  a.px^v.     Rufinus  rejoined,  and  the  dispute  became  the  more  bitter 
the  longer  it  continued.     Siriciiis,  Bishop  of  Rome,  extended  his  pro- 
tection to  Rufinus  ;  but  his  successor,  Anastasius,  summoned  him  to 
answer  for  his  errors.     Instead  of  appearing  in  person,  Rufinus  sent  a 
"Written  defence  ;  but  was  formally  condemned  for  Origenistic  heresy  * 
(399).     He  retired  to  Aquileja,  where  he  continued  to  translate  the 
"Writings  of  Origen  and  of  other  Greek  Fathers. 

3.  Controversy  in  Alexandria  and  Constantinople  (399-438). — Theo- 
pliilus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  a  luxurious,  imperious,  and  violent 
prelate,  had  till  the  year  399  favoured  the  cause  of  the  Nitrian  monks, 
and  even,  during  the  Easter  of  that  year,  spoken  in  a  harsh  and  con- 
temptuous manner  of  the  heresy  of  the  Anthropomorphists.  Indignant 
at  this,  a  number  of  monks  armed  themselves  with  rods,  attacked  the 


196        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323—692   A.  D.). 

Bishop,  and  obliged  him  to  pronounce  an  anathema  against  Origen. 
Soon  afterwards  he  lost  the  support  of  others,  formerly  his  friends. 
Isidore,  an  aged  and  venerable  presbyter,  and  the  so-called  '\fotir  fall 
brethren,"  of  whom  two  acted  as  treasurers  to  his  church,  refused  to 
entrust  him  Avith  the  moneys  of  orphans  and  other  trust  funds,  and 
escaped  from  his  vengeance  to  their  colleagues  in  the  mountains  of 
Nitria.  Accordingly,  so  early  as  the  year  399,  Theophilus  anathema- 
tized Origen  at  an  endemic  synod  held  in  Alexandria ;  and  in  401 
published  a  furious  manifesto  against  Origenistic  views.  The  honest 
but  narrow-minded  Epiphanins  hastened  to  express  his  approbation, 
and  Jerome  translated  the  document  into  Latin.  Military  force  was 
employed  to  break  up  the  establishments  in  Nitria,  and  to  expel  the 
monks.  Followed  by  the  accusing  letters  of  their  bishop,  the  latter 
sought  protection  with  Jolin  Chrysostom  at  Constantinople  ;  but  Theo- 
philus rejected  with  disdain  the  intercession  of  that  prelate.  For  the 
sake  of  peace,  Chrysostom  was  now  anxious  to  withdraw  from  the 
contest.  But  the  monks  had  meantime  found  access  to  the  Empress 
Eudoxia,  at  whose  intercession  Arcadiiis,  the  Emperor,  summoned 
Theo^ihilus  to  appear  before  a  synod  to  be  held  at  Constantinople,  over 
which  Chrysostom  was  to  preside.  Theophilus  was  almost  beside  him- 
self with  rage.  By  a  misrepresentation  of  the  facts  of  the  case,  he 
succeeded  in  enlisting  the  aid  of  Epiphanitts.  Filled  with  zeal  and 
prejudices,  the  honest  old  man  hastened  to  Constantinople,  when,  on 
learning  the  real  state  of  matters,  he  immediately  withdrew  with  the 
remark:  "I  leave  to  jon  the  court,  and  dissimulation."  But  Theo- 
philus knew  how  to  get  on  with  the  court  and  with  dissimulation. 
During  the  interval  Chrysostom  had,  by  his  faithfulness,  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  the  Empress.  Calculating  upon  this,  Theophilus  arrived 
at  Constantinople,  accompanied  by  a  large  suite  ;  and  at  the  imperial 
country-seat  of  Bri/s  (Oak),  near  Chalcedon,  organized  a  council 
{Si/nodus  ad  Quercum)  —  in  403  —  which  declared  Chrysostom  guilty 
of  immorality,  of  heterodox  views,  and  of  treason.  The  Emperor 
banished  the  obnoxious  preacher,  who,  after  appeasing  the  popular 
fury  excited  by  this  measure,  quietly  allowed  himself  to  be  carried 
away.  But  an  earthquake,  which  took  place  the  following  night,  and 
the  increasing  popular  excitement,  induced  the  Empress  to  send 
messengers  and  recall  the  exile.  After  an  absence  of  only  three  days, 
he  was  brought  back  to  the  capital  in  triumph.  Theophilus  fled  to 
Alexandria.  Soon  afterwards,  however,  when  Chrysostom  had  again 
incurred  the  anger  of  the  Empress  for  denouncing  in  a  sermon  the 
noisy  inauguration  of  her  statue,  he  expressed  himself,  on  the  anni- 
versary of  St.  John,  in  the  following  unguarded  language :  IXa'^tf 
'HptdSiaj  fjiaivftai,  tCoXvv  ■tapdaas-tat,,  rtdXti'  irli  rttvaxt  ■trjv  xe^aXrjv  -tov 
'Itodvvov  irjtil  "KaBilv.  Theophilus  was  now  certain  of  success;  his 
party  knew  how  to  fan  the  flame  at  court.  During  Easter  404,  armed 
men  burst  into  the  church  of  Chrysostom,  and  dragged  him  to  Cucusua 


THE    PERSON    OF    CHRIST.  197 

in  Armenia,  into  exile.  lie  bore  undauntedly  the  fatigues  of  the 
journey,  the  rigour  of  the  climate,  and  the  vicinity  of  robbers.  lie 
kept  up  continuous  pastoral  intercourse  with  his  flock,  and  addressed 
to  them  a  consolatory  tractate:  "Ott  tbv  eavtov  firj  aBixovvea,  ovSii^  rtapa- 
P^d-^av  Svmrat.  Nor  did  his  zeal  for  the  mission  among  the  Goths  flag. 
In  vain  Innocent  I.,  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  Honor ius,  the  Emperor  of 
the  West,  interceded  for  him.  In  407  he  was  sent  to  a  still  more  dreary 
place  of  exile  —  at  Pityus,  on  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea.  But  he 
succumbed  to  the  fatigues  of  that  journey,  and  died  by  the  way,  utter-  ■ 
ing  his  favourite  motto  :  Ad|a  fw  ^sw  rtaWcov  hixtv.  A  large  portion 
of  his  flock  at  Constantinople  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of 
Arsacius,  his  successor ;  and,  despite  persecutions,  continued  as  a 
separate  body  (by  the  name  of  Johnites)  until  Theodosius  II.,  in  438, 
caused  the  bones  of  their  loved  pastor  to  be  brought  to  the  capital,  and 
solemnly  deposited  in  the  imperial  burying  vaults.  Among  these  per- 
sonal disputes,  the  Origenistic  controversy  had  for  a  time  been  lost 
sight  of,  but  was  soon  afterwards  renewed  (§  52,  6). 

?52.   DISCUSSIONS  ABOUT   THE   PERSON  OF   CHRIST. 

CoMP.  Walch,  Ketzerhist.  (Hist,  of  Heres.).  Vols,  V.-IX.  —  Dorner, 
Person  Christi.  Vol.  I. —  Baiir,  Dreieinigk.  (on  the  Trinity).  I.  II. 

If,  in  the  discussions  about  the  Trinity,  the  question  of  the 
eternal  existence  and  of  the  Divine  nature  of  Christ  had  been 
agitated,  His  historical  manifestation  as  the  incarnate  Son  of 
God,  the  connection  between  the  Divine  nature  of  the  Logos 
and  the  human  nature  of  the  Son  of  Mary,  and  the  mutual 
relation  of  these  two  became  now  the  leading  subjects  of  inquiry. 
These  questions  had  in  part  been  raised  during  the  Arian  con- 
troversy. For  while  the  Church  had,  against  Arius,  defended 
the  absolute  Divinity  of  Christ,  it  also  maintained,  in  opposition 
to  ApollinariH,  His  perfect  humanity.  The  discussion  now 
assumed  three  new  phases.  In  the  Nestorian  controversy,  the 
Church  defended  the  unity  of  the  person  of  Christ  against  tlie 
views  of  the  Antiochians,  whose  distinction  between  the  two 
natures  of  the  Saviour  almost  amounted  to  separation  into  two 
persons.  In  the  3Ionojihysite  controversy,  the  opposite  or  neo- 
Alexandrian  error,  which,  in  view  of  the  unity  of  Christ's  person, 
lost  sight  of  the  distinctness  of  His  natures,  was  set  aside. 
Lastly,  in  the  Monothelete  controversy,  an  erroneous  mode  of 
viewing  the  union  of  the  two  natures  —  when  their  distinctness 
was  admitted  in  words,  but  denied  in  fact,  by  assuming  the 
17* 


198         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (.323— 692  A.  D.)  . 

existence  of  only  one  will  —  was  disavowed.  Thus  the  contro- 
versies about  the  Trinity  and  the  person  of  Christ  —  both  of 
which  sprung  up  in  the  East  —  were  closely  connected. 

1.  The  ApoUlnaristic  Controversy  (362-381).  —  Older  Medalists,  as 
Beryllus  and  Sabellius,  had  already  taught  that,  at  the  incarnation, 
the  Logos  had  assumed  only  a  human  soul.  Marcellus  held  the  same 
tenet  (^  50,  2)  ;  Arius  also,  though  opposed  to  him  in  other  respects, 
had  maintained  this  view,  in  order  to  avoid  the  inference,  that  in 
Christ  two  creatures  were  combined.  Aihanasius,  on  the  other  hand, 
held,  with  Origen,  that  the  human  soul  of  Christ  had  been  the  neces- 
sary bond  of  connection  between  the  Logos  and  the  body,  and  the 
medium  through  which  the  Logos  acted  upon  the  body.  Hence,  at  the 
Synod  of  Alexandria,  in  302,  the  perfect  humanity  of  the  Lord  was 
declared  the  orthodox  dogma  on  the  subject.  ApolUnaris,  Bishop  qL 
Laodicaja,  a  very  talented  and  highly  educated  man,  who  had  sent  a 
deputy  to  this  Council,  although  disapproving  of  the  idea  of  a  oo^a 
a'^vxov,  denied  the  perfect  humanity  of  Christ.  Starting  from  the 
view  that  man  was  composed  of  three  parts,  he  maintained  that  Christ 
had  only  assumed  a  aZ/xa  and  a  -^xv  a^oyoj,  and  that  the  Divine  Logos 
Himself  occupied  the  place  of  the  -^vx^  %oyt,xyj  {6  vov^).  He  imagined 
that  a  contrary  opinion  would  render  it  necessary  to  assume  two  per- 
sonalities in  Christ,  and  that  Christ  would  thus  be  represented  as 
merely  an  av^punoi  a-^foj  ;  he  also  believed  that  only  on  his  principles 
would  it  be  possible  to  maintain  the  perfect  sinlessness  of  Jesus.  But 
Athanasius  and  the  two  Gregories  regarded  these  views  as  incom- 
patible with  the  full  idea  of  the  incarnation  and  of  the  atonement. 
The  second  CEcum.  Cornieil  (381)  rejected  the  views  of  Apollinaris,  who 
some  time  before  had,  along  with  some  adherents,  left  the  communion 
of  the  Church. 

2.  Antagonism  between  the  different  Theological  Schools  (381-428). — 
The  Arian  controversy  had  issued  in  the  general  recognition  of  the 
perfect  Divinity,  the  Apollinaristic  in  that  of  the  perfect  humanity,  of 
the  Saviour.  But  the  relation  between  these  two  natures,  implied  in 
their  union,  had  not  yet  been  accurately  defined.  According  to  Apolli- 
naris, the  Divinity  was  so  closely  united  Avith  the  (partial)  humanity 
of  the  Saviour,  that  in  reality  there  ceased  to  be  two  natures.  By  a 
"  conimunicatio  idiomatum,"  what  was  predicated  of  one  nature  was 
transferred  to  the  other,  so  that  the  body  of  Christ  was  deified,  and 
hence  adored  ;  but  the  predicates  of  being  born,. suffering,  and  dj'ing, 
were  also  applied  to  His  Divinity.  Although  the  Alexandrian  School 
rejected  the  peculiar  tenets  of  Apollinaris  about  the  imperfect  humanity 
of  Christ,  predilection  for  what  was  mystical,  inconceivable,  and  trans- 
cendental, led  it  into  kindred  views.  In  opposition  to  Arianism,  these 
divines  laid  special  emphasis  on  the  Divinity  of  Christ,  and  maintained 
an  tVuoij  ^v6lxr^  of  the  two  natures.     According  to  them,  it  was  only 


THE    PERSON    OF    CHRIST.  199 

lawful  to  speak  of  ttoo  natures,  before  the  union  of  these  tAvo  natures, 
and  in  ahstracto, —  after  the  incarnation,  and  in  concreio,  -we  could  only 
speak  of  one  nature,  that  of  the  God-man.  Hence  Mary  was  generally 
designated  as  "  the  Mother  of  God,"  ^loroxo;.  Athanasius  expressly 
states ;  ov  bvo  ^liffsij,  fuiav  rtpoixwr;trjv  xai  fiCav  arcpo^xvvrjtov,  aXXa  f.iiav 
^vatv  toil  ^sov  Adyov  asaapxu>fiSv7]v  xai  rtpoixwov/xut^t'  f.iita.  tr^i  oapxoj  avrou 
fttoT  Ttpoixvvrjdei,.  The  Cappadocians  spoke  indeed  of  two  natures  {oixKo 
xai  aXXo),  but  held  that  they  were  mixed  up  [avyxpaaii,  scaro'^ut^tj),  tliat 
there  Avas  a  "  avi'bpafislv  "  of  the  two  natures  into  one,  a  ftttartotj^^^i'at 
of  the  (japl  Ttpog  trjv  ^(otrjta. —  In  opposition  to  Apollinaris,  the  School 
OF  Antioch  insisted  t)n  the  perfect,  immutable,  and  continuous  humanity 
of  Christ,  both  during  and  after  its  conjunction  with  His  Divinity. 
These  divines  only  admitted  a  awa^iia  or  tWatj  axif-xri  (in  virtue  of 
which  the  two  natures  had  entered  into  that  particular  relationship — 
cXfOf'i  —  by  which  they  co-existed  and  co-operated).  Such  expressions 
as  ^fOToxoj,  ^foj  eyevvrj^sv,  ^soj  erta^fv,  they  regarded  as  absurd,  if  not 
blasphemous.  They  acknowledged,  indeed,  that  the  tjapl  of  Christ 
should  be  adored,  but  only  in  respect  of  its  being  the  organ  through 
which  the  Logos  had  accomplished  the  work  of  redemption,  not  as  if 
itself  had  become  endowed  with  the  properties  of  Divinity.  These 
views  were  most  fully  and  consistently  propounded  by  Theodorns  of 
Mops.  He  regarded  the  history  of  the  God-man  as  typical  of  the  history 
of  redemption.  Christ  had  taken  upon  Himself  our  humanity,  witli 
its  sinful  affections  and  propensities.  But  He  had  overcome  the  latter; 
and,  by  continuous  contests  and  victory,  elevated  His  human  nature 
to  that  absolute  perfection  which,  by  the  working  of  His  Spirit,  we 
also  shall  reach,  and  that  in  exactly  the  same  manner.  He  expressly 
guarded  himself  against  the  objection  that  his  system  implied  a  two- 
fold personality  in  Christ.  The  Saviour  was  not  01^x05  xai  axxoi,  but 
oXXo  xai  a'K%o,  since,  at  the  incarnation.  His  human  nature  had  lost  its 
personality  and  independence.  Each  of  these  schools  presented  one 
aspect  of  the  truth ;  satisfactorily  to  exhibit  the  truth  in  its  entireness, 
it  was  necessary  to  combine  them.  But  instead  of  vmiting  them,  these 
views  were  carried  out  in  the  most  one-sided  manner,  till  they  issued 
in  positive  error.  Thus  two  heresies  sprung  up,  against  which  the 
Church  had  first  to  protest,  in  order  afterwards  to  combine  the  truths 
which  they  had  embodied,  though  in  a  distorted  form.  This  office  Avas 
performed  by  the  Theology  of  the  West.  In  opposition  to  Antiochian 
views,  it  ranged  itself  on  the  side  of  the  Alexandrians,  at  one  time 
even  to  the  full  extent  of  its  one-sided  representations.  Thus  Julins 
of  Rome  expressly  maintained  fiiav  ^vaiv  toi  Aoyov  aiaapxc^/xevov.  But 
gradually  this  error  was  removed.  Augustine,  for  example,  still  uses 
the  expression  mixtura  :  but,  in  point  of  fact,  he  correctly  indicated 
the  relation  between  the  two  natures,  quite  in  accordance  with  what 
the  Church  at  a  later  period  declared  the  orthodox  view.  Again,  when 
the  errors  of  the  Alexandrians  Averc  under  discussion,  Western  divines 
17 


200        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

took  the  opposite  side,  and  combined  what  was  true  in  the  two 
antagonistic  schools  (Leo  the  Great).  —  It  is  remarkable  that  this  dis- 
cussion originated  in  the  West.  But  it  was  so  speedily  suppressed  as 
to  leave  no  trace  behind.  Leporius,  a  monk  in  the  south  of  Gaul,  had 
expressed  himself  about  the  union  of  the  two  natures  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  theologians  of  Antioch.  In  426  he  went  to  Africa,  was 
opposed  by  Augustine,  and  at  once  recanted. 

3.  The  Nestorian  Controversy  (428-444). — In  428  Nestorius,  a  monk 
of  Antioch,  and  a  most  eloquent  man,  was  appointed  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople. He  was  honest  and  pious,  but  rash,  destitute  of  experi- 
ence, and  harsh  towards  "heretics.  The  position  of  the  inexperienced 
monk  was  sufficiently  difficult.  He  had  to  contend  against  the  hatred 
of  an  unsuccessful  rival  for  his  see,  with  the  jealousy  of  the  Patriarch 
of  Alexandria,  who  besides  regarded  him  as  a  representative  of  the 
School  of  Antioch,  and  with  the  suspicions  of  Ccelesiine,  Bishop  of 
Rome,  whom  he  had  j^rovoked  by  extending  protection  to  fugitive  Pela- 
gians (^  53,  4).  Anastasius,  a  presbyter  whom  Nestorius  had  brought 
with  him,  objected  to  the  frequent  use  of  the  term  ^eotoxoi,  and  preached 
against  it.  Nestorius  took  his  part  both  against  the  people  and  the 
monks ;  and  when  some  of  the  latter  offered  the  Patriarch  personal 
insults,  he  caused  bodily  chastisement  to  be  administered  to  them,  and 
at  a  Diocesan  Synod  condemned  the  views  of  his  opponents  (429). 
Cyril,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  now  entered  the  lists  in  defence  of  the 
teaching  of  his  school.  He  gained  for  his  views  Coslestine,  Bishop  of 
Rome,  Memnon,  Bishop  of  Ephesus,  and  Juvenalis,  Bishop  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  at  court  Ptilcheria,  sister  of  the  Emperor  (Theodosius  II., 
408-450) ;  while  the  Empress  Eudocia  and  the  Syrian  bishops  took  the 
part  of  Nestorius.  All  attempts  at  reconciliation  were  frustrated  by 
the  unyielding  disposition  of  the  two  patriarchs.  Ccelestine  of  Rome 
called  upon  Nestorius  to  recant  within  ten  days  (430) ;  and  at  a  synod 
held  in  Alexandria  (430),  Cyril  issued  twelve  AnatJiematismoi,  to  which 
Nestorius  replied  by  a  similar  edict.  These  measures  served  to  em- 
bitter both  parties.  To  settle  the  question,  the  Emperor  convoked  a 
THIRD  ECUMENICAL  CouNCiL  AT  EpiiEsus  IN  431.  The  Eiupcror  himself 
was  decidedly  in  favour  of  Nestorius ;  the  imperial  representative  at 
the  Council  was  a  personal  friend  of  the  Patriarch,  and  part  of  the 
Imperial  Guard  attended  Nestorius  to  Ephesus.  But  Cyril  appeared 
with  a  large  suite  of  bishops,  and  a  strong  body-guard  of  servants  and 
sailors,  prepared,  if  necessary,  to  demonstrate  with  their  fists  the 
soundness  of  his  arguments.  At  the  same  time,  Memnon  of  Ephesus 
had  excited  the  clergy,  the  monks,  and  the  people  of  Asia  Minor  on 
the  subject.  As  the  deputies  from  Rome  and  the  Syrian  bishops  (the 
former  probably  of  set  purpose)  did  not  appear  at  the  proper  time, 
Cyril,  without  waiting  for  their  arrival,  opened  the  Council,  which 
consisted  of  200  bishops.  Nestorianism  was  condemned,  Nestorius 
excommunicated  and  deposed,  and  the  Anathematismoi  of  Cyril  recog- 


THE    PERSON     OF    CHRIST.  201 

nizcd  as  a  test  of  ecclesiastical  ol•thodox3^  The  deputies  from  Home 
acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  Council ;  not  so  the  imperial  repre- 
Beutative  and  the  Syrians,  who  immediately,  on  their  arrival,  held  a 
counter-council,  over  which  John  of  Anlioch  presided,  and  which  ex- 
communicated Cyril  and  Memnon.  Nestorius  voluntarily  retired  into 
a  monastery.  Meantime,  the  populace  of  Constantinople,  instigated 
by  Pulcheria,  rose  in  favour  of  Cyril.  The  Emperor  deposed  the  three 
leaders  in  the  dispute  —  Nestorius,  Cyril,  and  Memnon, — and  gave  his 
authority  to  a  sort  of  intermediate  formula,  drawn  up  by  Theodoret, 
•which  admitted  the  correctness  of  the  term  ^eot'oxoj,  but  also  main- 
tained an  aavyxvtoi  sVcotjij.  But  Cyril  and  Memnon  continued  in  their 
sees.  While  they  signed  the  formula  of  Theodoret,  John  subscribed 
the  condemnation  of  Nestorius  (433).  The  latter  remained  deposed 
and  a  prey  to  his  enemies.  Torn  from  his  asylum  and  maltreated,  he 
died  (440)  in  misei-y.  But  the  compromise  of  the  two  leadei's  was 
rejected  by  their  followers.  The  Syrian  Church  was  indignant  about 
the  manner  in  which  their  patriarch  had  betrayed  the  cause  in  the 
person  of  Nestorius.  Jolin  proceeded  to  depose  all  his  opponents  —  a 
fate  which  had  almost  befallen  even  the  noble-minded  Theodoret.  But 
in  his  case  the  Patriarch  agreed  to  dispense  with  a  formal  condemna- 
tion of  the  person  of  Nestorius  in  consideration  of  an  ample  rejection 
of  his  teaching. — The  Egyptians  also  accused  their  patriarch  of  having 
surrendered  orthodox  views.  But  this  prelate  endeavoured,  by  in- 
creased zeal,  to  make  up  for  his  former  compliance.  He  laboured — not 
without  success — to  bring  the  anathema  of  the  Church  upon  the  leaders 
of  the  School  of  Antioch.  Eabulas,  Bishop  oi  Udessa,  one  of  his  adhe- 
rents, dispersed  the  theological  school  at  Edessa,  which  at  the  time  was 
presided  over  by  the  celebrated  presbyter  Ibas.  After  the  death  of 
Rabulas  (43G)  this  school  again  attained  its  former  celebrity.  Mean- 
time, Theodoret  and  Cijril  hvirled  violent  tractates  against  each  other, 
till,  in  444,  the  death  of  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  put  an  end  to 
the  controversy.  Ibas  translated  the  writings  of  Theodoret  into  Syriac, 
and  addressed  —  in  favour  of  these  views — a  tractate  to  Maris,  Bishop 
of  Hardashir  in  vSyria,  which  the  Nestorians  afterwards  regai'ded  as  a 
kind  of  confession  of  faith.  Thomas  Barsumas,  Bishop  of  Nisibis, 
spread  Nestorianism  in  the  Persian  Church.  In  489,  the  School  of 
'Edessa  was  again  broken  up,  by  command  of  the  Emperor  Zeno. 
Teachers  and  students  migrated  into  Persia,  where  they  founded  a 
school  in  Nisibis,  Avhich  for  a  long  time  enjoyed  considerable  celebrity. 
At  last,  at  a  si/nod  held  in  Seleucia  in  498,  the  Persian  Church  wholly 
separated  from  the  orthodox  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  and  adopted 
the  name  of  Chaldean  Christians.  Their  Patriarch  bore  the  title  of 
Yazelich  (xa^oXizo;).  From  Persia  the  Nestorian  Church  spread  to 
India,  where  its  adherents  were  called  Thomas-Christians. 

4.    The    Mo)iopliysite    Controversy.      A.  Eufijchianism    (444-451). — 
Ci/ril  was  succeeded  by  Dioscurus,  a  man  of  much  inferior  talent,  but 


202         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.), 

of  much  greater  violence  and  tyranny  than  even  the  opponent  of  Nes- 
torius.  In  Constantinople,  an  aged  Archimandrite,  called  Eutyches, 
openly  taught  that,  after  His  incarnation,  Christ  had  only  had  one 
nature,  and  that,  since  the  body  of  Christ  was  that  of  the  Deity,  it 
could  not  have  been  of  the  same  substance  with  ours.  Theodoret  wrote 
against  him  a  tractate,  entitled  'Epai'tarj^j  ^Vot  noXi;;ttopc})05,  in  which  he 
characterized  the  teaching  of  Eutyches  as  a  combination  of  various 
heresies.  Dioscurus  now  interfered,  and  prevailed  on  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  II.,  whose  Minister  of  State  and  wife  [Eudocia)  he  had 
gained,  to  adopt  strict  measures  against  the  Syrians,  and  especially 
against  Tlicodoret,  Avho  was  forbidden  to  travel  beyond  the  bounds  of 
his  diocese.  The  Antiochians,  on  the  other  hand,  laid  an  accusation 
against  Eutyches  before  the  Patriarch  Flavian,  at  a  synod  held  in  Con- 
stantinople (448).  Eutyches  appeared,  attended  by  an  imperial  guard; 
but,  on  his  refusal  to  recant,  was  excommunicated  and  deposed.  Eu- 
tyches appealed  to  an  oecumenical  council,  and  at  the  same  time  to  Leo 
THE  Great  of  Rome.  Flavian  also  appealed  to  Rome.  Leo  took  the 
same  view  as  Flavian ;  and  in  a  letter  to  that  prelate,  with  equal  acute- 
ness  and  precision,  defined  the  doctrine  about  the  two  natures  in  Christ. 
But  the  Emperor  summoned  an  oecumenical  council  to  Ephesus  (449), 
over  which  Dioscurus  was  to  preside,  at  which  Flavian  and  his  party, 
however,  were  not  to  vote,  and  from  which  Theodoret  was  wholly  ex- 
cluded. The  Council  proceeded  in  the  most  arbitrary  and  violent 
manner.  The  deputies  from  Rome  were  not  allowed  to  speak ;  the 
doctrine  of  two  natures  Avas  condemned  ;  Flavian  and  Theodoret  were 
deposed.  The  former  met  even  with  bodily  violence,  and  died  after 
the  lapse  of  only  three  days.  Leo  the  Great  energetically  protested 
against  the  decrees  of  this  "  Robber-Synod"  [lairocinium  Ephesimim). 
But  meantime  Theodosius  had  quarrelled  with  Eudocia,  dismissed  his 
ministers,  and  made  his  peace  with  Pidcheria.  Accordinglj^  the  body 
of  Flavian  was  carried  in  state  to  Constantinople,  and  buried  with  all 
honours.  Further  measures  were  arrested  by  the  death  of  Theodosius 
in  450.  He  was  succeeded  by  Pulcheria,  and  her  husband  Marcian. 
Another  (ecumenical  council  (the  fourth)  was  now  convened  at  Chal- 
CEDON  in  451,  which  deposed  Diosciirus  and  Eutyches,  and  condemned 
both  Nestorianism  and  Eutychianism.  The  Synodical  Epistle  of  Cyril 
and  the  Letter  of  Leo  were  made  the  basis  of  the  decrees  enacted  at 
Chalcedon,  which  affirmed,  "that  Christ  was  true  God  and  true  man; 
that,  according  to  His  divinity,  He  was  begotten  from  all  eternity,  and 
equal  to  the  Father ;  that,  according  to  His  humanity.  He  was  born 
of  Mary  the  Virgin,  and  mother  of  God ;  and  was  like  us  in  all  things, 
yet  without  sin  ;  and  that,  after  His  incarnation,  the  unity  of  His 
person  consisted  of  tico  naiures,  which  were  unmixed  {aavyx^'^^^'i)  'ii"'d 
vnchnnged  (drptrtruj),  but  also  undivided  (d^taipaVioj)  and  not  separated 
(tt;(^wpnjT'ws)." 
5,  B.  Lnperial  Attempts  to  bring  about  a  Union  (451-519).  —  The 


THE    PERSON     OP    CHRIST.  203 

Alexandrian  theologians  left  the  Council  full  of  indignation  about  the 
defeat  Avhich  they  had  sustained.    They  were  now  called  Monophyaites. 
Indeed,  the  whole  Church  was  violently  agitated  by  these  questions. 
In  Palestine,  Theudoaius,  a  monk,  secretly  aided  by  Eudocia,  the  widow 
of  the  Emperor,  incited  the  populace  to  rebellion.     In  Egypt  the  com- 
motion was  still  greater.     Timotheiis  Aelurus  took  possession  of  the  see 
of  Alexandria,  and  expelled  Proterius,  the  orthodox  patriarch.     Simi- 
larly, Petrus  Fiillo  intruded   himself  into  the  bishopric  of  Antioch. 
These  tumults  were  only  suppressed  after  much  blood  had  been  shed. 
But  the  usurper  Basiliscus  published  an  edict  [Encyclion)  in  which 
both  the  Creed  of  Chalcedon  and  the  Epistle  of  Leo  were  condemned ; 
Monophysitism  was  declared  the  religion  of  the  State  (476) ;  and  Fidlo 
and  Aelurus  were  reinstated  in  their  sees.     Soon  afterwards  Acacius, 
the  Patriarch  of  Constant.,  organized  a  counter-revolution  in  the  inte- 
rest of  the  Dyophysite  party  ;  Basiliscus  was  deposed  ;  and  the  Empe- 
ror Zeno,  who  had  formerly  been  expelled,  again  mounted  the  throne 
(477).     About  that  time  Aelurus  died  ;  his  party  chose  Petrus  Mongxis 
(bloesus)  his  successor  ;  but  the  Court  appointed  JoTin  Talaja,  a  Dyo- 
ph^'site,  to  the  see.     But  when  the  latter  quarrelled  with  Acacius,  that 
patriarch  took  the  part  of  Mongus,  the  rival  of  Talaja.     The  two  pre- 
lates now  agreed  as  to  a  project  for  union,  which,  being  approved  by 
the  Emperor  Zeno,  obtained  in  482  legal  sanction  by  an  edict,  called 
the   Henoticon.      Nestorianism   and   Eutychianism   were    still    con- 
demned ;  the  Anathematismoi  of  Cyril  were  confirmed  ;  the  "  Chalce- 
donese "  was  abrogated ;  the  Nicceno-Constantinopolitanum  alone  en- 
joined as  the  orthodox  creed ;  and  all  controverted  points  were  to  be 
carefully  avoided.     Of  course  both  parties  objected  to  such  a  union. 
The  strict  Monophysites  in  Egypt  separated  from  Mongus,  and  were 
now  designated  'Axi^a.v.01..     On  the  other  hand,  Felix  II.  of  Rome,  as 
leader  of  the  Dyophysites,  renounced  all  church-communion  with  Aca- 
cius.    This  Schism  between  the  East  and  the  AVest  lasted  for  thirty- 
five  years  (484-519).     The  Acoimetai  (§  44,  4)  were  the  only  party  in 
Constantinople  who  continued  in  communion  with  Rome.     The  Heno- 
ticon was  only  abolished  when  Justin  I.  meditated  the  reconquest  of 
Italy,  since  the   schism  to  which  it  had  given  rise  was  prejudicial  to 
his  interests.     Its  adherents  were  now  deposed,  and  ecclesiastical  com- 
munion with  the  West  was  restored  (519). — (Comp.  also  the  third  part 
of  the  Eccl.  History  of  John,  Bishop  of  Ephesus,  by   Cureton.     Oxf. 
1853.) 

6.  C.  The  Decrees  of  Justinian  I.  (527-553).  —  Amid  these  tumults, 
Justinian  I.  began  his  long  and  —  so  far  as  political  matters  are  con- 
cerned —  glorious  reign  (527-565).  He  considered  it  his  great  mission 
to  establish  orthodoxy,  and  to  bring  back  the  heretics,  especially  the 
numerous  Monophysites,  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church.  But  the  good 
intentions  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  but  partially  conversant  with  these 
intricate  questions,  were  often  frustrated  by  the  intrigues  of  the  court 

17* 


204  SECTION    I. — SECOND   PERIOD    (.323— C92  A.  D.), 

theologians  and  the  machinations  of  the  Empress  Theodora,  who  was 
at  heart  a  Monophysite.     Justinian  first  interposed  in  the  Theopas- 
cniTE  CoNTROvERsv.     Pdnis   FiiUo  had  added  to  the  doxology  (the 
Trisagion  or   Ter-Sanctus)   the  expression:   ^£05  6  atavpio^sii  SI  jj/uaj, 
which  had  been  inserted  into  the  Liturgy  of  Constantinople.     This  ex- 
pression the  Acoimdce  declared  to  be  heretical ;  Hormisdas  of  Rome 
pronounced  it,  at  any  rate,  liable  to  misunderstanding,  and  needless. 
It  obtained,  however,  the  sanction  of  Justinian  (533).     Encouraged  by 
this  first  success,  Theodora  managed  to  procure  the  appointment  of 
Anihimus,  a  Monophysite,  to  the  see  of  Constantinople.     But  when 
Agapelus,  Bishop  of  Rome,  brought  out  the  real  views   of  the   new 
patriarch,  he  was  again  deposed  from  his  ofiice,  to  which  Mennas,  a 
friend  of  Agapetus,  succeeded  (536).     All  Monophysite  writings  were 
to  be  burned,  and  any  one  who  ventured  to  make  copies  of  them  was  to 
have  his  hands  cut  ofi".     Still,  Domitian    and  Theodorus  Acidas,  two 
abbots  from  Palestine,  secret  Monophysites  and  devoted  followers  of 
Origcn,  lived  at  court  in  great  favour.     In  order  to  put  an  end  to  their 
influence,  Mennas   again   condemned  —  at  a  Diocesan  Synod  held  at 
Constantinople  in  541  —  the   arch-heretic  and  his  writings.     But  the 
court  theologians  subscribed  this  sentence  without  hesitation,  and  only 
concocted  the  more  zealously  with  Theodora  measures  of  reprisal.    For 
some  time  past  Justinian  had  been  concerned  about  the  state  of  public 
feeling  in  Egypt,  which  was  the  granary  of  the  empire.     He  deemed 
it  necessary  to  do  something  to  allay  the  excitement  among  its  Mono- 
phj'site  population.     Theodora  persuaded  him  that  the  Monophysites 
Avould  easily  be  appeased  if,  along  with  the  writings  of  Diodorus,  the 
father  of  Xestoriauism,  the  controversial  tractates  of  Theodoret  against 
Cyril,  and  the  letter  of  Ihas  to  Maris  (the  so-called  "  tra  capitula"), 
were   also   condemned.     Accordingly,  the  Emperor  issued  in  544  an 
edict  to  that  effect,  and  insisted  that  all  bishops  should  subscribe  it. 
Only  those  in  the   East   complied.     But  in  the  West  resistance  was 
offei'ed  on  all  sides,  and  the  so-called   Controversy  of  the  Three 
Chapters  commenced.     Vigilius  of  Rome,  a  creature  of  Theodora,  who 
had  secretly  promised  his  co-operation,  was  afraid  to  face  the  storm  in 
the  West,  and  broke  his  word.     Justinian  had  him  brought  to  Con- 
stantinople (547),  and  there  obliged  him  to  make  a  written  declaration 
—  the  so-called  Judicatum  —  in  which  he  approved  the  condemnation 
of  the  three  chapters.     The  Africans,  led  by  Bepai-attis  of  Carthage, 
now  excommunicated  the  successor  of  Peter,  and  courageously  defended 
the  Fathers  Avhose  writings  had  been  attacked  [Fulgentius  of  Ruspe 
wrote   "Pro  tribus  capitt. ;    Facundus  of  Hermiana,    "  Defensio  III. 
capitt. :"  and  Liberains,  a  deacon  of  Carthage,  a  "  Breviarium  causae 
Nestorian.  et  Eutychianorum,"  which  is  a  leading  authority  in  the 
history  of  these  controversies).    At  length  Justinian  summoned  a  fifth 
(ECUMENICAL  CouNCiL  TO  CONSTANTINOPLE   (553),  Avhich  Confirmed  all 
the  edicts  of  the  Emperor.    Vigilitis  ywoto  a  '' constiiidum  ad  Imp.," 


THE    PERSON     OF    CHRIST.  205 

in  -which  he  rejected  the  teaching  of  the  throe  capitula,  but  refused  to 
condemn  their  writers.  A  period  of  imprisoument,  however,  induced 
him  to  3'ield  in  554.  lie  died  on  his  return  to  his  see  in  555.  Pclagius, 
his  successor,  formally  acknowledged  the  decrees  of  Constantinople ; 
and  North  Africa,  North  Italy,  and  Illyria  separated  from  the  see  of 
Peter,  which  had  so  basely  succumbed.  Only  Gregory  the  Great  suc- 
ceeded—  not  without  much  trouble — in  gradually  healing  this  schism. 

7.  D.  The  Monophysite  Churches.  —  Justinian  had  not  attained  his 
object.  The  Moiiophysiies  refused  to  return  to  the  Church  so  long  as 
the  decrees  of  Chalcedon  remained  in  force.  But  they  suffered  even 
more  from  endless  internal  divisions  than  from  the  persecutions  of  the 
orthodox  State  Church.  First  of  all,  Jnliamcs  and  Semrus,  the  two 
leaders  of  the  party  in  Alexandria,  disputed.  The  Severians  (.jj^apro- 
^cirpat.)  held  that  the  body  of  Christ  had  been  subject  to  decay  ($^opa), 
•while  the  Julianists  (a(f^ap6ox>;-fat)  denied  it.  This  discussion  was 
followed  by  many  others. — The  Monophysites  numbered  most  adherents 
in  Egypt.  From  dislike  to  the  Greek  Catholics,  they  excluded  the 
Greek  language  from  their  ecclesiastical  forms,  and  chose  a  Coptic 
patriarch  of  their  own.  They  even  favoured-  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
by  the  Saracens  (640),  who,  in  gratitude  for  such  services,  expelled 
the  Catholic  patriarch.  From  Egypt  their  views  spread  into  Abyssinia. 
Armenia  had  in  530  surrendered  to  the  Persians,  when  the  Monophy- 
sites in  that  country,  hitherto  oppressed  under  Byzantine  domination, 
obtained  full  liberty.  In  Syria  and  Mesopotamia  the  indefatigable 
activity  of  Jacobus  Zanzalus,  a  monk  (commonly  termed  el  Baradai, 
from  the  circumstance  of  his  going  about  in  the  disguise  of  a  beggar), 
preserved  the  existence  of  the  Monophysite  Church  during  the  perse- 
cutions of  Justinian.  From  this  their  leader  the  Syrian  Monophysites 
■were  called  Jacobites  ;  while  they  designated  the  Catholics  as  Melchites 
(Royalists).  The  patriarch  of  the  party  resided  at  Guba  in  Mesopo- 
tamia;  his  suffragan  at  Tagrit  had  the  title  of  Maphrian  —  i.  e.,  fruit- 
bearing.  The  Armenian  Monophysites  were  ruled  by  the  Patriarch 
of  Ashtarag,  who  took  the  title  of  Catholicos.  The  Abyssinian  Church 
was  under  the  direction  of  a  metropolitan,  designated  as  Abbuna. 

8.  Tlie  MonotheJete  Controversy  (633-G80).  —  Increasing  difficulties 
in  the  State  made  union  with  the  Monophysites  more  and  more  desi- 
rable. Accordingly,  the  Emperor  ^ertrcZms  (611-641)  was  advised  to 
attempt  a  reconciliation  of  the  two  parties  by  means  of  an  intermediate 
formula,  which  bore  that  Christ  had  accomplished  His  work  of  redemp- 
tion by  one  manifestation  of  His  will  as  the  God-man  {p.M  ^ta.vhifii.xyj 
ivepyiCa).  Several  Catholic  bishops  sanctioned  this  formula,  which  had 
already  been  propounded  by  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  (|  47,  6).  On  this 
basis,  the  Patriarchs  Sergius  of  Constantinople  and  Cyrus  of  Alexandria, 
in  633,  agreed  to  unite,  when  most  of  the  Severians  returned  to  the  State 
Church.    Ilonorins  of  Eome  y^as  also  in  favour  of  this  movement.     But 

18 


206        SECTION    I. — SECOND    PERIOD    (323—692   A.  D.). 

the  monk  Sophronius,  vrho  soon  afterwards  became  Patriai'ch  of  Jeru- 
salem (634),  was  decidedly  opposed  to  a  union  which,  in  his  opinion, 
necessarily  opened  the  way  for  Monophysite  views.  Soon  afterwards 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Saracens  (in  637)  deprived  him,  how- 
ever, of  the  means  of  making  opposition.  In  638  the  Emperor  issued 
an  edict  —  the  Ecthesis  —  designed  to  put  an  end  to  all  discussion,  and 
which  gave  the  sanction  of  law  to  the  Monothelete  view.  Maxinuis,  a 
monk  (§  47,  6),  now  entered  the  lists  in  defence  of  discarded  orthodoxy. 
lie  betook  himself  to  Africa,  where,  since  the  time  of  Justinian,  the 
Confession  of  Chalcedon  had  been  most  zealously  upheld.  Thence  he, 
along  with  some  African  divines,  launched  controversial  tractates.  In 
Rome  also  a  reaction  in  favour  of  the  old  sentiments  had,  after  the  death 
of  Honorius  (638),  taken  place.  The  real  aim  of  these  attempts  at 
union  —  to  retain  Syria  and  Egypt  —  was  not  attained.  In  638  the 
Saracens  took  S^'ria,  and  in  640  Egypt.  Still,  for  the  sake  of  consist- 
ency, the  court  persevered.  But  difficulties  daily  increased.  Already 
Africa  and  Italy  were  in  open  rebellion,  both  politically  and  ecclesias- 
tically. At  last  the  Emperor  Constans  II.  (642-668)  resolved  to  abolish 
the  Ecthesis.  In  room  of  it  he  published,  in  648,  another  law  —  the 
Typos — by  which  the  status  quo  previous  to  the  Monothelete  movement 
was  to  be  restored  ;  and  divines  were  enjoined  neither  to  propound  the 
dogma  of  one  nor  that  of  two  wills.  But  at  the  first  Lateran  Synod, 
held  at  Rome  in  649,  Martin  I.  condemned,  in  the  strongest  terms,  both 
the  Ecthesis,  the  Typos,  and  those  who  had  issued  them.  These  acts 
of  the  Synod  were  transmitted  to  the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  replied 
by  ordering  Olympius,  the  Exarch  of  Ravenna,  to  make  the  bold  pre- 
late a  prisoner.  He  did  not  obey  ;  but  his  successor  sent  the  Pope  in 
chains  to  Constantinople,  where  he  was  declared  guilty  of  treason,  and 
banished  to  Cherson.  Martin  I.,  who  in  his  exile  literally  suffered  from 
hunger,  died  after  six  months  (655).  Even  more  dreadful  was  the 
punishment  awarded  to  Maximns,  who  was  cruelly  scourged,  had  his 
tongue  torn  out,  his  hand  cut  off,  and  was  in  that  state  banished  into 
the  country  of  the  barbarous  Lacians,  where  he  died  in  662,  at  the 
advanced  age  of  eighty.  Tliese  barbarous  measures  seemed  for  a  time 
successful,  and  every  opposition  ceased.  But  under  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantinus  Pogonnatus  (668-685)  the  two  parties  prepared  for  another 
contest.  The  Emperor  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  it  by  convoking  a  uni- 
versal council.  Pope  Agatha  held  a  splendid  council  at  Rome  in  679, 
where  it  was  resolved  not  to  abate  one  iota  from  the  decrees  of  the 
Lateran  Synod.  Armed  with  these  resolutions,  and  an  autograph  letter 
of  the  Pope's,  the  legates  from  Rome  appeared  at  the  Sixth  (Ecume- 
nical Council  at  Constantinople  in  680  (called  also  the  Concil.  Trulla- 
num  L,  from  the  peculiar  shell-like  shape  of  the  hall  Trullus,  in  the 
imperial  palace,  where  it  met).  As  in  Chalcedon  the  Epistle  of  Leo, 
so  now  the  definitions  of  Agatho  (8v6  ^vnixtx  ^eX■!■^^.o.■ta  ttSiatpsrcoj,  drptrt- 
T'wj,  djUfpi/'tftKij,   dsDy;^i;T'co5,  ovx  vrlsvavtia  aXKa  iTidjxtvov  to  ai-^pi^rtivov  XM 


THE    DOCTRINE    OP    REDEMPTION.  207 

irtotixaaoixtvov  tZ^  ^sifj)  Avere  made  the  basis  of  the  decrees.  Nay,  the 
Synod  went  so  far  as  to  transmit  to  the  Pope  an  account  of  its  trans- 
actions, and  to  request  him  to  ratify  its  decrees.  Still  the  Greeks 
managed  to  put  some  wormwood  into  the  Pope's  cup,  by  prevailing 
upon  the  Council  to  anathematize  Pope  Honorius  along  with  the  other 
representatives  of  the  Monothelete  heresy.  —  After  that,  Dyotheletism 
was  universally  received  as  orthodox  doctrine.  Monotheletism  continued 
only  in  that  portion  of  Asia  which  the  arm  of  the  State  Church  was 
unable  to  reach.  The  scattered  adherents  of  these  views  gathered 
around  the  monastery  of  S.  Maro  on  Mount  Lebanon,  and  made  its 
abbot  their  ecclesiastical  chief.  They  took  the  name  of  Maronites,  and 
preserved  their  ecclesiastical  and  political  independence  both  against 
the  Byzantines  and  against  the  Saracens. 

I  53.   CONTROVEKSIES   CONNECTED  WITH   THE   DOCTRINE 
OF   REDEMPTION    (412—529). 

CoMP.  Walch,  Hist.  d.  Ketz.  IV.  V.  —  Fr.  Wiggers,  prag.  Darstell. 
des  Augustinism.  u.  Pelagianism.  (Pragm.  Sketch  of  Aug.  and  Pelag.). 
Berlin  1821,  1833.     2  Volls. 

Although  the  controversies  about  the  Trinity  and  the  Person 
of  Christ  had  originated  and  were  most  zealously  carried  on  in 
the  East,  they  also  exercised  considerable  influence  in  the  West ; 
and  when,  ultimately,  they  issued  in  favour  of  orthodoxy,  this 
result  was  mainly  due  to  the  influential  advocacy  of  the  see  of 
Rome.  But  even  before  the  commencement  of  the  controversy 
about  the  Person  of  Christ,  a  discussion  had  sprung  up  in  the 
West,  which  continued  for  upwards  of  a  century,  but  failed  to 
enlist  more  than  a  merely  passing  and  indirect  interest  in  the 
East.  This  discussion  concerned  the  fundamental  doctrines  of 
Sin  and  of  Grace.  While  Pelagians  maintained  the  efficacy  of 
unaided  human  liberty,  and  semi- Pelagians  the  co-operation  of 
Divine  grace  with  human  freedom,  Augustine  and  his  party 
insisted  on  the  operation  of  Divine  grace  as  alone  efficacious  in 
the  work  of  salvation.  Victory  ultimately  remained  with  the 
party  of  Augustine. 

1.  Preliminary  History.  —  The  entire  corruption  of  human  nature, 
and  the  need  of  Divine  grace  in  Christ  in  order  to  redemption,  had  from 
the  first  been  generally  admitted  in  the  Church.  But  a  considerable 
period  elapsed  before  it  was  authoritatively  and  finally  settled  whether, 
and  in  how  far,  the  moral  freedom  of  man  had  been  weakened  or  lost 
through  sin,  and  what  was  the  relation  between  human  activity  and 
Divine  grace.  In  their  controversies  with  the  Gnostics  and  Manichaeans 
the  Fathers  were  led  to  lay  the  greatest  possible  emphasis  on  the  doc- 


1 


208       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (;!23— 692  A.  D.)  . 

trine  of  human  freedom.  Some  of  them  went  so  far  even  as  to  deny 
innate  sinfulness  —  an  error  which  was  not  a  little  encouraged  by  the 
views  concerning  "Creatianism"  then  prevailing.  This  tendency  ap- 
peared most  prominently  among  the  older  Alexandrian  writers.  —  The 
Neo-Alcxandrian  School,  on  the  other  hand,  sought  to  trace  the  universal 
prevalence  of  sin  to  the  fall  of  Adam,  but  failed  to  carry  out  this  view 
so  far  as  the  principle  oi  hereditary  ov  innate  sinfulness.  Accordingly, 
this  school  afterwards  kept  by  the  statements  formerly  made  by  Alex- 
andrian writers,  Avho  traced  salvation  to  a  Synergism,  or  the  co-opera- 
tion of  human  freedom  with  Divine  grace.  The  theologians  of  Antioch, 
in  their  anxictj'  to  assign  a  place  to  the  operation  of  the  human  will, 
while  admitting  the  necessity  of  Divine  grace,  reduced  the  doctrine  of 
original  sin  to  that  of  hereditary  misery.  Thus  Chrysostom  allowed 
that  the  children  which  Adam  begat  after  he  had  become  mortal  must 
also  have  been  subject  to  death;  but  he  failed  to  perceive  that  after  his 
sin  his  descendants  must  also  have  been  sinful.  The  first  man,  he 
held,  had  brought  into  the  world  sin  and  misery,  which  we  confirmed 
and  continued  by  our  sins.  If,  in  the  exercise  of  his  free  will,  man 
only  did  his  part,  grace  would  certainly  not  be  withheld.  In  short,  the 
East  was  unanimous  in  decidedly  rejecting  anything  like  Predestina- 
rianism. — It  was  otherwise  in  the  West,  where  the  "  Tradncianism"  or 
"  Generatianism"  of  TeriuUian  (tradux  animae  tradux  peccati)  prepared 
the  way  for  the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  and  for  the  views  of  Augustine 
concerning  grace.  Even  Tertidlian,  proceeding  on  the  fact  that  from 
his  birth  a  man  had  an  unconquerable  inclination  towards  sin,  spoke 
very  distinctly  about  a  "  vitium  originis."  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  and  Hi- 
lary, held  the  same  views.  Still,  even  these  Fathers  were  not  quite 
free  from  Synergistic  views.  By  the  side  of  passages  which  savour  of 
extreme  Predestinarianism,  we  find  others  in  which  great  stress  is  laid 
on  the  co-operation  of  man  in  conversion.  Augnstine  was  the  first  to 
carry  these  principles  to  their  fullest  consequences,  and  taught  that 
the  operation  of  God  was  alone  efficacious  in  salvation  (Divine  Moner- 
gism) ;  while  Pelagius  perverted  the  Synergism  propounded  by  former 
authorities  into  a  Monergism  on  the  part  of  man,  which  had  not  been 
mooted  before  him. 

2.  Doctrinal  Views  of  Augnstine.  —  During  the  first  period  of  his 
Christian  experience,  and  while  antagonism  to  the  Manichasan  system 
occupied  so  prominent  a  place  in  his  thinking,  Augustine  also  regarded 
faith  as  a  free  act  of  the  human  will.  He  deemed  it  requisite  that,  to 
a  certain  extent,  the  human  will  should  co-operate  in  conversion,  and 
hence  denied  that  man  was  entirely  helpless  and  undeserving  of  any 
good.  But  a  deeper  experience  (^  47,  5)  obliged  him  to  acknoAvledge 
the  natural  inability  of  man  to  contribute  in  any  way  towards  the 
acquisition  of  salvation,  and  to  trace  both  faith  and  conversion  entirely 
to  the  grace  of  God.  These  views  became  thoroughly  formed,  and  were 
completely  developed,  during  the  controversy  with  the  Pelagians.    The 


THE    DOCTRINE    OP    REDEMPTION.  209 

following  arc  the  leading  outlines  of  the  doctrinal  system  of  Augustine. 
Originally  man  had  been  a  free  agent,  created  in  the  image  of  God, 
capable  of,  and  destined  for,  immortality,  holiness,  and  blessedness  ; 
but  also  free  to  sin  and  to  die.  In  the  exercise  of  his  freedom,  he  had 
to  make  a  choice.  If  he  had  chosen  to  obey  the  Lord,  the  possibility 
that  he  might  not  sin,  and  hence  not  die,  would  have  become  an  impos- 
sibility to  sin  or  to  die  (the  "  posse  non  peccare  et  mori"  a  "  non  posse 
peccare  et  mori").  But  by  the  wiles  of  the  enemy  he  fell,  and  it 
became  impossible  for  him  not  to  sin  and  not  to  die  ("non  posse  non 
peccare"  and  "non  mori").  All  the  distinguishing  features  of  the 
Divine  imago  were  now  lost,  and  man  was  only  capable  of  an  external, 
civil  righteousness  (justitia  civilis)  and  of  beiiuj  redeemed.  But  in 
Adam  all  mankind  have  sinned,  since  he  constituted  all  mankind.  By 
generation  the  nature  of  Adam,  as  it  was  after  the  fall,  with  its  sin 
and  guilt,  with  its  death  and  condemnation — but  also  with  its  capability 
of  redemption — has  passed  upon  all  his  posterity.  Divine  grace  avails 
itself  of  what  remains  of  the  image  of  God  in  man,  which  appears  in 
his  need  and  capability  of  redemption.  But  grace  alone  can  save  man, 
or  give  him  eternal  blessedness.  Hence  grace  is  absolutely  necessary — 
it  constitutes  the  commencement,  the  middle,  and  the  close  of  the 
Christian  life.  It  is  imparted  to  man  not  because  he  believes,  but  iu 
order  that  he  may  believe ;  for  faith  also  is  the  work  of  God's  grace. 
Grace,  having  first  aioakened  a  man  through  the  laio  to  a  sense  of  his 
sin  and  desire  after  salvation,  next  leads  him  by  the  Gospel  to  believe 
in  the.  Saviour  ("  gratia  pra3veniens").  Grace  then  procures  pardon 
of  sin  by  the  appropriation  of  the  merits  of  Christ  through  faith,  and 
imparts  to  man  the  powers  of^  a  divine  life  by  bringing  him  into  living 
communion  with  Christ  (in  baptism).  Our  free-will  towards  that  which 
is  good  being  thus  restored  ("gratia  operans"),  henceforth  manifests 
itself  in  a  devoted  life  of  holy  love.  But  the  old  man  with  his  inclina- 
tion towards  sin,  is  not  wholly  destroyed  even  in  those  who  are  regene- 
rated. In  the  contest  between  the  new  and  the  old  man,  believers  are 
continuously  aided  by  Divine  grace  ("gratia  cooperans").  The  last 
act  of  grace,  which,  however,  is  not  accomplished  in  this  life,  consists 
in  the  entire  removal  of  all  sinful  inclinations  ("  concupiscentia"),  and 
in  transformation  into  perfect  likeness  to  Christ  by  the  resurrection 
and  eternal  life  ("non  jjosse  peccare"  and  "mori").  —  But  this 
thoroughly  evangelical  view  of  nature  and  of  grace  Augustine  developed 
into  the  unevangelioal  doctrine  of  an  absolute  predestination.  Expe- 
rience, he  argued,  showed  that  all  men  were  not  converted  and'saved. 
But  as  man  could  not  in  any  way  contribute  to  his  conversion,  this 
must  ultimately  be  traced  back,  not  to  the  conduct  of  man,  but  to  an 
eternal  and  unconditional  decree  of  God  (decretum  absolutum),  accord- 
ing to  which  He  had  resolved,  to  the  praise  of  His  grace,  to  deliver 
some  of  the  human  family,  which  lay  entirely  under  sentence  of  con- 
demnation (the  "massa  perditionis"),  and,  to  the  nraise  of  His  justice, 
18*  o 


210         SECTION   T.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (.323— 692  A.  D.). 

to  leave-the  rest  to  the  condemnation  which  they  had  deserved.  This 
choice  depended  alone  on  the  all-wise  but  secret  good  pleasure  of  the 
:Divine  will,  and  not  upon  our  faith,  which  indeed  was  also  a  gift  of 
God.  It  is  indeed  written  :  "  God  wills  that  all  men  should  be  saved," 
but  this  only  means — "  all  who  are  predestinated."  As  the  reprobate 
("  reprobati")  are  unable  in  any  way  to  obtain  grace,  so  the  elect  can- 
not resist  it  ("  gratia  iiTesistibilis").  Hence  continuous  perseverance 
in  grace  ("donum  perseverantife")  was  the  only  sure  evidence  of  elec- 
tion. Augustine  held  that  even  the  best  among  the  heathen  could  not 
be  saved  (although  he  thought  that  there  were  various  degrees  in 
their  punishment),  and  that  children  who  died  unbapiized  could  not 
go  to  heaven.  The  apparent  contradiction  between  this  statement  and 
his  other  assertion,  "  contentus,  non  defectus  sacramenti  damnat,"  was 
removed  hj  an  appeal  to  the  eternal  decree  of  God,  who  suffered  not 
the  elect  to  die  without  having  received  this  sacrament. 

3.  Pelagius  and  his  System.  —  Far  different  from  the  inner  history 
of  Augustine  was  that  of  Morgan  or  Pelagms,  a  British  monk  of 
respectable  acquirements  and  of  moral  earnestness,  but  without  depth 
of  mind  or  capacity  for  speculation.  At  a  distance  from  the  struggles 
and  trials  of  life,  having  no  experience  of  inward  temptations,  nor 
strong  tendency  to  outward  and  manifest  sins,  destitute,  moreover,  of 
deeper  Christian  experience,  his  ideal  of  religion  consisted  in  a  kind 
of  monastic  asceticism.  His  dislike  to  the  views  of  Augustine  about 
the  total  corruption  of  human  nature,  and  its  entire  inability  to  con- 
tribute in  any  way  towards  conversion  or  sanctitication,  was  increased 
by  the  knowledge  that  some  careless  pereons  had  made  them  an  excuse 
for  carnal  security  and  moral  indolence.  This  circumstance  confirmed 
him  in  the  idea  that  it  was  much  better  to  preach  a  moral  law,  the 
demands  of  which,  as  he  thought,  men  were  able  to  fulfil,  provided 
they  were  in  earnest  about  it.  During  his  stay  at  Rome,  about  the 
year  410,  he  commenced  to  diffuse  these  views.  The  following  are  the 
leading  outlines  of  his  system.  Man  had  originally  been  created  liable 
to  physical  death ;  eternal,  not  physical  death,  was  the  consequence 
and  the  punishment  of  sin.  The  fall  of  Adam  had  not  caused  any 
change  in  the  moral  nature  of  man,  nor  did  its  influence  extend  to  the 
posterity  of  Adam.  Every  man  came  into  the  world  exactly  as  God 
had  created  our  first  father,  i.  e.,  without  either  sin  or  virtue.  In  the 
exercise  of  his  yet  undiminished  freedom,  he  was  left  to  choose  the  one 
or  the  other.  The  universal  prevalence  of  sin  depended  on  the  power 
of  seduction,  of  evil  example,  and  of  custom ;  but  perfectly  sinless  per- 
sons may,  and  indeed  actually  have  existed.  The  grace  of  God  made 
it  more  easy  for  man  to  attain  his  destiny.  Hence  grace  was  not  abso- 
lutely but  relatively  necessary,  on  account  of  the  general  prevalence  of 
sin.  Grace  consisted  in  spiritual  enlightenment  through  revelation,  in 
the  forgiveness  of  sins  as  the  manifestation  of  Divine  indulgence,  and 
in  the  strengthening  of  our  moral  powers  by  bringing  the  incentives 


•THE    DOCTRINE    OF    REDEIMPTION.  211 

of  the  law  and  the  promise  of  eternal  life  to  bear  upon  them;  The 
grace  of  God  was  designed  for  all  men ;  but  man  must  deserve  it  by 
making  sincere  endeavours  after  virtue.  Christ  had  become  incarnate 
in  order,  by  His  perfect  doctrine  and  example,  to  give  us  the  most 
powerful  incentive  to  amend  our  ways,  and  thus  to  redeem  us.  As  by 
sin  we  imitate  Adam,  so  ought  we  by  virtue  to  imitate  Christ.  Baptism 
he  held  to  be  necessary  (the  baptism  of  infants  "  in  remissionem 
futiirorum  peccatorum").  Infants  who  had  died  without  this  sacra- 
ment enjoyed  an  inferior  degree  of-blessedness.  The  same  inconsistent 
adherence  to  Church  views  appears  in  his  admission  of  the  received 
doctrines  concerning  revelation,  miracles,  prophecy,  the  Trinity,  and 
the  divinity  of  Christ.  If  Pelagius  had  carried  his  principles  io  all 
their  legitimate  consequences,  he  would  no  doubt  have  discarded  from 
his  system  all  that  is  supernatural. 

4.  The  Pelagian  Controversy  (412-431). — From  the  year  409  Pelagius 
resided  at  Rome,  where  he  made  a  convert  of  Ccelesfiiis,  a  man  of  much 
greater  talent  and  learning  than  himself.  By  their  zeal  for  morality 
and  asceticism  the  two  gained  high  repute  at  Rome ;  and  continued  to 
diffuse  their  principles  without  let  or  hindrance.  In  411  they  went  to 
Carthage,  whence  Pelagius  passed  into  Palestine.  Ccelestius  remained 
at  Carthage,  and  became  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  presbyter.  His 
errors  were  now  for  the  first  time  discussed.  Pauliniis,  a  deacon  from 
Milan,  who  happened  to  be  at  Carthage,  laid  a  formal  accusation 
against  him  ;  and  when  he  refused  to  recant,  a  provincial  si/nod,  held 
at  Carthage  in  412,  excommunicated  him.  In  the  same  year  Augustine 
published  his  first  controversial  tractate:  "De  peccatorum  meritis  et 
remissione  et  de  baptismo  parvulorum.  LI.  III.  ad  Marcellinum." — In 
Palestine,  Pelagius  joined  the  followers  of  Origen.  Jerome,  whom  he 
had  at  any  rate  offended  by  a  disparaging  opinion  of  his  literary 
labours,  opposed  his  views,  and  declared  them  a  logical  sequence  of 
the  Origenistic  heresy  (Ep.  ad  Ctesiphontem  —  Dialog,  c.  Pelag.  LI. 
III.)  ;  and  Paiilus  Orosius,  a  young  presbyter  from  Spain,  denounced 
him  at  a  synad  held  at  Jerusalem  (415),  under  the  presidency  of  John, 
the  bishop  of  that  see.  But  the  Eastern  divines  could  not  be  con- 
vinced of  the  dangerous  character  of  these  views,  which,  besides,  were 
somewhat  disguised  by  their  author.  Another  accusation  laid  by  two 
Gallican  bishops  before  the  Synod  of  Diospolis  (415),  held  under  the 
presidency  of  Enlogius,  Bishop  of  CfBsarea,  ended  in  the  same  manner. 
Upon  this,  Angvstine  ("de  gestis  Pelagii")  showed  to  the  divines  of 
Palestine  that  they  had  been  deceived  by  Pelagius.  Orosius  also 
published  a  controversial  tractate  ("Apologeticus  c.  Pel.'"')  ;  while,  on 
the  other  side,  Theodorvs  of  Mops,  wrote  five  (now  lost)  letters  (probably 
directed  against  -Jerome).  The  Africans  now  took  part  in  the  contro- 
versy. Two  synods  —  held  at  Mileve  and  at  Carthage  (416)  —  renewed 
the  former  condemnation  of  these  doctrines,  and  laid  their  charges 
before  Innocent  I.  of  Rome,  who  approved  of  the  conduct  of  tlie  African 
18 


212        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

Church.'  Pelagius  now  transmitted  a  confession,  in  which  his  viewa 
■were  carefully  disguised,  while  Coelestius  appeared  personally  at  Rome. 
But  Innocent  had  died  before  his  arrival  (416).  Zosimvs,  his  successor 
—  perhaps  a  Greek  divine,  at  any  rate  an  indifferent  theologian  — 
having  been  gained  by  Coelestius,  addressed  bitter  reproaches  to  the 
African  Church,  against  which  the  latter  energetically  protested.  Soon 
afterwards,  however,  the  Emperor  Honorius  issued  (in  418)  a  ^'sacrum 
scripium"  against  the  Pelagians,  while  a  General  Synod,  held  at  Car- 
thage in  418,  condemned  their  views  in  even  stronger  terms  than 
before.  These  circumstances  induced  Zosimus  also  to  condemn  them 
{"epistola  Iractoria").  Eighteen  Italian  bishops — among  them  Julianus 
of  Eclanum,  the  ablest  defender  of  Pelagianism  —  refused  to  sign  this 
document,  and  were  banished.  They  requested  and  obtained  an  asylum 
frorii  Nestorhis,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.  But  this  connection  was 
fatal  both  to  the  bishop  and  his  proteges.  Coelesdne,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
took  the  part  of  the  opponents  of  Nestorius  in  the  controversy  about 
the  person  of  Christ  (|  52,  3)  ;  while  the  Eastern  Church,  at  the  (Ecu- 
menical Council  or  Ephesus  in  431,  condemned,  along  with  Nestorius, 
also  Pelagius  and  Coelestius,  without,  hoAvever,  entering  upon  a  defini- 
tion of  the  doctrine  in  question.  To  this  result  the  efforts  of  Marius 
Mercator,  a  learned  layman  from  the  West,  who  resided  at  Constanti- 
nople, had  greatly  contributed.  He  had  composed  two  "  Commoni- 
toria "  against  Pelagius  and  Ccclestius,  and  a  controversial  tractate 
against  Julianus  of  Eclanum.  Nor  had  Augustine  been  idle  during 
the  interval.  In  413  he  wrote  "  De  spiritu  et  litera  ad  Marcellinum  ;" 
in  415,  "  De  natura  et  gratia"  against  Pelagius,  and  "  De  perfectione 
justitia)  hominis  "  against  Coelestius;  in  416,  "  De  gestis  Pelagii ;"  in 
418,  "  De  gratia  Dei  et  de  peccato  originali  LI.  II.  c.  Pelag.  et  Coel. ;" 
in  410,  "  De  nuptiis  et  concupiscentia  LI.  II."  (in  answer  to  the 
objection  that  his  system  cast  contempt  upon  the  Divine  institution  of 
marriage) ;  in  420,  "  C.  duas  epistolas  Pelagianorum  ad  Bonifacium  I." 
(composed  by  Julianus  and  his  friends  in  defence  of  their  views) ;  in 
421,  "  LI.  VI.  c.  Julianum  ;"  and  somewhat  later  an  "Opus  imper- 
fectum  c.  secundam  Juliani  responsionem." 

5.  The  Semi- Pelagian  Conlroversy  (427-529).  —  Gross  Pelagianism 
had  been  refuted,  but  extreme  inferences  from  the  principles  of  Augus- 
tine in  reference  to  the  doctrine  of  Predestination  excited  fresh  discus- 
sions. The  monks  at  Hadriimelvm,  in  North  Africa,  had  gone  on 
evolving  sequences  from  this  doctrine,  until  some  had  fallen  into  per- 
plexity and  despair,  some  into  security  and  unconcern,  while  others 
deemed  it  requisite  to  avoid  these  and  other  consequences  by  ascribing 
to  human  activity  a  certain  amount  of  merit  in  the  acquisition  of  sal- 
vation. Under  these  difficulties,  the  abbot  of  that  monastery  addressed 
himself  to  Aiigusiine,  who  endeavoured  to  remove  the  scruples  and 
mistakes  of  the  monks  in  two  tractates  (a.  427) :  "  De  gratia  et  libero 
ail)itrio"  and  "  De  correptione  et  gratia."     But  about  the  same  time 


THE    DOCTRINE     OF    REDEMPTION.  213 

an  entire  school  of  divines  in  Soutliern  Gaul  protested  against  the  doc- 
trine of  Predestination,  and  maintained  the  necessity  of  asserting  that 
human  freedom  to  a  certain  degree  co-operated  with  Divine  grace,  so 
that  sometimes  the  one,  sometimes  the  other,  initiated  conversion.  This 
school  was  headed  by  Johannes  Cassianits  [ob.  432),  a  pupil  and  friend 
of  Chrysostom,  and  the  founder  and  president  of  the  monastery  at 
Massilia.  His  adherents  were  called  MasaUians  or  Semi-Pelagians. 
Cassianus  himself  had,  in  the  13tli  of  his  "  Collationes  Patrum"  (^  48, 
6),  controverted  the  views  of  Augustine,  without,  howevei",  naming 
that  Father.  The  ablest  of  his  pupils  was  Vinceatins  Lirinensis  (from 
the  monastery  of  Lirinium),  who,  in  his  "  Commonitorium  pro  catho- 
licce  fide  antiquitate  et  universitate,"  laid  down  the  principle,  that 
Catholic  doctrine  consisted  of  all  "  quod  semper,  ubique  et  ab  omnibus 
creditum  sit."  Tried  by  this  test,  of  course  the  teaching  of  Augustine 
was  not  Catholic.  The  second  book  of  his  tractate  —  which  has  been 
lost — controverted  Augustinianism,  and  was,  probably  on  that  account, 
suppressed.  Hilanj  and  Prosper  Aquiianiciis  —  two  laymen  in  Gaul 
(I  48,  8)  —  devoted  adherents  of  Augustine,  wrote  to  inform  him  of 
these  proceedings.  The  Bishop  of  Hippo  now  composed  two  tractates 
against  the  Massilians  ("De  praedestinatione  Sanctorum"  and  "  De 
dono  perseverantite").  Death  put  an  end  to  further  controversy  on  his 
part  (430).  But  Hilary  and  Prosper  took  up  the  cause.  When  Cobles- 
tine,  Bishop  of  Rome,  to  whom  they  applied  for  redress  (in  431).  gava 
a  reply  in  terms  which  might  mean  anything  or  nothing.  Prosper  him- 
self entered  the  lists  by  an  able  tractate,  "  De  gratia  dei  et  libero  arbi- 
trio  contra  Collatorem,"  in  which,  however,  he  involuntarily  smoothed 
off  the  extreme  points  in  the  system  of  Augustine.  This  remark  ap- 
plies even  in  higher  degree  to  the  able  work  "  De  vocatione  gentium," 
which  perhaps  was  composed  by  Leo  the  Great,  afterAvards  a  pope,  but 
at  that  time  only  a  deacon.  The  other  party  [Arnobins  the  younger?) 
published  a  remarkable  tractate,  entitled  "  Pra;destinatus,"  in  which 
a  supposed  follower  of  Augustine  expresses  his  views  about  predesti- 
nation, carrying  them  to  a  most  absurd  length,  of  course  in  a  manner 
never  intended  by  the  Bishop  of  Hippo.  (Book  I.  gives  a  description 
of  ninety  heresies,  of  which  Predestinarianism  is  the  last ;  Book  II. 
furnishes,  by  way  of  proof,  this  pretended  tractate  by  a  Predestinarian ; 
and  Book  III.  contains  a  refutation  of  it.)  A  Semi-Pelag.  synod,  which 
met  at  Aries  in  475,  obliged  Lncidus,  a  presbyter  and  a  zealous  advo- 
cate of  the  doctrine  of  Predestination,  to  recant ;  and  Fanstus,  Bishop 
of  Rhegium,  transmitted  to  him,  in  name  of  that  Council,  a  contro- 
versial tractate,  "  De  gratia  Dei  et  humanaj  mentis  libero  arbitrio." 
In  the  same  year  a  synod  held  at  Lngdiinum  (in  475)  sanctioned  Semi- 
Pelagianism.  Although  the  tractate  of  Faustus  was  moderate,  and, 
so  to  speak,  intermediate  between  extreme  views  on  both  sides,  it 
caused  very  gi-eat  commotion  among  a  community  of  Scythian  monks 
at  Constantinople  (520).     Through  Possessor,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  they 


214        SECTION    I. —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

complained  to  Hoi-misdas,  Tvho,  ho^vever,  replied  in  general  and  indefi- 
nite terms.  The  African  divines  in  Sardinia,  whom  the  Vandals  had 
banished  from  their  sees,  now  took  up  the  cause.  They  held  a  council 
in  523  ;  and,  in  their  name,  Fidgentius  of  Rttspe  composed  a  very  able 
defence  of  Augustinian  views  ("  De  veritate  prajdestinationis  et  gratiae 
Dei  LI.  III."),  which  made  an  impression  even  in  Gaul.  At  the  same 
time,  Avitus  of  Vienne  and  Ccesarius  of  Aries,  two  excellent  Galilean 
bishops,  undertook  the  advocacy  of  moderate  Augustinianism.  At  the 
Si/iiod  of  Araunio  (Oranges),  in  529,  these  views  were  generally  ac- 
knowledged as  orthodox  truth.  Augustine's  principles  about  original 
sin,  the  entire  worthlessness  of  all  human  works,  and  the  absolute 
necessity  of  grace,  were  admitted  to  the  fullest  extent ;  faith  was  de- 
clared to  be  the  effect  of  grace  alone,  while  the  predestination  of  the 
"  reprobate"  was  defined  as  merely  foreknowledge,  and  predestination 
to  sin  entirely  rejected  as  blasphemous.  A  synod  held  at  Valencia 
(529)  in  the  same  year  confirmed  the  decrees  of  Oranges,  which  also 
received  the  approbation  of  Boniface  11.  of  Rome  in  530. 


§  54.  OLD  AND  XEW  SECTS. 

The  Montanids  (Tertullianists)  and  Novatians  continued  to 
exist  till  the  fifth  or  sixth  century.  During  the  fifth  century 
Ilanichceism  still  counted  numerous  adherents  both  in  Italy  and 
in  North  Africa.  Gnostic  and  Manichaean  tendencies  reappeared 
in  Spain  under  the  name  of  Priscillianism,  and  (towards  the 
close  of  this  period)  in  Armenia  under  that  of  Paulicianism 
(§  'Tl,  !)• 

1.  Maniclia;ism.  —  The  most  prominent  representative  of  this  heresy 
in  the  West  was  Fanstus  of  Mileve,  an  African,  who  composed  a  num- 
ber of  controversial  tractates  against  Catholic  doctrine.  Augustine, 
who  had  at  first  been  misled  by  him,  wrote  against  him  the  thirty-three 
books  "c.  Faustum,"  the  most  comprehensive  of  his  numerous  works 
against  the  Maniclueans. — Since  the  reign  of  Vahntian  I.,  the  emperors 
frequently  issued  strict  edicts,  decreeing  punishment  upon  the  members 
of  that  sect.  In  Africa  also  they  were  persecuted  by  the  Vandals. 
Huneric  (since  477)  transported  whole  shiploads  of  them  to  the  conti- 
nent of  Europe.  At  the  time  of  Leo  the  Great  {oh.  461)  the  party 
numbered  many  adherents  in  Rome.  On  inquiry,  it  turned  out  that 
they  held  antinomian  principles,  and  secretly  indulged  their  lusts.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  rigour  employed  against  them,  the  sect  had  many 
secret  adherents  even  during  the  middle  ages. 

2.  Priscillianism  (380-5G3). — (Comp.  Sal.  van  Fries,  diss.  crit.  dePris- 
cillianistis  eorumque  fatis  doctr.  moribus.  Ultraj.  1745. — /.  II.  B.  Liib' 


OLD    AND    NEW    SECTS.  215 

kert,  de  hneresi  Priscill.  Han.  1840. — J.  M.  McmdernacJi,  Gcsch.  des 
Priscillianism.  Trier  1851.) — Marcus,  an  Egyptian,  is  said,  in  the  fourth 
century,  to  have  brought  the  germs  of  Gnostico-Manichix'an  views  to 
Spain.  Priscillian,  a  vrealthy  and  educated  layman,  adopted  these 
principles,  and  elaborated  them  into  a  dualistic  system,  in  which  the 
"  emanation  theory"  occupied  a  prominent  place.  Marriage  and  the 
use  of  flesh  were  interdicted ;  but  it  is  said  that,  under  the  guise  of  a 
strict  asoeticism,  the  sect  secretly  cherished  antinomian  views,  and 
indulged  in  licentious  orgies.  At  any  rate,  it  sanctioned  both  lying 
and  perjury,  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  for  the  purpose  of  spreading 
and  protecting  its  principles. — Gradually  Priscillianism  extended  over 
the  whole  of  Spain,  where  even  some  of  the  bishops  became  converts 
to  it.  The  glowing  embers  were  fanned  into  a  flame  by  the  intemperate 
zeal  of  Idacius,  Bishop  of  Emerida.  A  synod  held  at  Saragossa  in  380 
excommunicated  the  sect,  and  commissioned  Ithacivs,  Bishop  of  Sos- 
suba,  a  very  violent  and  also  an  immoral  man,  to  carry  its  decrees  into 
execution.  The  latter  gained  over  Maxirnus,  the  usurper  (the  murderer 
of  Gratian),  who,  to  obtain  their  possessions,  applied  the  torture  to 
some  of  the  sect,  and  caused  Priscillian  and  some  of  his  adherents  to 
be  beheaded  at  Treves  (385).  This  was  the  first  instance  in  which 
heretics  were  punished  with  death.  Martin,  the  noble-mindeel  Bishop 
of  Tours,  to  whom  the  Emperor  had  promised  to  employ  mild  measures, 
hastened  to  Treves,  and  renounced  communion  with  Ithacius  and  all 
those  bishops  who  had  consented  to  the  sentence  of  death.  Ambrose 
also,  and  other  bishops,  expressed  their  disapprobation.  Under  these 
circumstances  Maxirnus  adopted  more  moderate  measures.  But  the 
glory  of  martyrdom  heightened  the  enthusiasm  of  the  sect,  and  their 
principles  rapidly  spread  among  the  barbarians  who,  since  409,  invaded 
Spain.  In  a  "Commonitorium  de  errore  Priscillianist."  addressed  to 
Augustine  (in  415),  Paulus  Orosius  (§  53,  4)  earnestly  implored  the 
assistance  of  that  Father ;  but  other  cares  and  controversies  prevented 
him  from  energetically  taking  part  in  this  discussion.  Greater  success 
attended  the  endeavours  of  Leo  the  Great,  whose  aid  was  invoked 
thirty  years  later  by  Turribius,  Bishop  of  Astorga.  In  accordance 
with  the  instructions  of  that  Pontiif,  a  "Concilium  Hispanicum"  in 
447,  and  at  a  subsequent  period,  the  Council  of  Braga  in  563,  adopted 
efficient  measures  for  the  suppression  of  this  heresy.  After  that  pro- 
fessed Priscillianism  seems  to  have  disappeared,  but  the  principles  of 
the  sect  continued  in  secret  tradition  for  many  centuries. 

18* 


216         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

V.  WORSHIP,  LIFE,  DISCIPLINE,  AND  MANNERS. 

§  55.  WORSHIP  IN  GENERAL. 

When  Christian  worship  was  secured  by  Constantine  against 
isersecution,  it  developed  extraordinary  wealth  of  forms  and 
material,  an  indescribable  fulness  of  ceremonial  beauty  and  glory. 
But  as  yet  doctrinal  controversies  absorbed  public  attention  too 
much,  to  leave  time  or  space  for  submitting  ritual  questions  to 
the  ordeal  of  discussion  and  examination.  Hence  the  special 
manner  of  conducting  public  worship  was  in  each  case  very  much 
left  to  be  regulated  by  the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  by  national 
peculiarities.  Still,  the  common  spirit  of  the  Church  gave  to 
this  ecclesiastical  development  a  great  uniform  direction,  and  the 
differences  which  at  first  obtained  gradually  disappeared.  Only, 
such  were  the  national  differences  between  the  East  and  the  West, 
that  even  the  continual  efforts  made  after  catholic  unity  could 
not  efface  these  characteristics  from  public  worship. 

The  right  relation  between  doctrine  and  worship  doubtless  is,  that 
the  latter  should  be  regulated  and  determined  by  the  former.  Such 
was  the  case  at  the  commencement  of  this  period.  But  afterwards  the 
relationship  was  reversed;  and  the  unevangelical  views  so  generally 
entertained  may,  in  no  small  measure,  be  traced  to  this  aberration. 
The  change  took  place  principally  during  the  time  oi  Cyril  of  Alex. 
It  is  quite  natural  that,  when  the  principles  of  that  school  about  the 
close  interconnection  between  the  Divine  and  the  human  prevailed, 
they  should  also  have  been  embodied  in  public  worship.  But  as  yet 
these  views  were  one-sided,  and  liable  to  be  perverted  into  error.  The 
labours  of  Leo  and  Theodoret  were  indeed  so  far  successful  as  to  exclude 
from  Church  doctrines  the  monojjhi/siie  element.  But  already  it  had 
struck  its  roots  so  deeply  in  public  icorship,  that  its  presence  was  not 
even  recognized,  far  less  removed.  During  the  following  periods  it 
gradually  increased  (in  the  worship  of  saints,  of  images,  of  relics  — 
in  pilgrimages,  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  etc.),  and  exercised  the  most 
pernicious  influence  on  the  development  of  the  doctrines  which,  as 
yet,  had  not  been  accurately  defined  (for  example,  those  about  the 
Church,  the  priesthood,  the  sacraments,  especially  that  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  etc.) 


TIMES    OP   WORSHIP   AND    FESTIVALS.  217 


§56.   TIMES  OF   PUBLIC   WORSHIP   AND   FESTIVALS. 

CoMP.  G.  B.  Eiseiischmidt,  Gesch.  d.  Sonn-  and  resttap;e  (Hist,  of 
the  Lord's  Day  and  of  Feast  Days).  Leipz.  1793.—/.  G.  Muller,  Gesch. 
d.  Christ.  Feste.  BerL  1843. — Fr.  Strmiss,  d.  evang.  Kirchenjahr  (The 
Eccles.  Year  of  Evang.  Ch.).  BerL  1850.  —  E.  Baiike,  d.  kirchl.  Peri- 
kopensystem.  BerL  IS-iT.—M.  A.  Nickel  (Rom.  Cath.),  d.  heiL  Zeiten 
II.  Feste  in  d.  kath.  K.  (Sacred  Seasons  and  Fest.  in  the  Cath.  Church). 
Mayence  183G.  6  vols.  —  H.  Alt,  d.  chr.  Cultus.  Abth,  II.,  Das  Kir- 
chenjahr mit  s.  Festen.     BerL  1858. 

The  idea  of  a  xoeekly  and  an  annual  cycle  in  commemoration 
of  the  great  facts  of  salvation,  had  been  entertained  even  during 
the  previous  period  (§  57).  But  gradually  the  idea  of  this 
u-eekly  cycle  gave  way  before  a  richer  and  fuller  development  of 
that  of  the  Christian  year.  From  the  first  essential  differences 
prevailed  in  this  respect  between  the  East  and  the  West ;  the 
former  embodied  rather  the  Jewish-Christian,  the  latter  the  Gen- 
tile-Christian tendency.  But  during  the  fourth  century  many  of 
these  divergences  were  removed,  and  the  three  great  cycles  of 
Christian  festivals  were  celebrated  in  the  same  manner  by  both 
Churches.  During  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  however,  the 
former  differences  again  reappeared.  The  Eastern  Church  in- 
creasingly yielded  to  its  early  inclination  for  Jewish-Christian 
forms  of  worship  ;  while  the  Western  Church,  in  conformity  with 
its  Gentile-Christian  tendency,  adopted  the  natural  year  as  a 
basis  for  the  ecclesiastical.  Hence  the  ecclesiastical  year  of  the 
West  obtained  fuller  organization,  and  became  more  closely 
entertwined  with  popular  life.  But  even  in  the  West,  the  in- 
creasing tendency  towards  the  worship  of  saints  prevented  the 
full  carrying  out  of  the  idea  of  the  Christian  ecclesiastical  year. 

1.  The  Weeldy  Cycle.  —  So  early  as  the  year  321  Constantine  the 
Great  enacted  a  law,  that  neither  public  business  nor  work  of  any  kind 
should  be  done  on  the  Lord's  Day.  Somewhat  later  he  interdicted  military 
exercises  on  that  day.  His  successors  extended  this  inhibition  to  public 
spectacles.  Besides  Sunday,  the  Jewish  Sabbath  also  was,  for  a  long 
time,  observed  in  the  East  by  meeting  for  worship,  by  the  intermission 
of  fasts,  and  by  prayer  in  the  standing  posture  ;  fasting  was  only 
allowed  on  the  Sabbath  of  the  Great  Week.  Wednesday  and  Friday, 
the  "  dies  stationum,"  were  kept  in  the  East  as  fast  days.  In  the  West, 
the  fast  on  Wednesdays  was  abrogated,  and  ip  i^s  roopii  th^t  qi^  the 
Jewish  Sabbath  introduced, 
19 


218         SECTION   I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD   (323— 692  A.  D.)  . 

2.  HorcB  and  Ember-Days.- — During  the  fifth  century  the  number  of 
fixed  hours  for  praijer  (the  3d,  6th,  and  9th  during  the  day,  comp.  Dan. 
vi.  11,  4;  Acts  ii.  15,  iii.  1,  x.  9)  inci-eased  to  eight  [horce  canonicce: 
Matirtina  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Prima  at  G,  Tertia  at  9,  Sexta 
at  12,  Nona  at  3,  Vespers  at  6,  Completoria  at  9,  and  Mesonyction  or 
Vigils  at  12).  But  in  order  to  obtain  the  sacred  number  7  (after  Ps. 
cxix.  164),  the  two  horae  of  the  night  were  generally  combined  into 
one.  The  horas  were,  in  all  their  strictness,  observed  only  by  monks 
and  the  clergy.  —  In  accordance  with  this  arrangement  of  prayer,  once 
every  three  hours,  the  year  was  divided  in  the  West  into  terms  of  three 
months  [quatuor  iempora,  quarterly),  each  marked  by  a  fast.  These 
periods  were  (according  to  Joel  ii.)  to  be  signalized  by  repentance, 
fasting,  and  almsgiving.  The  arrangement  in  question  was  completed 
by  Leo  the  Great  {ob.  461).  The  Ember-days  fell  at  the  commencement 
of  Quadragesima,  during  the  week  after  Pentecost,  and  in  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  and  of  the  tenth  month  (September  and  December). 
They  were  observed  by  a  strict  fast  on  the  Wednesday,  the  Friday,  and 
the  Saturday,  and  by  a  Sabbath  vigil. 

3.  The  Calculation  of  Easter.  —  The  Council  of  Nice  (325)  decided 
in  favour  of  the  Roman  mode  of  Easter  observance,  as  opposed  to  that 
of  Asia  Minor  (?31,  1).  The  adherents  of  the  latter  formed  a  separate 
sect  [Quartodecimani).  The  Council  decided  that  the  first  day  of  full 
moon  after  the  vernal  equinox  should  be  regarded  as  the  14th  of  Nisan, 
and  that  the  Feast  of  the  Resurrection  should  be  celebrated  on  the 
Sunday  following,  yet  so  as  to  avoid  its  coincidence  with  the  Jewish 
Passover.  The  annual  astronomical  calculation  of  the  feast  was  en- 
trusted to  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  in  which  city  astronomical  study 
was  extensively  cultivated.  This  prelate  issued  an  annual  circular 
(liber  pascJialis)  —  commonly  at  Epiphany  —  in  which  he  intimated  to 
the  other  churches  the  result  of  his  calculations,  and  generally  also 
took  occasion  to  discuss  some  question  that  was  mooted  at  the  time. 
The  Roman  mode  of  calculation  differed  in  some  respects  from  that 
common  in  Alexandria.  At  Rome  they  calculated  according  to  a  cycle 
of  84,  and  not  of  19  years ;  the  18th,  and  not  the  21st  of  Mai'ch,  w^as 
regarded  as  the  day  of  the  spring  equinox  ;  and  if  the  full  moon  hap- 
pened on  a  Saturday,  Easter  was  celebrated,  not  the  day  afterwards,  but 
eight  days  after  it.  At  last,  in  525,  Dionysius  Exiguus  brought  about 
a  permanent  agreement  between  Rome  and  Alexandria  in  the  celebra- 
tion of  Easter. 

4.  The  Easter  Cycle  of  Festivals.  —  With  the  commencement  oiQuor 
dragesima  the  whole  appearance  of  public  life  underwent  a  change. 
Public  amusements  were  prohibited,  criminal  investigations  arrested, 
and  the  noise  of  trafiic  in  streets  and  markets  ceased  as  far  as  possible. 
In  the  East,  fasting  was  intermitted  on  Sundays  and  Saturdays ;  in  the 
West,  only  on  Sundays.     On  this  account,  Gregory  the  Great  fixed  the 


TIMES   OF   WORSHIP   AND   FESTIVALS.  219 

Wednesday  of  the  seventh  week  before  Easter  as  the  commencement 
of  Quadragesima.     This  day  was  called  "Caput  jejunii,"  and  "Dies 
cinerum"  —  Ash  Wednesday  —  from  the  practice  of  sprinkling  ashes 
on  the  heads  of  the  faithful,  in  remembrance  of  Gen.  ill.  19.     On  the 
Tuesday  before  that  fast,  the  people  were  wont,  by  extravagant  festivi- 
ties [Carnival,  Caro  vale),  to  make  up  for  the  coming  fasts.     About 
the  same  time  the  Easter  cycle  was  enlarged  in  the  AYest,  so  as  to 
embrace  two  additional  weeks,  and  commenced  on  the  ninth  Sunday 
before  Easter  (Septuagesima).    The  Hallelujah  of  the  mass  then  ceased, 
marriages  were  no  more  consecrated  [iempus  claiistim),  and  monks  and 
priests  already  commenced  to  fast.    Quadragesima  attained,  as  it  were, 
its  climax  during  the  last  or  the  so-called  Great  Week,  which  commenced 
on  Palm  Sunday  (toptij  t^v  (Satcoj/),  and  closed  with  the  Great  Sabbath, 
the  favourite  time  for  administering  baptism.     The  Thiasday -when  the 
Lord's  Supper  had  been  instituted,  and  the  Friday  on  which  the  Sa- 
viour had  been  crucified,  were  more   particularly  observed.      Public 
worship  celebrated  during  the  night  [Easter  vigil)  formed  a  transition 
from  these  fasts  to  the  rejoicings  at  Easter.     This  solemnity  was  deep- 
ened by  the  prevalence  of  an  old  tradition,  that  Christ  would  again 
return  during  that  night.     The  morning  of  Easter  was  ushered  in  with 
the  joyful  salutation,  "The  Lord  is  risen;"  to  which  response  was 
made,  "  Yea,  truly  lie  is  risen."     The  festivities  of  Easter  closed  only 
on  the  following  Sunday  (pascha  clausum,  avtiTia.GxO')-     On  that  day 
those  who  had  been  baptized  on  the  Great  Sabbath  wore  for  the  last 
time  their  white  garments.     Hence  this  Sunday  was  called  "Dominica 
in  albis,"  also  "  Quasimodogeniti,"  from  the  first  words  in  1  Pet.  ii.  2 — 
among  the  Greeks,  xaivri  xvptax^.     The  rejoicings  of  Easter  extended 
over  the  whole  term  of  Quinqiiagesiina,  or  the  period  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost.     A  solemn  vigil  preceded  both  Ascension-day  and  Pen- 
tecost, and  the  latter  closed  with  a  Pentecosi-octava  (celebrated  by  the 
Greeks  as  the  xv{>ia.xri  -tHiv  ayJcov  /xapfvprjaavtuv,  and  by  the  Latins  —  at  a 
much  later  period — as  the  Feast  of  the  Holy  Trinity).  —  These  festive 
"Octavce"  were  kept  in  imitation  of  the  "solemn  assembly"  at  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles,  Lev.  xxii.  36. 

5.  The  Christmas  Cycle  of  Festivals. — The  first  mention  of  Christmas 
observance  (natalis  Christi,  yivt^^ta.)  occurs  in  the  Western  Church 
aljout  3G0.  Twenty  or  thirty  years  afterwards,  it  was  also  introduced 
in  the  East.  We  account  for  the  late  introduction  of  this  festival  by 
the  circumstance  that  the  ancient  Church  foiled  to  set  value  on  the  day 
of  Christ's  birth,  and  placed  it  rather  in  the  background  as  compared 
with  the  day  of  His  death  {|  31).  But  Chrysostom  already  designates 
it  as  the  /xtj-epoTtoXL^  rtaau>v  ■fwr  ioptuiv.  From  the  first,  the  25th  Decem- 
ber was  commonly  regarded  as  the  day  on  which  Christ  was  born. 
The  Christmas  festival  was  fixed  for  that  day,  not  on  account  of,  but 
despite,  the  heathen  Saturiialia  (in  remembrance  of  the  Golden  Age, 
froi^  the  17th-24th  December),  the  Sigillaria  (on  the  24th  December, 


220        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

■when  children  received  presents  of  dolls  and  figures  made  of  earthen- 
ware or  wax  —  sigilla),  and  the  Bnimalia  (on  the  25th  December,  dies 
natalis  invicti  solis,  the  Feast  of  the  Winter  Solstice).  At  the  same 
time  it  was  regarded  as  far  from  an  accidental  occurrence  that  Christ, 
the  Eternal  Sun,  had  appeared  on  that  day.  Christmas  commenced 
also  with  a  Vigil,  and  terminated  with  an  Octava,  which  during  the 
sixth  century  became  the  "  festum  circumcisionis."  In  contrast  with 
the  excesses  of  the  heathen  at  the  New  Tear,  the  ancient  Church  set 
this  day  apart  for  humiliation  and  fasting.  The  Feast  of  Epiphany 
was  introduced  in  the  West  in  the  fourth  century,  when  it  obtained 
its  peculiar  Gentile-Christian  import  as  a  commemoration  of  the  admis- 
sion of  Gentiles  into  the  Church  (Luke  ii.  21).  (Referring  to  Ps.  Ixxii. 
10,  TcrtuUian  had  represented  the  Magi  as  kings ;  the  number  three 
indicated  threefold  gifts.  In  600  a.d.  Bede  gave  their  names :  Casper, 
Melchior,  andBalthasar.)  In  other  places  this  feast  was  also  supposed 
to  commemorate  the  first  miracle  of  Christ  at  the  marriage  in  Cana. — 
Since  the  sixth  century,  the  period  preceding  Christmas  was  observed 
as  "  the  Advent."  In  the  Latin  Church  this  season  commenced  on  the 
fourth  Sunday  before  Christmas  ;  in  the  Greek,  on  the  14th  November, 
and  comprehended  six  Sundays  and  a  fast  of  forty  days  —  a  practice 
which  was  also  introduced  in  some  of  the  Western  churches. 

6.  The  last  festival  of  our  Lord  —  introduced  at  a  late  period  —  was 
that  of  the  Transfiguration,  which  the  Latin  Church  only  adopted 
in  the  fifteenth  century. —  For  Saints'  days,  and  feasts  in  honour  of  the 
Virgin,  comp.  ^  57. 

7.  The  Ecclesiastical  Year.  —  In  the  East,  the  symbolical  relation 
between  the  natural  and  the  ecclesiastical  year  was  ignored,  except  so 
far  as  implied  in  the  attempt  to  give  to  the  Jewish  feasts  a  Christian 
adaptation.  To  some  extent,  indeed,  Western  ideas  had  been  imported 
in  reference  to  the  great  festivals,  such  as  Christmas,  Easter,  and 
Pentecost,  but  not  in  connection  with  the  ordinary  Sun  and  feast-days. 
At  first  the  ecclesiastical  year  in  the  East  commenced  with  Easter, 
afterwards  with  Quadragesima  or  with  Epiphany,  and  ultimately  in 
September,  as  under  the  Old  Dispensation.  The  year  was  divided  into 
four  parts,  according  to  the  "lectio  continua"  of  the  Gospels,  and  the 
Sundays  obtained  corresponding  names.  The  xvpiaxri  Tipi^trj  roii  Mat*- 
^tttoD  took  place  immediately  after  Pentecost.  —  The  Latin  Ecclesias- 
tical Year  commenced  in  Advent,  and  was  divided  into  a  "  Semestre 
Domini"  and  a  "  Semestre  ccclesiae."  But  the  idea  underlying  this 
arrangement  was  only  carried  out  in  reference  to  the  "  Semestre 
Domini"  (Christmas,  Easter,  and  Pentecost,  with  the  Sundays  which 
they  included,  indicating  the  commencement,  the  development,  and  the 
completion  of  the  history  of  redemption).  In  reference  to  the  "  Semestre 
ecclesise,"  only  the  commencement  of  a  symbolical  arrangement  was 
made.     Thus  the  "  Feast  of  Peter  and  Paid,"  on  the  29th  June,  repre- 


WORSHIP   OF   SAINTS,   RELICS,    AND   IMAGES.      221 

Bented  the  foundation  of  the  Church  by  the  apostles ;  the  feast  of 
Laureutius.[l  23,  5)  the  martyr,  on  the  10th  August,  the  contest  await- 
ing the  "Church  militant;"  and  the  Feast  of  Michael  the  archangel, 
on  the  29th  September,  the  complete  success  of  the  "  Church  triumph- 
ant." That  these  feasts  were  intended  to  form  the  basis  of  three  cycles 
of  festivals,  we  gather  from  the  circumstance  that  the  Sundays  after 
Pentecost  had  been  arranged  as  DominicoB  post  Apostolos,  post  Lau- 
rentii,  post  Angelos.  But  the  idea  was  not  developed  ;  the  frequency 
of  saints'  days  not  only  made  this  arrangement  impossrblc,  but  rendered 
it  even  necessary  to  encroach  on  the  "  Semestre  Domini."  The  prin- 
ciple of  attempting  to  Christianize  the  worship  of  the  heathen  was 
authoritatively  sanctioned  by  Gregory  the  Great,  who  in  601  instructed 
the  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  to  transform  the  heathen  tem  pes  into 
churches,  and  the  pagan  into  saints'  festivals  or  martyr-days,  "utdur£e 
xnentes  gradibus  vel  passil)us  non  autem  saltibus  eleventur."  Saints 
now  took  the  places  of  the  old  gods,  and  the  ecclesiastical  was  made 
in  every  respect  to  correspond  with  the  natural  year,  only  in  a  Chris- 
tianized form. 

§57.   THE   WORSHIP  OF   SAINTS,   OF   RELICS,   AND  OF 
IMAGES. 

Since  persecutions,  and  with  thera  martyrdom,  had  ceased, 
an  extraordinary  asceticism  could  alone  entitle  to  the  honours 
of  canonization.  In  awardini^  this  distinction,  popular  opinion 
carried  the  day.  Thus  the  number  of  saints  increased  every 
year ;  saints  who  had  long  been  forgotten  were  discovered  by 
means  of  visions,  while,  in  the  absence  of  historical  reminiscences, 
tradition  supplied  names  and  facts  in  rich  abundance.  The  more 
men  felt  the  lukewarmness  and  worldliness  of  their  own  religious 
experience,  as  compared  with  the  strength  of  faith  displayed  by 
the  first  witnesses  for  the  truth,  the  higher  did  the  martyrs  rise 
in  popular  veneration.  Altars  and  churches  were  erected  over 
their  graves  {memoria'.  jiiaprvptat),  or  else  their  bones  deposited 
in  the  churches  (trandationes).  Newly  erected  churches  were 
consecrated  by  their  names,  and  persons  called  after  them  in 
baptism.  The  days  of  their  martyrdom  were  observed  as  festi- 
vals, introduced  by  vigils,  and  celebrated  by  agapes  and  obla- 
tions at  their  graves.  Ecclesiastical  orators  extolled  them  in 
enthusiastic  language,  and  poets  sung  of  them  in  their  hymns. 
Nothing  could  equal  the  zeal  with  which  their  bones  were 
searched  out,  or  the  enthusiasm  with  which  men  gazed  on  them, 
or  pressed  forward  to  touch  them.  Every  province,  nay,  every 
19* 


222        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD   (323— 692  A.  D.). 

town,  had  its  tutelary  saint  (Pa(ronns).  In  the  East,  the  Invo- 
cation of  Saints  originated  with  the  three  great  Gappadocians  ; 
in  the  West,  with  Ambrose.  These  Fathers  maintained  that  the 
saints  participated  in  the  omnipotence  and  omniscience  of  the 
Deity.  Augustine  alone  held  that  the  angels  were  the  medium 
througli  wliich  the  saints  learned  the  invocations  of  the  devout. 
In  the  various  liturgies,  the  former  practice  of  praying  for  the 
saints  was  now  couvei'ted  into  entreaty  for  their  intercession. 
The  common  people  regarded  this  worship  as  taking  the  place 
of  that  of  heroes  and  of  the  Manes.  But  theological  writers 
earnestly  insisted  on  the  distinction  between  "  adoratio  "  and 
"  invocatio,"  xarpsJa  and  hov^iia.,  of  which  the  former  was  due  to 
God  alone.  The  worship)  of  Mary  arose  at  a  period  subsequent 
to  that  of  the  martyrs,  and  chiefly  in  connection  with  th^ 
Nestorian  controversy.  Soon,  however,  it  acquired  much  greater 
importance  than  that  of  the  saints.  Faint  traces  of  a  ivorsJiip 
of  angels  occur  even  in  Justin  and  Origen  ;  but  this  species  of 
service  was  neglected  for  that  of  the  saints.  The  zeal  for  pil- 
grimages was  greatly  quickened  after  the  visit  of  the  Empress- 
mother  Helena  (in  326)  to  the  holy  places  in  Palestine,  where 
she  erected  splendid  churches.  Some  of  the  most  eminent 
Fathers,  however,  disapproved  of  these  tendencies.  The  worship 
of  images  commenced  during  the  time  of  Cyril  of  Alexandria. 
It  was  specially  cultivated  in  the  East.  Western  divines  —  and 
even  Gregory  the  Great  —  admitted  pictures  only  for  decoration, 
for  popular  instruction,  and  for  quickening  the  devotional  feel- 
ings. The  worship  of  relics,  on  the  other  hand,  spread  more 
extensively  in  the  AVest  than  in  the  East. 

1.  Saints'  t)ays.  —  So  early  as  the  fourth  century,  the  octave  of 
Pentecost  was  celebrated  in  the  East  as  "  the  Festival  of  all  the  Martyrs" 
(^  56,  4).  In  the  West,  Pope  Boniface  IV.  instituted,  in  610,  a  "■  festvm 
omnium  Sanctorum"  for  the  Pantheon,  which  the  Emperor  Phocas  had 
presented  to  the  Holy  See,  and  which  Avas  transformed  into  a  church 
of  the  most  blessed  Virgin  and  of  all  the  martyrs.  But  this  festival 
(on  November  1st),  was  not  generally  observed  till  the  ninth  century. 
The  large  number  of  canonized  saints  rendered  it  possible  to  dedicate 
every  day  in  the  calendar  to  one  or  more  saints.  Generally,  the 
anniversary  of  their  death  was  selected  for  that  purpose ;  in  the  case 
of  John  the  Baptist  alone  an  exception  was  made  in  favour  of  his  bn-th- 
day  (natalis  S.  Joannis).  From  its  relation  to  Christmas  (Luke  i.  26), 
this  festival  was  fixed  for  the  24th  June  ;  and  the  contrast  of  the  season 
in  which  these  two  feasts  occurred,  reminded  the  Church  even  in  this 


WORSHIP    OF    SAINTS,    RELICS,   AND    IMAGES.      223 

respect  of  John  iii.  30.  So  early  as  the  fifth  century,  the  29th  August 
was  also  observed  as  afestiim  decnUaiionis  S.  Joaniiis.  The  second  day 
of  Christmas  was  the  Feast  of  St.  Stephen,  the  proto-martyr  (the  first- 
gathered  fruit  of  the  Incarnation)  ;  the  third  day  was  devoted  to  the 
memory  of  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved  ;  the  fourth,  to  that  of  the 
infants  at  Bethlehem  [festum  innocentinn),  as  the  "  flores"  or  "  primitise 
martyrum."  The  Feast  of  the  Maccabees  —  in  commemoration  of  the 
woman  and  her  seven  sons  who  suffered  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes — 
was  already  celebrated  in  the  fourth,  and  only  discontinued  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  Among  the  festivals  in  honour  of  the  apostles,  that 
"  of  Peter  and  Paid"  —  in  memory  of  their  martyrdom  at  Rome  (29th 
June)  —  was  generally  observed.  Besides  this,  two  other  "fcda 
cafhedrce  Petri"  were  observed  at  Rome  —  one  on  the  18th  January,  in 
commemoration  of  Peter's  accession  to  the  "  Cathedra  Romana,"  the 
other  on  the  22d  February,  in  remembrance  of  his  occupation  of  the 
"Cathedra  Antiochena."  For  some  time  the  saints'  days  were  so 
arranged  that  those  devoted  to  the  patriarchs  were  fixed  before 
Christmas,  those  of  later  saints  of  the  Old  Testament  dispensation 
during  Quadragesima,  those  of  the  aj^ostles  and  first  preachers  after 
Pentecost ;  then  followed  the  martyrs,  after  them  the  later  confessors, 
and,  lastly,  the  "  Virglnes,"  as  the  type  of  the  Church  in  a  state  of 
perfection. 

2.  The  Worship  of  Mary.  —  The  Virgin,  "blessed  among  women," 
and  who  by  the  Holy  Spirit  had  predicted :  "  From  henceforth  all 
generations  shall  call  me  blessed,"  was  from  the  first  regarded  as  the 
highest  ideal  of  maidenhood.  Hence  the  veneration  which  the  ea/ly 
Church  paid  to  virginity,  centred  in  that  of  her  person.  Side  by  side 
with  the  contrast  between  Adam  and  Christ,  Tertullian  placed  that 
between  Eve  and  Mary.  In  the  fourth  century,  the  "  perpetua 
virginitas  b.  Marioe"  was  already  an  article  of  faith.  Ambrose  applied 
Ezek.  xliv.  2  to  her,  and  spoke  of  her  having  given  birth  "  utero 
clause;"  while  the  second  Trullan  Council  (692)  declared  axoxtvtov 
tbv  ex  trji  Ttap^svov  ^ecov  'toxov  ilvat.  If  Irena3us,  Tertullian,  Origen, 
Basil,  and  Chrysostom  had  still  acknowledged  her  sinful,  Angustinc  no 
longer  numbered  her  among  sinners  :  "  Unde  enim  scimus,  quid  ei  plus 
gratise  collatum  fuerit  ad  vincendum  omui  ex  parte  peccatum?"  But 
for  a  considerable  period  no  further  progress  was  made  towards  actual 
worship  of  the  Virgin.  This  was  partly  due  to  the  circumstance,  that 
she  had  not  shared  the  glory  of  martyrdom,  and  partly  to  the  idolatrous 
and  heathenish  worship  paid  her  by  the  CoUijridians  —  a  female  sect 
in  Arabia  dating  from  the  fourth  century  —  who  offered  to  her  bread- 
cakes  (in  imitation  of  the  heathen  worship  of  Ceres).  Epiphaniiis, 
who  opposed  that  sect,  maintained:  -triv  hs  Mapi'ar  ovShj  Tt^toixweia^, 
ovtf  (LyytXoi  ;^u)poi'crL  6o|o>.oyLa)'  roicxvi'j^f.  On  the  Antidicoinarianites, 
comp.  I  (J2.  But  through  the  vleiory  of  the  doctrine  that  Mary  was 
the  mother  of  God,  in  the  Nestsu-ian  controversy,  Slarioiatry  became 
11 J 


224       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

again  more  general  in  the  Church.  In  the  fifth  century,  the  25th 
March  was  celebrated  as  the  Feast  of  the  Anminciaiion,  (incarnationis, 
toprri  ^°"  evayy^'KiGi^ov,  tov  aaTiaa^ioii).  In  the  West,  the  Feast  of  Purifica- 
tion (according  to  Luke  ii.  22)  was  observed  on  the  2d  February.  It 
was  also  called  Feast  of  Candlemas,  from  the  solemn  offering  of 
candles  then  made.  When,  in  542,  the  empire  was  visited  with  earth- 
quakes and  pestilence,  Justinian  instituted  the  "  festum  occursus," 
{«opr»7  tjjs  vftartdvrf;^) ,  with  special  reference  to  the  meeting  with  Simeon 
and  Anna  (Luke  ii.  25).  Both  the.'se  might  still  be  regarded  as 
festivals  of  our  Lord.  From  a  desire  to  have  a  series  of  feasts  in 
honour  of  the  Virgin  corresponding  to  those  in  commemoration  of 
Christ,  the  Feast  "of  the  Ascension  of  Mary"  (rtarj^yvpt;  xofivr,asu>i,  f. 
assumptionis,  dormitionis  M.)  was  introduced  at  the  close  of  the  sixth, 
and  during  the  seventh  century  that  of  the  Birth  of  Mary.  These 
festivals  were  celebrated  on  the  15th  August  and  the  8th  September. 
The  former  was  founded  on  a  legend  —  first  broached  by  Gregory  of 
Tours,  {ob.  595) — to  the  effect  that,  immediately  on  her  decease,  angels 
had  raised  the  "  Mother  of  God,"  and  carried  her  to  heaven. — (Cf. 
§105,  2;  113,  1). 

3.  The  Worship  of  Angels. — So  early  as  the  second  century,  the  idea 
of  tutelary  angels  for  nations,  towns,  and  individuals  occurs,  based  on 
Deut.  xsxii.  8  (according  to  the  version  of  the  LXX.) ;  Dan.  x.  13,  20, 
21,  xii.  1 ;  Matt,  xviii.  10  ;  Acts  xii.  15.  Ambrose  already  insisted  on 
the  invocation  of  angels.  But  when  the  Phrygian  sect  of  "  Angelici" 
carried  this  practice  to  idolatrous  adoration  of  angels,  the  Council  of 
Laodicea  (in  the  fourth  century)  condemned  their  views,  and  Fjxipha- 
niiis  numbered  the  sect  among  heretics.  Pretended  apparitions  of 
Michael  the  archangel  led,  in  the  fifth  century,  to  the  institution  of  the 
"Feast  of  St.  Michael" — on  the  29th  September — which  was  celebrated 
in  honour  of  all  the  angels,  and  designed  to  express  the  idea  of  the 
Church  triumphant. 

4.  The  Ti'orsliip  of  Images  (comp.  §  35). — The  dislike  and  the  jealousy 
of  art  wliich  characterized  the  early  Church  had  not  wholly  disappeared 
even  in  the  fourth  century.  Eusebiiis  of  Ca;sarea  speaks  of  a  statue  at 
Pancas  (?  14,  2),  and  other  representations  of  Christ  and  of  the  apos- 
tles, as  an  i^vixri  awrj^sia.  He  seriously  reproved  Constantia,  the  Em- 
peror's sister,  for  expressing  a  desire  to  possess  a  likeness  of  Christ, 
and  called  her  attention  to  the  second  commandment.  Asteritis,  Bishop 
of  Amasa  in  Pontus  [ob.  410),  censured  the  custom  of  rich  persons 
wearing  on  their  dresses  sewed  pictures  representing  events  in  Gospel 
history,  and  recommended  such  persons  rather  to  bear  Christ  in  their 
hearts.  Epiphanius,  in  his  zeal,  tore  in  pieces  a  painted  curtain  that 
hung  in  a  village  church  in  Palestine,  and  suggested  that  the  body  of 
a  poor  person  should  be  wrapped  in  it.  But  gradually  the  Grecian 
love  of  art  and  the  popular  feeling  carried  the  victory  over  legal  rigor- 


WORSHIP    OF    SAINTS,    RELICS,    AND    IMAGES.      225 

ism  and  abstract  spiritualism.  In  this  respect  also  the  age  of  Cyril 
became  the  period  of  transition.  Already  in  the  fifth  century,  miracles 
were  said  to  be  performed  by  certain  pictures  of  Christ,  of  the  apos- 
tles, and  of  "  the  Mother  of  God."  This  gave  rise  to  a  real  worship 
of  images,  by  lighting  before  them  tapers,  kissing  them,  bowing,  pros- 
tration, burning  incense  before  them,  etc.  Soon  every  church  and 
church-book,  every  palace  and  cottage,  was  filled  with  pictures  of 
Christ  and  of  saints,  commonly  drawn  by  monks.  Countless  miracles 
occurred  in  connection  with  them.  This  delusion,  however,  spread  not 
so  rapidly  in  the  West  as  in  the  East.  Thus  Augustine  complained  of 
the  worship!  of  images,  and  insisted  that  Christ  should  be  sought  in  the 
Bible,  and  not  in  images ;  and  although  Gregory  the  Great  reproved 
the  iconoclastic  zeal  of  Serenus,  Bishop  of  Massilia,  himself  would 
tolerate  pictures  in  churches  "ad  instruendas  solummodo  mentcs  nesci- 
entium."  The  Nestorians,  who  were  entirely  opposed  to  the  use  of 
pictures,  denounced  Cyril  as  the  originator  of  this  new  idolatry. — (Cf. 
^60,  3;  66.) 

5.  The  Worship  of  Relics  (Cf.  |  36,  4). — The  worship  of  relics  [%il^a%v.) 
originated  partly  in  a  pious  impulse  common  to  mankind,  partly  in  the 
honours  which  the  early  Church  was  wont  to  pay  the  martyrs.  The 
religious  services  celebrated  on  the  graves  of  martyrs,  the  erection  of 
memorials  to  them,  and  the  depositing  of  their  bones  in  churches,  may 
be  regarded  as  the  commencement  of  this  practice.  By  and  by  no  altar 
or  church  was  reared  that  possessed  not  its  own  relic.  Gradually,  as 
the  small  number  of  known  martyrs  no  longer  sufficed  to  supply  the 
increasing  number  of  churches  with  relics,  their  bones  were  distributed. 
Places  where  relics  hitherto  unknown  lay,  were  miraculously  pointed 
out  in  dreams  and  visions.  The  catacombs  now  became  mines  of  relics, 
of  which  the  genuineness  was  proved  by  signs  and  wonders.  So  early 
as  386,  Theodosins  I.  was  obliged  to  interdict  the  traffic  in  relics. 
Among  them  were  reckoned  not  only  bones,  but  garments,  utensils, 
and  especially  the  instruments  with  which  the  martyrs  had  been  tor- 
tured. Their  application  restored  the  sick,  exorcised  devils,  raised  the 
dead,  averted  the  plague,  detected  crimes,  etc.  The  persons  thus  bene- 
fited were  in  the  habit  of  expressing  their  gratitude  by  setting  up 
commemorative  tablets,  or  ofi"ering  silver  and  gold  casts  of  the  diseased 
■•  member  which  had  been  miraculously  healed.  In  defence  of  this 
species  of  veneration,  some  appealed  to  2  Kings  xiii.  21 ;  Sir.  xlvi.  14; 
Acts  xix.  12.  —  According  to  a  legend  —  which  was  generally  credited 
in  the  fifth  century — Helena  had,  in  326,  discovered  the  true  cross  of 
Chi-i.sf,  as  well  as  those  of  the  two  malefactors.  This  story  was  first 
attested  by  Ambrose,  Rufinus,  and  Chrysostom  ;  Eusebius  and  the 
Bordeaux  pilgrim  of  the  year  333  know  nothing  of  it.  The  true  cross 
was  recognized  from  the  others  through  a  miraculous  cure  (raising  of 
the  dead)  performed  by  means  of  it.  The  devout  Empress  presented 
one  half  of  the  cross  to  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  sent 

P 


226         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

the  other  half  along  Tvith  the  nails  to  her  son,  who  inserted  the  wood 
in  a  statue  of  his  own,  and  set  the  nails  in  his  diadem  and  in  the  reins 
of  his  horse.  Pious  pilgrims  were  allowed  to  carry  with  them  splinters 
of  that  portion  of  the  wood  which  was  left  at  Jerusalem,  and  thus  par- 
ticles of  the  true  cross  were  carried  into  and  worshipped  in  all  lands. 
At  a  comparatively  late  period,  it  was  said  that,  in  honour  of  the  dis- 
cover)/ of  the  cross,  a  atavpi^aifioi  rifj,spa  had  been  celebrated  (on  the 
14th  September)  in  the  East  so  early  as  the  fourth  century.  From  the 
time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  a  festum  inventionis  S.  Crucis  was  kept 
throughout  the  West  on  the  3d  May.  The  Feast  of  the  Elevation  of 
the  Cross  was  instituted  by  the  Emperor  Heraclius  (14th  Sept.)  to  com- 
memorate the  defeat  of  the  Persians,  who  were  obliged  to  restore  the 
holy  cross  (629),  which  they  had  taken  away.  This  festival  was  also 
introduced  in  the  West. 

6.  Filgrimacjcs  (Cf.  /.  Marx,  d.  Wallf.  in  d.  kath.  K.  Trier  1842).— 
Pilgrimages  to  sacred  jjlaces  likewise  spring  from  a  prevalent  human 
want.  Many  were  eager  to  follow  the  example  set  them  by  Helena  in 
326.  Even  the  conquest  of  Palestine  by  the  Saracens  in  the  seventh 
century  could  not  arrest  the  zeal  of  pilgrims.  Not  only  the  sacred 
localities  in  Palestine,  but  Mount  vSinai,  the  tombs  of  Peter  and  Paul 
at  Rome  [limina  Aposfolonirn),  the  grave  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  (o&. 
397),  and  even  the  place  where  Job,  the  type  of  Christ,  had  suffered 
(in  Arabia),  were  favourite  places  of  pilgrimage.  —  This  zeal  for  pil- 
grimages, especially  on  the  part  of  monks  and  of  women,  was  most 
strenuously  opposed  by  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  who,  in  a  letter  on  the  sub- 
ject, in  the  strongest  language  indicated  the  danger  accruing  both  to 
genuine  religion  and  to  morality  from  this  practice.  Even  Jerome 
moralized  :  "  Et  de  Hierosolymis  et  de  Britannia  ajqualiter  patet  aula 
coclestis."  Chrysostom  and  Augustine  also  objected  to  the  excessive 
merit  attached  to  such  acts  of  devotion. — (Cf.  §  89,  4 ;  105,  3.) 


^  58.  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  SACRAMENTS. 

The  Ghurch.  had  not  at  this  period  definitely  settled  either  the 
number  or  tlie  import  of  the  Sacraments  (nvrirepCa).  The  term 
was  indiscriminately  applied  both  to  the  doctrines  of  salvation  in 
so  far  as  they  transcended  the  intellect  of  man,  and  to  those  rites 
of  worship  through  which,  in  a  manner  incomprehensible,  be- 
lievers received  and  appropriated  redemption.  From  the  first,  it 
was  admitted  that  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  were  the 
principal  sacramental  means  of  grace.  But  so  early  as  the  third 
century,  anointing  and  laying  on  of  hands  was  distinguished 
from  baptism,  regarded  as  a  special  sacrament  —  that  of  Con- 


ADMINISTKATION     OF    THE    SACRAMENTS.       227 

firmation  (stp^V*)  —  and  in  the  West  administered  separately 
from  the  initiatory  Christian  rite  (§  32).  The  idea  of  a  special 
order  of  Christian  priesthood  as  of  Divine  institution  (§  30),  led 
theologians  to  regard  Ordination  as  a  sacrament  (§  45,  3). 
When  the  Pelagians  charged  Augustine  that  his  views  of  origi- 
nal sin  and  of  concupiscence  implied  that  the  Divine  ordinance 
of  marriage  was  in  itself  sinful,  he  rejoined  by  characterizing 
the  ecdeaiadical  solemnization  of  marriage  (§  61,  2)  as  a  sacra- 
ment, appealing  in  proof  to  Eph.  v.  32.  Thus  marriage  was 
represented  as  nature  sanctified  by  grace.  The  Fseudo-Diony- 
sius  enumerated  (in  the  sixth  cent.)  six  sacraments,  viz. :  Bap- 
tism, Confirmation,  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  Anointing  of  priests, 
that  of  monks,  and  that  of  the  dead  (r^v  xtxoi^yjfi.ivuiv').  As  to 
extreme  miction,  comp.  §  61,  3. 

1.  T/ie  Administration  of  Baptism  (Cf.  |  32). — During  this  period  it 
was  still  common  to  delay  baptism,  either  from  indiiFerence,  from 
superstition,  or  from  doctrinal  prejudices.  These  motives  also  operated 
against  the  practice  of  infant-tiaptism,  which  had  long  been  recognized, 
not  only  as  lawful,  but  as  necessary.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  wrote  :  "np6j 
'fciij  'fifahvvovtcx.';  ftj  to  0driti,afia  ;"  —  the  other  Fathers  equally  opposed 
this  abuse.  In  accordance  with  the  view  of  Tertidtian,  baptized  lay- 
men, but  not  women,  were  allowed  to  administer  baptism  in  case  of 
extreme  necessity  (in  periculo  mortis).  The  practice  of  having  God- 
parents became  general ;  and  the  Code  of  Justinian  treated  this  rela- 
tionship as  a  spiritual  affinity,  and  an  impediment  to  marriage.  The 
following  were  the  ceremonies  common  at  baptism.  The  catecliumens, 
who  had  kept  their  heads  veiled,  unveiled  them  on  the  day  of  baptism — ■ 
the  former  to  shut  out  any  object  that  might  distract,  and  also  to  sym- 
bolize spiritual  self-retirement.  Exorcism  was  pronounced  over  the 
candidates  for  baptism ;  next,  the  officiating  priest  breathed  on  them 
(John  XX.  22),  touched  their  ears,  saying:  Ephphata!  (Mark  vii.  34), 
and  made  the  sign  of  ilie  cross  on  their  forelaead  and  breast.  In  Africa 
salt  (Mark  ix.  50)  Avas  given  them  ;  in  Italy  a  piece  of  money,  as  sym- 
bol of  the  talent  of  baptismal  grace  (Luke  xix.  12,  etc.).  The  assump- 
tion in  baptism  of  a  new  name  indicated  entrance  into  a  new  life.  The 
person  baptized  renounced  the  devil,  turning  at  the  same  time  toward 
the  west,  and  saying :  ' Artordaao/xai  aot.  Sa-rava  xai  rtacr^  rjj,  Xatpcia  aov, 
and  again  to  the  east,  with  the  words:  ^vvtdaaojxai  aot,  Xpiats.  The 
practice  of  sprinkling  was  confined  to  the  "  baptismus  Clinicorum." 
The  person  baptized  was  three  times  immersed;  in  the  Spanish  Church 
only  once,  to  mark  even  in  this  their  antagonism  to  Arian  views. 

2.  Hitherto  the  Doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  (comp.  ^  33)  had  not 
been  discussed  in  Synods,  and  the  views  of  individual  Fathers  on  the 
19* 


228        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323—692    A.  D.). 

subject  were  exceedingly  vague  and  undetermined.  All  of  them  spoke 
of  it  as  of  a  very  sacred  and  awful  mystery,  and  felt  convinced  that 
the  elements  of  bread  and  wine  became,  in  a  supernatural  manner, 
connected  with  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.  Some  regarded  this  con- 
nection as  .fpiriiiial,  and  in  the  light  of  a  dynamic  influence  ;  others 
viewed  it  in  a  realistic  manner,  and  as  an  actual  communication  of 
these  substances  to  the  elements ;  but  most  theologians  had  not  fully 
decided  either  for  one  or  other  of  these  views.  Almost  all  described 
the  miracle  which  took  place  in  this  sacrament  a,ii  &  fista^oXri,  trans- 
figuratio  —  an  expression,  however,  which  they  also  employed  in  con- 
nection with  the  baptismal  water  and  the  anointing  oil.  The  school 
of  Origen  —  especially  Eusehiiis  of  Caesarea  and  the  Pseiido-Dionysivs, 
also  Aihanasivs  and  Gregory  Nazianzen,  though  in  a  less  decided 
manner  —  adopted  the  spiritualistic  view.  In  the  West,  it  was  advo- 
cated by  Avgustine  and  his  school,  and  even  by  Leo  the  Great.  The 
principles  of  Augustine  on  Predestination  led  almost  of  necessity  to 
this,  since  only  believers,  i.  e.,  the  elect,  could  partake  of  this  heavenly 
food.  Not  unfrequently,  however,  that  Father  also  made  use  of 
language  which  savours  of  the  opposite  view.  Among  the  advocates 
of  the  realistic  interpretation,  some  took  the  dyophysite  (consubstantia- 
tion),  others  the  monophysite  (transubstantiation)  view  of  the  sacra- 
ment. A  decided  tendency  to  consubstantiation  is  exhibited  in  the 
writings  of  Cyril  of  Jems.,  of  Chrysosfom,  of  Hilary  of  Pict.,  and  of 
Ambrose.  The  view  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa  Avas  somewhat  peculiar.  He 
held,  that  as  during  the  terrestrial  life  of  Christ  food  and  drink,  by 
assimilation,  became  the  substance  of  His  body,  so  the  bread  and  wine 
were,  by  an  act  of  Divine  Omnipotence,  in  the  consecration,  changed 
into  the  glorified  corporeity  of  Christ,  which  became  assimilated  with 
our  body  when  we  partook  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  divergences  on 
this  question  appeared  more  distinctly  after  the  Nestorian  Controversy, 
although  Theodoret  and  Pope  Gelasiiis  [oh.  496)  were  the  only  theolo- 
gians who  fully  applied  their  general  dyophysite  views  in  reference  to 
this  sacrament.     The  former  says  :   ixivn,  yap  tTil  tr-i  rtpor'fpaj  oixjiaj,  and 

the  latter:  Esse  non  desinit  substantia  vel  natura  panis  et  vini 

Hoc  nobis  in  ipso  Christo  Domino  sentiendum  (in  regard  to  the  Person 
of  Christ),  quod  in  ejus  imagine  (as  to  the  Lord's  Supper)  profitemur. 
But,  in  all  probability,  the  mass  of  the  people  had  long  before  learned 
to  regard  this  /j.sta,f5o%r;  as  a  genuine  change  of  substance.  The  popular 
view  next  passed  into  the  prayer-books.  We  find  it  in  the  Gallican  and 
Syrian  liturgies  of  the  fifth  century,  in  language  which  cannot  be  mis- 
understood. Even  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  had  sanctioned 
dyophysite  views  as  orthodox,  the  tendency  to  resolve  the  human  in 
Christ  into  the  Divine  still  continued  ;  and  towards  the  close  of  this 
period  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  was  generally  entertained. 

3.   The   Sacrifice  of  the  Mass.    (Comp.   |  33,  4).  —  Even  during  the 
fourth  century  the   body  of  Christ  presented  by  consecration  in  the 


ADMINISTRATION    OF    THE     SACRAMENTS.      229 

Lord's  Supper,  had  been  designated  a  sacrifice,  though  only  in  the 
sense  of  being  a  representation  of  the  one  sacrifice  of  Christ.  But 
gradually  this  view  of  a  sacramental  feast  in  remembrance  of  the 
sacrifice  of  Christ  gave  place  to  that  which  made  the  Eucharist  an  un- 
bloody, but  real  repetition  of  this  sacrifice.  The  change  in  question 
was  much  promoted  by  the  ancient  custom  of  connecting  with  this 
sacrament  intercession  for  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  more  especially 
by  that  of  celebrating  the  memory  of  the  latter  by  oblations  and  par- 
taking of  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  order  thus  to  express  that  communion 
in  the  Lord  lasted  beyond  death  and  the  grave  (|  35).  Such  interces- 
sions would  naturally  appear  much  more  powerful,  if  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ,  which  alone  could  give  them  efficacy,  was  on  every  such  occa- 
sion really  repeated  and  re-enacted.  Other  causes  also  contributed  to 
this  result.  Among  them  we  reckon  the  rhetorical  figures  and  the 
language  of  preachers,  who  applied  to  the  representation  terms  which 
really  characterized  the  one  sacrifice  of  Christ  alone  ;  the  notion  about 
a  regular  priesthood,  which  soon  led  to  that  of  sacrifices ;  the  spread 
of  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and  the  tendency  to  regard  the 
sacrament  as  of  magical  efiicacy.  The  idea  that  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
a  sacrifice  became  completely  established  after  the  introduction  of  the 
doctrine  of  Purgatory  as  a  place  of  punishment  —  before  the  resurrec- 
tion—  where  venial  sins,  which  had  not  been  atoned  for  during  life, 
might  be  expiated.  This  doctrine,  which  was  not  received  in  the  East, 
was  first  propounded  by  Augustine,  although  not  without  some  mis- 
givings, and  without  any  reference  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist. 
But  Ccesarius  of  Aries  and  Gregory  the  Great  carried  it  to  all  its  con- 
sequences. The  "oblationes  pro  defunctis,"  which  had  long  been  in 
use,  now  assumed  the  character  of  "  masses  for  their  souls ;  "  the  object 
being  no  longer  that  the  living  should  partake  of  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  and  thereby  indicate  their  communion  with  the  departed,  but 
that  the  atoning  sacrifice  should  be  repeated  for  the  spiritual  benefit  of 
the  deceased  —  i.e.,  in  order  that  the  sufi'erings  of  purgatory  might 
thereby  be  alleviated  and  abridged.  Similarly,  men  had  also  recourse 
to  the  atoning  efficacy  of  the  eucharistic  sacrifice  for  the  removal  of 
earthly  ills,  sufferings,  and  accidents,  in  so  far  as  these  were  regarded 
as  punishments  of  sin.  For  these  purposes,  it  was  deemed  sufficient  if 
the  sacrificing  priest  alone  partook  of  the  Eucharist  (jnissce  solitarice, 
private  tnasses).  At  last  the  flock  ceased  to  partake  of  the  commu- 
nion at  ordinary  seasons  of  worship,  and  only  joined  in  it  at  certain 
festivals. 

4.  The  Dispensation  of  the  Supper.  —  After  the  general  introduction 
of  infant-baptism,  the  strict  distinction  between  the  "  missa  catechu- 
menorum''  and  the  "missa  fidclium"  (|  33,  1)  ceased.  In  the  Eastern 
and  North  African  branches  of  the  Church,  Infant- Communion  remained 
in  use ;  in  the  West  it  was  interdicted,  in  accordance  with  1  Cor.  xi. 
28,  29.  The  "  communio  sub  una"  (scil.  specie)  was  regarded  as 
20 


230         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.)  . 

Manichajan  heresy.  In  Northern  Africa  it  was  in  exceptional  cases 
allowed  in  the  case  of  children,  because  a  little  girl  had,  from  dislike 
to  wine,  on  one  occasion  spit  it  out.  So  early  as  the  sixth  century,  the 
communion  was  taken  only  once  a  year  in  the  East ;  but  in  the  West 
the  Councils  insisted,  even  in  the  fifth  century,  that  it  should  be  taken 
every  Lord's  day,  and  that  those  who  failed  to  partake  of  it  at  least 
on  the  three  great  festivals  should  be  excommunicated.  The  elements 
were  still  furnished  by  the  members  of  the  Church,  —  the  bread  being 
that  in  common  use,  hence  generally  leavened.  This  practice  continued 
in  the  East;  it  was  otherwise  in  the  West,  where  unleavened  bread 
was  used  in  the  Eucharist.  The  colour  of  the  ivine  was  regarded  as 
matter  of  indifference;  at  a  later  period  white  wine  was  preferred, 
because  the  red  left  some  colouring  matter  in  the  cup.  It  was,  how- 
ever, deemed  necessary  to  mix  the  wine  with  water,  either  in  allusion 
to  John  xix.  34,  or  to  the  two  natures  in  Christ.  Only  the  Armenian 
Monophysites  used  undiluted  wine.  The  bread  was  broken.  It  was  a 
common  practice  in  the  East  to  carry  to  the  sick  bread  dipped  in  wine, 
instead  of  bringing  the  elements  separately.  At  a  later  period,  in 
churches  also  both  elements  were  given  together  in  a  spoon.  The  con- 
secrated elements  were  called  Eiilogia,  in  allusion  to  1  Cor.  x.  10. 
What  of  the  elements  remained  unused  (rtfptcrcrfiJovSai)  was  distributed 
among  the  clergy.  At  a  later  period,  only  so  much  as  was  requisite  for 
the  communion  was  consecrated,  and  what  of  the  oblations  had  been 
left,  without  being  consecrated,  was  blessed  and  divided  among  the 
communicants  (d»f  I'Scopo,).  The  old  practice  of  sending  consecrated 
elements  to  distant  churches  or  bishops,  in  token  of  church  communion, 
was  in  the  fourth  century  interdicted  by  the  Council  of  Laodicea. 

?i  59.   ADMINISTRATION  OF   PUBLIC  WORSHIP. 

In  public  worship  it  was  prohibited  to  read  from  any  non- 
canonical  book  (§  34).  Until  the  fifth  century,  the  common 
practice  was  to  read  continuously  through  the  Bible  {lectio  con- 
tinua).  In  the  Latin  Church  it  was  customary  always  to  read 
two  portions  of  Scripture  —  one  from  the  Gospels,  the  other  from 
the  Apostles  or  Prophets.  The  Apostolical  Constit.  prescribed 
three  portions  (Proph.  Apost.,  Evang.)  ;  similarly  the  Galilean 
and  the  Spanish  Church  ;  the  Syrian  four  (Praxapostolus,  etc.). 
As  the  idea  of  an  ecclesiastical  year  was  developed,  the  lectio 
continua  gave  place  to  a  lectio  propria  —  i.  e.,  to  a  selection  of 
Lessons  adapted  to  each  festival.  These  selections  were  in  the 
West  called  Lectioyiaria.  Among  them,  that  termed  "Comes,^' 
or  ''  Liber  comilis''  (of  which  tradition  assigned  the  arrange- 
ment to  Jerome),  was,  after  some  modification  and  enlargement, 


i 


ADMINISTRATION    OF    PUBLIC   WORSHIP.  231 

generally  adopted  throughout  the  West.  In  the  East,  where 
tlie  lectio  continua  remained  much  longer  in  use,  the  lectionaria 
were  only  introduced  during  the  eighth  century.  Commonly 
the  Lector  read  from  the  desk  ;  but  the  Gospel  was,  by  way  of 
distinction,  frequently  read  by  the  deacon.  From  similar  motives, 
candles  were  often  lit  at  that  part  of  the  service.  —  The  text  of 
the  SERMON  was  generally  taken  from  the  section  of  the  Bible 
that  had  been  read.  Preaching  was  considered  the  special  work 
of  the  bishop,  who  might,  however,  devolve  it  upon  a  presbyter 
or  a  deacon.  Monks  were  only  allowed  to  preach  in  the  streets, 
in  market-places,  or  from  the  tops  of  roofs,  columns,  or  trees. 
The  bishop  delivered  the  sermon  from  his  episcopal  ^povo^ ; 
frequently,  however,  he  stood  at  the  end  of  the  chancel,  in  order 
to  make  himself  better  heard.  Augustine  and  Clirysostom,  for 
this  purpose,  generally  preached  from  the  reading-desk.  In  the 
East,  where  the  sermon  often  lasted  for  hours,  and  the  preacher 
strained  after  theatrical  effect,  great  prominence  was  given  to 
the  homiletic  part  of  worship.  The  practice  of  expressing 
approbation  —  especially  in  Greece  —  by  waving  of  handkerchiefs 
and  clapping  of  hands  (zpdroj,  acclamatio)  must  have  proved 
very  disturbing.  In  the  West,  the  sermon  consisted  commonly 
of  a  brief  and  unadorned  address.  Extempore  sermons  were 
more  acceptable  than  memorized  ones.  The  practice  of  reading 
sermons  was  of  very  rare  occurrence  ;  even  the  reciting  of  a 
discourse  committed  to  memory  was  not  popular.  After  the 
example  of  Constantitie,  his  successors  in  the  empire  not  unfre- 
quently  delivered  sermons,  although  not  in  the  churches. — In 
sin'jing  they  mainly  used  psalms,  hymns,  and  doxologies.  The 
Gnostics  ( §  28,  9),  Arians  (§  50,  1),  Apollinarians,  and  Donatists, 
often  succeeded  in  spreading  their  opinions  by  means  of  hymns. 
To  meet  these  insidious  attacks,  the  Church  felt  it  desirable  to 
introduce  orthodox  instead  of  these  heretical  productions.  The 
Council  of  Laodicea  (oGO)  indeed  interdicted  the  use  of  •^■aTi^oi; 
tStcoTixot  in  churches,  probably  to  prevent  the  spread  of  heterodox 
compositions.  But  this  prohibition  was  not  obeyed  in  the  West; 
and  when  the  rivalry  of  the  Arians  at  Constantinople  obliged 
Chrysostom  to  allow  processions  at  night,  he  introduced  hymns 
in  these  services.  The  practice  of  going  in  processions  com- 
menced at  an  earlier  period  than  that  of  Chrysostom,  and  was 
first  introduced  at  funerals  and  marriages.  Since  the  fourth 
century  processions  were  also  held  at  the  installation  of  bishops 


232         SECTION    I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

or  of  relics,  at  feasts  of  thanksgiving:,  and  especially  during 
seasons  of  public  danger  or  calamity  (rogationes,  supplicationes, 
litaniaa).  Through  the  influence  of  Mamertus,  Bishop  of  Vienne 
(450),  and  Gregory  the  Great,  processions  became  a  regular 
ceremony  which  recurred  at  stated  times,  when  the  Gospels, 
costly  crucifixes  and  banners,  torches  and  burning  candles,  relics, 
pictures  of  tlie  Virgin  and  of  saints,  were  carried  about,  and 
psalms  or  hymns  sung.  The  religious  services  on  these  occasions 
were  called  Litanies.  Tliey  consisted  of  prayers,  and  of  the 
invocation  of  saints  and  angels,  to  which  the  people  made 
response,  "  Ora  pro  nobis  !  " 

1.  Ui-e  of  the  Scriptures.  —  The  doubts  previously  entertained  about 
the  authenticity  of  certain  portions  of  the  New  Testament  [l  34,  2) 
gradually  ceased.  The  Council  of  Laodicea  omitted  from  the  canon 
only  the  Book  of  Revelation,  manifestly  from  its  dislike  to  and  dread 
of  Millenarianism  (§  40,  8).  The  Council  of  Ilipjw  (?>93)  settled  the 
canon,  which  has  since  been  received,  including  the  Old  Testament 
Apocrypha  in  it.  —  The  inconvenient  practice  of  "  Scriptio  continua," 
hitherto  common  in  the  copies  of  the  Bible,  was  abolished  by  Euthalius, 
a  deacon  of  Alexandria,  who  introduced  a  new  plan,  according  to 
which  every  line  [oxixoi)  contained  only  so  much  as  could — without, 
of  course,  interfering  with  the  sense  —  be  read  without  a  pause.  An 
attempt,  previously  made,  to  arrange  the  various  books  into  chapters 
had,  however,  failed  to  produce  uniformity. — At  the  request  of  Dama- 
sus,  Bishop  of  Rome,  Jerome  emendated  the  corrupted  text  of  the 
" Itala"  (I  34,  3),  and  then  prepared  a  Latin  translation  from  the 
Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament,  which,  along  with  the  emendated  version 
of  the  New  Testament,  was  generally  adopted  by  the  Western  Church, 
and  bears  the  name  of  the  Vulgata.  Philoxemis,  a  monophysite  bishop, 
translated  (in  508)  the  New  Testament  for  the  use  of  the  Syrian 
churches  ;  but  his  version  followed  in  too  slavish  a  manner  the  letter 
of  the  original.  The  Fathers,  more  especially  Chrysostom,  insisted 
that  the  laity  should  diligently  peruse  the  Scriptures.  Still  the  belief 
spread,  that  study  of  the  Bible  was  mainly  the  business  of  the  clergy 
and  of  monks.  Tlie  second  Trull.  Council  (G92)  denounced  severe  pun- 
ishments against  all  who  presumed  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  other- 
Avisc  than  the  Fathers  had  done. 

2.  ITi/mnolor/ij.  —  To  supplant  the  hymns  of  Ilarmonius  and  Barde- 
sanes,  the  Syrian  Gnostics,  which  had  in  so  many  cases  served  to  pro- 
mote error,  Ephraem  Syrus  {ob.  378)  composed  a  number  of  orthodox 
hymns,  which  soon  became  very  popular.  He,  Isaac  the  Great  (in  the 
fifth  cent.),  and  Jacob  of  Sarug  (in  the  sixth  cent.),  were  the  three 
most  celebrated  ecclesiastical  poets  of  the  Syrian  Church.    Their  com- 


ADMINISTRATION    OP    PUBLIC    WORSHIP.        233 

positions  were  allowed  to  be  used  in  public  worship,  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anztis,  and  Si/nesius  of  Ptolemais,  wrote  orthodox  hymns  in  the  Greek 
language  ;  but  the  interdict  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea  prevented  their 
introduction  into  public  worship.  But  the  most  effective  hymns  were 
those  composed  by  members  of  the  Latm  Church.  With  Hilary  oi 
Pictavium  (06.  368)  commenced  a  scries  of  religious  poets  (embracing 
Ambrose,  Avgnstine  CocUns  Seduluis  from  Ireland,  Ennodius,  Bishop  of 
Pavia,  Frudeiitiii.%  a  Spaniard,  Fvrtunatus  of  Pictavium,  Gregory  the 
Great),  who  have  left  a  number  of  hymns,  remarkable  alike  for  their 
beauty,  their  depth  and  dcvoutness,  their  power  and  simplicity. — (Comp. 
H.  A.  Daniel  thcs.  hymnolog.  4  vols.  Ilalle  1841,  etc.— i-^.  /.  Mone,  lat. 
Hynineu.  Freib.  1853.) 

3.  Psalmody  and  Hyjuiiody. —Tho,  former  practice  of  congregational 
psalm-singing  (in  symphony)  gradually  ceased,  when  regular  clerical 
"Cantores"  (^  30,  1)  began  to  be  employed.     Indeed,  the  Council  of 
Laodicea  prohibited  it  entirely,  although  their  ordinance  failed  to  secure 
general  obedience.     The  practice  of  a,ntiphonous  or  alternate  singing 
was  much  in  vogue.     Notwithstanding  the  increasing  attempts  of  the 
clergy  to  exclude  the  people  from  participating  in  the  services  of  the 
Church,  the  laity  continued  for  a  long  time  the  practice  of  hyjwphonous 
chants,  which  consisted  of  responses  to  the  intonation,  the  reading,  and 
the  prayers  of  the  clergy,  and  of  the  so-calied  Acroteleutia,  or  responses 
to  the  psalms   sung  by  the  clergy.     The   practice   of  chanting   the 
prayers,  lessons,  and  consecrations,  dates  from  the  sixth  century.    The 
earliest  church-music  was  simple  and  inartificial.     But  the  rivalry  of 
heretics  obliged  the  Church  to  pay  greater  attention  to  the  require- 
ments of  art.     Chrysostom  already  inveighed  against  the  secular  and 
theatrical  melodies   introduced  in  churches.     The  practice  of  instru- 
mental accompaniment  was  longer  and  more  tenaciously  resisted,  and 
even  singing  in  parts  was  not  allowed  at  that  period.     The  Western 
Church  bestowed  great  attention  on  the  cultivation  of  psalmody.     Syl- 
vester, Bishop  of  Rome,  instituted  in  330  a  school  for  the  training  of 
professional  church-musicians.     Ambrose  of  Milan  introduced  a  new 
kind  of  psalmody  {Cantiis  Amhrosianvs),  which,  for  melody,  modula- 
tion, aptness,  and  simplicity,  far  surpassed  any  that  had  formerly  been 
known.     Aiignstine   speaks   in   enthusiastic  terms  of  the  impression 
which  it  had  made  upon  him,  but  at  the  same  time  expresses  a  fear 
lest  the  sweetness  of  the  music  should  captivate  the  senses,  and  weaken 
the  influence  of  the  woi'd  on  the  mind.    His  apprehension  proved  well- 
grounded  ;  and  in  the  sixth  century  the  "  Cantus  Ambrosianus"  had 
almost  entirely  lost  its  ecclesiastical  character.     Under  these  circum- 
stances, Gregory  the  Great  introduced  a  new  style  of  church  music  (the 
Cantus  liomaniis,  firmus,  choralis),  for  which,  in  order  to  have  it  in- 
serted in  a  hymn-book  (antiphonariuni),  he  devised  a  special  kind  of 
notation  called  neiimee  (either  from  Tivtvixa.  to  indicate  the  tone,  or  from 
20* 


234       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

vevfia  to  designate  the  notation  of  tones), — a  curious  compound  of  points, 
strokes,  and  little  hooks.  The  Gregorian  music  was  symphonious,  slow, 
and  measured,  without  rhythm  or  time.  While  in  this  respect  it  re- 
sembled the  church  music  anciently  in  use,  the  greater  art  which  it 
displayed,  and  the  richer  modulations  it  contained,  indicate  also  consi- 
derable progress.  Although  destitute  of  the  liveliness  and  freshness 
characteristic  of  the  Ambrosian,  it  introduced  in  its  place  a  style  more 
solemn  and  dignified,  and  better  adapted  for  worship.  It  was  a  more 
serious  objection  that  the  Gregorian  music  could  only  be  performed  by 
a  well-trained  clerical  choir  (hence  cantus  choralis),  for  whose  instruc- 
tion Gregory  accordingly  founded  a  great  Singing  School  at  Rome. 
Thus  the  people  were  deprived  of  the  part  they  had  formerly  taken  in 
the  public  services  of  the  Church. — (Comp.  J.  N.  Forkel,  allg.  Gesch.  d. 
Musik.  2  vols.  Leipz.  1790. — R.  O.  Kiesewetier,  Gesch.  d.  abendl.  Musik. 
Leipz.  1834.  —  Fr.  Brendel,  Gesch.  d.  Musik  in  Ital.,  Deutschl.  und 
Frankr.  Leipz.  1855.  2  vols.  —  J.  E.  Hdiiser,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  Kirchen- 
gesangs  (Hist,  of  Chr.  Ch.  Mus.).  Quedl.  1834.— i>r.  Burnerj,  Hist,  of 
Music. — D.  Antony,  Arch.  Lehrb.  d.  Greg.  K.  Ges.  Munster  1829.) 

4.  Tlie  Liturgy.  —  All  the  numerous  liturgies  which  appeared  since 
the  fourth  century  were  framed  after  the  common  type  of  the  liturgy 
in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (|  33,  1).  The  following  are  the  prin- 
cipal orthodox  liturgies. of  that  period  : — 1.  That  of  Jerusalem,  ascribed 
to  the  Apostle  James;  2.  That  of  Alexandria,  assigned  to  the  Apostle 
Mark  (^  17)  ;  3.  That  oi Byzantium,  framed  by  S.Basil,  and  condensed 
and  recast  by  Chrysostom,  which  by  and  by  was  generally  adopted  in 
the  orthodox  churches  of  the  East.  The  following  are  the  oldest  and 
principal  liturgies  used  in  the  West:  —  1.  The  GalUcan  Masses,  dating 
from  the  fifth  cent.  (edit,  by  Mone,  Frkf.  1850)  ;  2.  The  Milan  Liturgy, 
ascribed  to  Barnabas,  but  probably  introduced  by  Ambrose ;  3.  That 
of  Rome,  or  of  S.  Peter,  elaborated  successively  by  Popes  Zeo  the  Great 
{ob.  461),  Gelasius  L  [ob.  49G),  and  Gregory  the  Gr.  {ob.  604),  which 
was  gradually  introduced  throughout  the  West.  It  consisted  of  the 
Sacramentarium  (or  mass-prayers),  the  Antiphonarinm  (or  hymn-book), 
the  Lectio narimn,  and  the  "Ordo  Romanus"  (or  Directions  for  the 
Celebration  of  the  Mass).  These  were,  at  a  later  period,  combined 
together  in  the  Missale  Romanum.  —  In  the  Greek  Liturgy,  vespers, 
matins,  and  the  principal  ■worship  of  the  day,  were  intended  to  form 
three  parts  of  a  great  religious  drama,  representing  the  entire  course 
of  the  history  of  redemption,  from  the  creation  to  the  ascension  of  the 
Lord.  The  principal  events  of  this  history  were  also  symbolized  by 
the  lighting  and  extinguishing  of  tapers,  by  locking  and  opening  the 
doors  of  the  sanctuary,  by  burning  incense  and  by  other  oblations,  by 
the  successive  putting  on  of  the  various  priestly  robes,  by  jDrocessions 
and  gestures  of  the  clergy,  by  certain  rites  in  connection  with  the 
sacramental  elements,  etc.     The  text  of  the  liturgy  (the  intonations, 


ADMINISTRATION    OP    PUBLIC    WORSHIP.        235 

responses,  prayers,  reading,  singing),  which  accompanied  these  cere- 
monies, was  considered  of  secondary  importance,  and  only  formed  a 
running  commentary  to  the  great  drama  enacted. — The  liturgy  of  the 
Latin  Church,  on  the  other  hand,  was  more  dogmatic  than  dramatic  in 
its  character.  It  was  intended  rather  to  exhibit  how  the  sinner  shared 
in  the  benefits  of  salvation,  than  objectively  to  present  the  story  of 
grace.  Conscious  of  his  guilt  and  need,  the  sinner  approached  the 
altar  of  the  Lord,  where  he  sought  and  found  consolation  and  instruc- 
tion, pardon  and  grace.  Hence,  in  the  Latin  Liturgy,  the  text  consti- 
tuted the  main  part  of  the  service;  the  symbolical  part  being  entirely 
subordinate,  and  only  designed  to  afford  an  outward  representation  of 
the  truths  conveyed.  The  liturgy  consisted  of  certain  fixed  portions 
which  recurred  whenever  mass  was  celebrated,  and  of  others  which 
were  adapted  to  the  calendar  and  to  the  peculiar  character  of  each  fes- 
tival. The  most  important,  indeed  the  central  part  in  the  liturgy,  was 
the  Canon  of  the  Mass,  which  consisted  of  the  formulas  employed  in 
the  consecration  of  the  Eucharist,  and  of  the  sacrificial  prayers  con- 
nected with  it. — Among  liturgical  works,  considerable  interest  attaches 
to  the  so-called  Diptyclia  (from  615  and  Titvasui,  bis  plicare),  or  writing 
tablets  covered  with  wax.  They  were  a  kind  of  ofiicial  registers  con- 
taining the  names  of  those  persons  who  were  to  be  objects  of  special 
liturgical  intercession.  They  were  divided  into  bintvxo.  imoxortw, 
which  contained  the  names  of  the  foreign  bishops  with  Avhom  church- 
fellowship  was  maintained  ;  biTt-tvxo-  ^i^vtt^v,  or  registers  of  the  mem- 
bers of  a  particular  church,  and  of  those  who  made  offerings ;  and 
lastly,  5irti'D3;a  vtx^Zjv. 

5.  Symbolical  Rites.  —  During  the  whole  of  this  period  it  was  still 
the  custom  to  give  the  brotherhj  kiss.  When  entering  the  church,  it 
was  the  practice  to  kiss  the  door  or  the  threshold  ;  before  reading  the 
liturgy,  the  priest  kissed  the  altar,  similarly  the  lector  the  gospel. 
Relics  and  images  were  also  kissed.  When  making  confession  of  sin, 
it  was  customary  to  strike  one's  breast.  Every  ecclesiastical  rite  was 
accompanied  by  the  sign  of  the  cross,  which  was  also  frequently  made 
at  home  on  any  solemn  occasion.  The  practice  of  icashing  one's  hands, 
when  entering  church,  dates  from  a  very  early  period  ;  but  sprinkling 
with  holy  tvater  was  not  introduced  till  the  ninth  century.  The  custom 
of  lighting  candles  in  churches  is  of  very  ancient  date  ;  that  of  burning 
incense  originated  late  in  the  fourth  century.  Before  that  period,  it  was 
supposed  to  attract  evil  spirits  who  fed  upon  the  incense,  although 
afterwards  it  was  represented  as  the  most  potent  means  of  exorcising 
them.  The  practice  of  consecrating  churches,  and  of  holding  an  annual 
festival  in  commemoration  of  it,  is  mentioned  in  the  writings  of  Euse- 
bius  {eyxMvCuv  toptai).  At  the  time  of  Ambrose,  the  possession  of 
some  relic  was  a  necessary  condition  for  this  coremonv. 
20 


236        SECTION   I. —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 


§60.   PLACES  OF  WORSHIP  AND  WORKS   OF   ART. 

CoMP.  C.  Schnaase,  Qesch.  d.  biklenden  Kiinste  (Hist,  of  Art).  DUs- 
seld.  1844.  3  vols. — Fr.  Kughr,  Ilandb.  d.  Kuast-Gesch.  3d  ed.  Stuttg. 
1855. — BeUermann,  M'dnter,  and  Kinhel  (?  35). — L.  StiegUtz,  Gesch.  d. 
Baukunst  (Hist,  of  Archit.).  2d  ed.  Nurnb.  1837.— i^/-.  Kughr,  Gesch. 
d.  Baukunst.  Stuttg.  1855. — /.  Kreuser,  d.  chr.  Kirclienbau,  Bonn  1851. 
2  vols. — A.  H.  Springer,  die  Baukunst  d.  chi-.  M.  A.  (Arch,  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages).  Bonn  1854. — C.  Schiller,  Ueberblickd.Eutwickelungsgangcs 
d.  Kirchenarchit.  (Survey  of  the  Progress  of  Develop,  in  Eccl.  Arch.). 
Braunsch.  1856. — Fr.  Kugler,  Handb.  d.  Gesch.  d.  Malerei  (Mem.  of 
the  Hist,  of  Paint.).  2d  ed.  Berl.  1847.— iV.  Sorg,  Gesch.  d.  chr.  Malerei, 
Regensb.  1853. — F.  Laib  u.  /.  Schwarz,  Studien  u.  d.  Gesch.  d.  christl. 
Altars.     Stuttg.  1858.     4to. 

The  form  in  which  heathen  temples  —  destined  only  to  hold 
the  statues  of  the  gods  —  were  constructed,  was  in  every  respect 
unsuited  to  the  purposes  of  Christian  churches.  But  the  fo7-ensic 
basilica,  or  public  market,  and  judgment  hall  of  the  Romans 
afforded  an  excellent  model  for  church  architecture.  Not  only 
might  their  form  (with  some  modifications)  be  adopted,  but  even 
their  name,  provided  it  were  understood  as  applying  to  Christ, 
the  eternal  King.  In  later  church  edifices  the  Byzantine  cupola 
was  often  substituted  for  the  flat  roofs  of  basilicas. 

1.  The  basilica  presented  the  general  appearance  of  an  elongated 
quadrangle,  running  from  east  to  west  longitudinally  divided  by  colon- 
nades into  three  spaces  or  naves,  but  so  that  the  middle  nave  was  at 
least  twice  as  broad  as  cither  of  the  side  naves.  The  central  nave  ter- 
minated in  a  semicircular  niche  [xoyxr;,  d-^^i,  concha,  absida),  which 
bulged  out  from  the  eastern  or  narrow  back  -wall.  This  niche  was 
separated  from  the  central  nave  by  a  kind  of  railing  {xvyx^^8si;,  can- 
celli)  and  a  curtain  [xatartitaai^a,  velum),  and  was  also  called  jiij/xa, 
(from  jSau'io),  because  it  was  a  few  steps  elevated  above  the  central  nave. 
Since  the  fifth  century  the  pillars  of  the  navcAvere  not  continued  to  the 
eastern  wall.  Thus  a  vertical  nave  was  formed,  which  was  also  raised 
and  connected  with  the  jS-ijiua.  This  vertical  nave,  the  central  nave, 
and  the  niche  at  the  eastern  end,  gave  to  the  ground-plan  of  the  church 
the  significant  appearance  of  a  cross.  At  the  entrance,  to  the  east, 
there  was  a  vestibule  which  ran  along  the  entire  breadth  of  the  naves. 
The  church  consisted,  therefore,  of  three  divisions.  The  Bema  was 
allotted  to  the  clergy.  Close  by  tlie  wall,  and  in  the  deepest  recess  of 
the  niche,  stood  the  elevated  seat  of  the  1)ishop  (^povoj,  cathedra).  On 
eitlier  side  of  it  were  the  lower  seats  (crvi'^pojot)  of  the  presbyters,  while 
the  altar  itself  occupied  the  centre  of  the  niche  or  stood  immediately 


CHURCHES     AND    WORKS    OF    ART.  237 

in  front  of  it.  The  bema  was  also  called  ayior,  aSvtov,  Itpa-tuov,  sacra- 
rium,  sanctuarium,  from  its  being  occupied  by  the  clergy  and  by  the 
altar  ; — the  name  of  Choir  appears  only  in  the  middle  ages.  The  bones 
of  martyrs  were  commonly  kept  in  a  subterranean  crypt  underneath 
the  apsis  or  bema  (the  so-called  memoria,  confessio).  —  The  baptized 
laity  assembled  in  the  threefold  —  in  rare  cases,  fivefold  —  nave,  of 
which  the  name  was  partly  derived  from  its  oblomg  shape,  but  chiefly 
from  the  symbolical  connection  between  a  ship  and  the  church.  The 
worshippers  were  arranged  according  to  sex,  age,  and  rank.  In  the 
East  a  separate  and  elevated  space  along  the  naves  (t'rtfpwa)  was  allo- 
cated to  females.  In  the  central  nave  and  near  the  chancel  stood  the 
reading-desk  or  Ambon. — The  Vestibule  (rtpdwoj,  vestibulum) — called 
also  the  j-ap^j/t  or  ferula,  from  its  elongated  form — was  allotted  to  cate- 
chumens or  penitents.  In  the  space  before  the  vestibule  (ai^piov,  av%^, 
atrium,  area,  which  was  not  roofed  till  a  later  period  of  history)  a 
basin  was  placed  for  washing  the  hands.  The  vestibule  and  side-naves 
rose  only  to  the  height  of  the  columns  ;  they  were  shut  in  by  ceiled 
woodwork,  and  covered  with  a  simple,  sloping  roof.  But  the  central 
and  the  cross  naves  were  carried  up  by  walls  which  rested  upon  the 
columns,  and  i*ose  far  above  the  side-roofs.  They  were  covered  with  a 
bilateral  obtuse-angled  roof,  sloping  down  towards  the  side-naves.  The 
columns  were  joined  together  by  arches,  to  render  them  sufficiently 
strong  to  support  the  wall  resting  on  them.  The  walls  of  the  central 
and  of  the  vertical  nave,  which  rose  above  the  side-roofs,  were  pierced 
by  windows. — The  ground-plan  of  the  basilica  still  remained  the  same 
as  before ;  but  above  the  central  nave  of  the  church,  uj^on  immense 
pillars  connected  together  by  arches,  the  principal  cupola  rose  like  a 
firmament,  often  to  a  stupendous  height, — a  number  of  smaller  or  semi- 
cupolas  being  generally  connected  with  it.  The  great  Church  of  St. 
Sophia  at  Constantinople  presented  the  most  magnificent  specimen  of 
this  style  of  architecture.  It  was  so  magnificent  that,  Mdien  it  was 
completed  (537),  Justinian  I.  exclaimed:  Nivuxrixd  as  SaXo^wj'. 

2.  Several  Side-Buildings  (ilsSpat)  stood  within  the  wall  that  enclosed 
the  principal  ecclesiastical  edifice,  and  were  connected  with  it.  Of 
these  the  baptistries  {jSarifiOTfripiv,  ^oinoT'^pia,  xoxvfi3r;^pa,  piscina,  John 
V.  2;  ix.  7)  were  the  most  important.  After  the  model  of  the  Roman 
baths,  they  were  built  in  the  shape  of  a  rotunda ;  the  baptismal  basin 
stood  in  the  middle,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  colonnade.  Frequently 
a  large  antechamber  was  provided,  in  which  the  catechumens  were 
wont  to  receive  religious  instruction.  When  infant-baptism  became 
general,  separate  baptistries  were  no  longer  necessary,  and  instead  of 
them  stone  fonts  were  placed  in  the  churches  (towards  the  north,  at 
the  principal  entrance).  In  large  churches,  the  treasures,  vessels, 
robes,  books,  archives,  etc.,  were  kept  in  separate  buildings.  The 
rtT'wjjoT'poijjf ta,  opifafofpo^f la,  yrjpoxQfi.e(,a,  jSpt^orpo^fto  (foundling  hospitals), 
voaoxojxtia,  ^ivoboxna,  were  buildings  used  for  charitable  purposes.    The 


238  SECTION   I. — SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

hurying-pJace  {xoifx'/^tr^i^iov ,  cimeterium,  dormitorium,  area)  -was  also 
commoniy -within  the  wall  enclosing  the  church.  When  bells  came  into 
use,  towers  were  reared  beside  [)iot  on)  the  churches,  frequently  even 
apart  from  them. 

3.  Ecclesiastical  Furniture. — The  principal  object  in  the  church  was 
the  altar,  which,  since  the  fifth  century,  was  generally  constructed  of 
fftone,  plated  with  silver  or  gold.  Behind  the  altar,  which  was  open 
on  all  sides,  stood  the  officiating  priest  facing  the  congregation.  In 
the  West,  the  introduction  of  "missae  solitari^e"  rendered  it  necessary 
to  have  more  than  one  altar  in  a  church  ;  in  the  Greek  Church  this 
was  prohibited.  Portable  altars  (for  missionaries,  during  war,  etc.) 
came  in  use,  when  it  began  to  be  deemed  necessary  to  have  the  altar 
consecrated.  For  this  purpose  the  Latins  used  a  consecrated  stone  slab, 
the  Greeks  a  consecrated  altar-cloth  [avfiixrivaiov).  This  altar-cloth  (palla) 
was  regarded  as  essential,  and  the  "  denudatio  altaris"  as  a  sinful 
desecration.  On  liturgical  grounds  the  "palla"  was  removed  on  the 
Friday  and  Saturday  of  the  High  Week.  Different  from  this  cloth  was 
the  corporale  used  for  covering  the  oblations.  Upon  the  altar  stood 
the  ciborium,  a  canopy  resting  on  four  pillars,  to  which,  by  golden 
chainlets,  a  dove-shaped  vessel  was  attached,  which  contained  the  con- 
secrated elements  used  in  administering  the  communion  to  the  sick. 
At  a  later  period  the  "ciborium"  was  replaced  by  the  tower-shaped 
tahernacnlum.  The  thurihulum  was  used  for  burning  incense,  the  cru- 
cijixes  (cruces,  stationarii)  and  banners  (vexilla)  in  processions.  Seats 
for  the  people  were  ranged  in  the  nave,  but  not  in  the  narthex  or  vesti- 
bule. The  reading-desk  (pulpitum,  aj.i^<^v  from  dvajSatVco)  stood  in  the 
central  nave  near  the  chancel.  Tradition  designates  Paidinus,  Bishop 
of  Nola  in  Campania  [ob.  431),  or  else  Pope  Subiniamis  {ob.  G05),  as 
the  inventor  of  bells  (Noise,  campanse,  campanula  —  so  called  because 
made  of  Campanian  brass,  which  was  considered  the  best).  Bells 
were  introduced  in  the  West  in  the  seventh,  and  in  the  East  in  the 
ninth  century.  Before  that  the  hours  of  worship  were  announced  first 
by  cursor es  (  dmSpo^ot ),  then  by  the  sound  of  trumpets,  or  by  loud 
knocking  on  boards,  etc. 

4.  The  Fine  Aj'ts.  —  According  to  the  rules  of  the  Greek  Church, 
only  the  face,  the  hands,  and  the  feet  were  allowed  to  be  represented 
naked  ;  but  this  restriction  applied  not  to  the  West.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  compensate  by  bright  colouring,  precious  materials,  and  gor- 
geous costumes  for  the  manifest  want  of  artistic  taste.  From  the 
dxovii  d;i:;f  iportot'jjTot  artists  copied  the  stereotyped  features  in  their  repre- 
sentations of  Christ,  of  the  Virgin,  and  of  the  Saints.  The  nimbus  or 
halo  (in  the  form  of  rays,  of  a  diadem,  or  of  a  circle)  was  first  intro- 
duced in  the  pictures  of  the  Saviour.  Fresco  painting  was  principally 
used  for  adorning  the  catacombs  (fourth  to  sixth  cent.).  Mosaic  painting 
(Musivum,  xt^oiirparta)  for  decorating  the  level  walls  of  the  basilicoe, 


LIFE,    DISCIPLINE,   AND    MANNERS.  239 

the  cupolas  and  niches.  Liturgical  books  were  illustrated  hjminiahire 
paintings.  These  different  styles  of  painting  were  stiff  and  unnatural, 
although  elevated,  majestic,  and  unimpassioned  in  their  character. — 
The  ancient  Church  regarded  statuary  as  too  heathenish  and  sensuous 
for  religious  purposes ;  and  the  Greek  Church  ultimately  prohibited 
its  use  in  churches,  excluding  even  crucifixes.  But  in  the  West  this 
objection  was  not  entertained,  although  even  there  Christian  statues 
were  of  rare  occurrence.  Less  scruple  seems  to  have  been  felt  in  regard 
to  bas-reliefs  and  haut-reliefs  (dmy^u^at),  especially  in  sarcophagi  and 
in  ecclesiastical  vessels. 

g  Gl.  LIFE,   DISCIPLINE,   AND   MANNERS. 

CoMP.  C.  Schmidt  (?  36). 

When  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the  State,  a  large 
number  of  unconverted  and  worldly  persons  made  a  profession  of 
Christianity  for  the  sake  of  the  temporal  advantages  which  it 
entailed.  This  influx  of  the  world  into  the  Church  necessarily 
exercised  a  most  detrimental  influence  ;  and  the  earnestness, 
power,  devotedness,  and  purity,  by  which  the  ancient  heathen 
world  had  been  conquered,  greatly  declined  in  consequence.  The 
world  and  the  Church  became  more  assimilated  and  conformed 
to  one  another  ;  discipline  became  lax  and  powerless ;  and  the 
general  decline  of  public  morals  made  rapid  progress.  The  hot 
discussions,  the  dissensions,  and  divisions  among  the  bishops  and 
the  clergy,  led  to  corresponding  eff'ects  among  the  people.  Party 
spirit  and  bitterness  characterized  the  adherents  of  diffei'cnt 
views;  the  demoralization  of  the  court  exercised  its  pernicious 
influence  on  the  capital  and  the  provinces  ;  while  the  ini'oads  of 
the  barbarians  increased  the  general  decay.  Even  in  the  case 
of  those  who  sought  other  than  merely  earthly  things,  work- 
righteousnegs  and  bigotry  too  often  took  the  place  of  genuine 
piety  ;  while  the  great  mass  consoled  themselves  with  the  idea 
that  everybody  could  not  be  a  monk.  But,  despite  all  this,  the 
Gospel  still  acted  as  a  leaven  on  the  community.  Already  had  its 
spirit  penetrated  not  only  public  life,  the  administration  of  justice 
and  legislation,  but  also  family  life  and  popular  customs.  The 
claims  of  humanity  and  the  rights  of  men  were  acknowledged  ; 
slavery  became  more  and  more  restricted  ;  gladiatorial  games  or 
immoral  spectacles  ceased  ;  the  contracting  influences  of  national 
selfishness  gave  way  to  higher  motives  and  views.  Polygamy 
was  interdicted  ;  the  sanctity  of  marriage  was  preserved  ;  woman 
20* 


240        SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

came  to  occupy  her  proper  place ;  and  the  vices  of  ancient  hea- 
thenism were  at  least  no  longer  regarded  as  the  healthy  and 
natural  conditions  of  public  life.  Even  those  who,  with  the  out- 
ward profession  of  Christianity,  remained  heathen  in  mind  and 
heart,  were  obliged  to  conform  to  the  practices  and  demands  of 
the'  Church,  and  to  submit  to  its  discipline  and  customs.  If  the 
more  gloomy  aspects  of  this  age  are  sufficiently  appalling,  brighter 
sides  were  not  wanting,  nor  elevated  souls,  who  with  genuine 
piety  combined  deep  moral  earnestness  and  self-denial. 

1.  Ecclesiastical  Discipline. — (Comp.  /.  Mo7nmis  (Rom.  Cath.),  Comm. 
hist,  de  disc,  in  Admin.  Sacr.  Poenit.  Paris  1651.  —  H.  Klee  (Rom. 
Cath.),  d.  Beichte.  Hist.  krit.  Unters.  (Confession,  a  Hist,  and  Crit. 
Inq.).  Frkf.  1828. — J.  Stdudlin,  Beleucht.  d.  Buches  von  Klee  (Crit.  of 
the  Works  of  Klee).  Leipz.  1830. —  G.  E.  Steitz,  d.  rom.  Busssacram. 
(The  Rom.  Sacr.  of  Pen.).  Frkf.  1854.)  —  Ecclesiastical  discipline,  or 
excommunication  with  its  four  stages  through  which  penitents  had  to 
pass  (^  36,  2),  was  only  exercised  towards  those  who  were  guilty  of 
open  sins  which  had  occasioned  general  scandal.  To  remedy  this 
defect,  it  was,  even  in  the  third  century,  the  custom  to  appoint  a 
s^QCvel  priest  for  penance  (jtpso^vT'fpoj  im  trji  fiitavoia;,  presb.  poeniten- 
tiarius),  whose  duty  it  was  to  direct  the  exercises  of  penitents  guilty 
of  secret  sins,  which  they  voluntarily  confessed  to  him  under  the  seal 
of  seci-ecy.  But  when  (391)  a  female  penitent  of  this  class  was  seduced 
by  a  deacon  of  the  Church  of  Constantinople,  the  Patriarch  I\xcfarius 
abolished  the  office.  The  practice  continued,  however,  in  the  West, 
till  Leo  the  Great  introduced  such  changes  in  the  mode  of  dealing  with 
penitents,  that  in  the  Western  Church  also  the  office  of  penance-priest 
ceased  to  be  of  importance.  He  prohibited  bishops  from  demanding 
public  confession  for  secret  sins,  and,  in  place  of  it,  introduced  private 
confession,  which  every  priest  was  entitled  to  hear.  Even  Jerome  still 
denounced  as  a  piece  of  pharisaical  arrogance  the  assumption,  that 
the  power  of  the  keys  (Matt.  xvi.  19)  implied  any  judicial  authority; 
and  although  Leo  the  Great  already  regarded  it  as  of  Divine  arrange- 
ment, "  ut  indulgentia  Del  nisi  siipplicationihxis  sacerdotiim  nequeat 
obtinerl,"  and  guaranteed  their  efficacy,  he  does  not  venture  to  claim 
any  judicial  power  for  the  Church.  Besides,  the  private  confession 
which  he  introduced  was  merely  designed  for  those  mortal  sins  which, 
having  been  publicly  committed,  would,  according  to  former  canons, 
have  required  public  penance. — But  the  practice  of  private  confession, 
as  a  regular  and  necessary  preparation  for  the  communion,  was  wholly 
unknown  at  that  period.  —  The  so-called  "  libelli  posnltentlales  "  indi- 
cated the  manner  of  dealing  with  penitents,  and  the  taxes  payable  in 
each  case.  The  oldest  of  these  compositions,  so  far  as  the  Greek 
Church  is  concerned,  was  compiled  by  Johannes  Jejunator,  Patriarch  of 


LIFE,    DISCIPLINE,    AND     MANNERS.  241 

Constantinople  (o&.  595),  and  bore  the  title,  'AxoT^ov^ca  xal  faltj  crti  f  wv 
i^ofioTioyov/xii'iov . 

2.  Christian  Marriage.  —  The  excessive  value  attached  to  virginity 
led  to  lovr  views  of  marriage.  These  were  in  some  measure  counter- 
b.alanced  by  the  notion  tliat,  by  priestly  consecration,  marriage  became 
a  sacrament  (|  58)  — an  idea  which  was  fully  developed  and  obtained 
ecclesiastical  sanction  during  the  middle  ages.  The  State  regarded 
marriage  between  a  free  person  and  a  slave  as  merely  concubinage ; 
but  the  Church  acknowledged  the  validity  of  such  unions.  Not  only 
consanguinity  and  affinity  (through  marriage),  but  adoption  into  a 
family,  and  even  the  spiritual  relationship  with  god-parents  through 
baptism  or  confirmation  (^  58,  1),  were  considered  valid  impediments 
to  marriage.  Augustine  sanctioned  the  marriage  of  cousins;  Gregory 
the  Great  interdicted  it  on  physiological  grounds,  and  only  allowed 
marriage  in  the  third  or  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity.  Gradually 
this  prohibition  was  extended  even  to  the  seventh  degree,  till,  in  1216, 
Innocent  III.  again  limited  it  to  relationship  in  the  fourth  degree. 
Mixed  marriages  (with  heathens,  Jews,  heretics)  were  held  sufficient 
ground  for  penance ;  the  second  Trullan  Council  (692)  entirely  pro- 
hibited them.  Second  marriages  were  not  prohibited,  though  they 
were  visited  with  penance  for  one  or  two  years ;  but  many  canonists 
regarded  a  third  or  a  fourth  marriage  as  entirely  invalid.  Adultery 
was  universally  admitted  as  forming  a  sufficient  ground  for  divorce ; 
many  divines  ranked  unnatural  lusts,  murder,  and  apostasy  in  the 
same  category.  In  416  the  Council  of  Mileve  (in  Africa)  interdicted 
persons  who  had  been  divorced — even  the  innocent  party — from  again 
marrying  ;  and  Pope  Innocent  I.  gave  to  this  prohibition  the  character 
of  a  general  law.  Former  scruples  about  heathenish  customs  at  mar- 
riages (I  36,  1)  —  such  as  the  use  of  a  marriage-ring,  the  veiling  of 
brides,  the  wearing  of  garlands,  carrying  of  torches,  having  bridesmen 
or  Tiapavvn^oi,  —  were  no  longer  entertained. 

3.  Sickness,  Death,  and  Burial.  —  The  practice  of  anointing  the 
sick  (Mark  vi.  13  ;  James  v.  14),  as  a  means  of  miraculous  bodily  cure, 
prevailed  so  late  as  the  fifth  century.  In  a  decretal  dating  from  the 
year  416,  Innocent  I.  first  represented  this  custom  as  a  sacrament 
intended  for  the  spiritual  benefit  of  the  sick.  But  centuries  intervened 
before  it  was  generally  introduced  as  the  sacrament  of  extreme  unction 
(unctio  infirmorum,  unctio  extrema,  ivxt'Ka.iov) .  We  meet  with  the 
first  evidence  in  favour  of  it  in  the  eighth  century.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  Areopagite  numbers  the  anointing 
of  the  dead  among  the  sacraments  (§  58).  The  practice  of  closing  the 
eyes  of  the  dead,  was  intended  to  convey  the  idea  of  sleep  in  the  hope 
of  a  blessed  awakening.  The  fraternal  kiss  betokened  that  Christian 
communion  lasted  beyond  the  grave ;  but  the  practice  of  decorating 
the  head  with  a  garland,  in  token  of  victory,  was  not  in  general  use. 

21  Q 


242        SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

Synods  had  repeatedly  to  prohibit  the  custom  of  pouring  the  conse- 
crated elements  into  the  mouth  of  dead  persons,  or  of  laying  them  in 
the  coffin  ;  violent  outbursts  of  grief,  the  rending  of  garments,  putting 
on  of  sackcloth  and  ashes,  the  employment  of  mourning  women,  the 
carrying  of  cypress  branches,  etc.,  were  considered  as  heathen  customs, 
implying  that  those  left  behind  had  not  learned  to  cherish  the  hope 
of  immortality.  Similarly,  burial  feasts  celebrated  at  night  were  dis- 
approved, although  it  was  customary,  by  daylight,  to  carry  torches, 
lamps,  and  palm  or  olive  branches  in  the  funeral  procession.  Julian 
and  the  Vandals  interdicted  this  practice.  During  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries  the  catacombs  were  the  favourite  place  of  bui-ial;  where  these 
were  wanting,  special  cemeteries  were  set  apart,  generally  in  the 
A'icinity  of  churches  (|  60,  2).  Emperors  and  bishops  alone  enjoyed 
the  privilege  of  being  buried  in  churches.  In  the  fourth  century 
agapes  and  the  Eucharist  were  still  celebrated  at  the  grave.  After- 
wards motirning  /easts  were  substituted  for  these  solemnities,  which 
were  gradually  discontinued  on  account  of  the  abuses  to  which  they 
led.  The  rites  of  burial  closed  with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  priestly 
benediction. 

^  02.  HERETICAL  REFORMERS. 

CoMP.  Walcli,  Ketzerhist.  Vol.  III. ;  Dr.  Gilly,  Vigilantius  and  hia 
Times.     London  184:4. 

In  the  fourth  century  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  prevailing 
ecclesiastical  views  and  tendencies  sprung  up.  At  first  it  was 
neither  general,  sustained,  lasting  in  its  consequences,  nor  even 
healthy.  While  contending  against  the  worldly  spirit  that  had 
intruded  into  the  Church,  some  fell  into  the  opposite  extreme  of 
fanatical  severity  ;  while  others,  in  their  protest  against  real  or 
supposed  superstition  and  work-righteousness,  occasionally  ended 
in  cold  rationalism.  The  former  remark  applies  more  especially 
to  the  Donatist  (§  63),  and  to  the  sect  of  the  Audians,  founded 
in  340  by  Udo  or  Audius,  a  layman  from  Syria,  who,  on  the 
ground  that  the  Church  and  its  ministers  should  return  to  apos- 
tolic poverty  and  humility,  abstained  from  all  fellowship  with  the 
'  members  of  the  degenerate  Church.  Audius  entertained  also 
grossly  anthropomorphistic  views,  and  shared  the  opinions  of  the 
Quartodecimani.  Another  sect  of  the  same  class,  the  Apos- 
TOLici,  in  Asia  Minor,  declared  marriage  and  property  to  be 
sinful.  In  the  opposite  class  of  more  rationalistic  opponents  to 
ecclesiastical  notions,  we  reckon  the  Antidicomarianites  in 
Arabia,  Helvidius  of  Rome  (380),  and  Bonosus,  Bishop  of 
Sardica  (390),  who  all  opposed  the  "perpetua  virginitas"  of 


SCHISMS.  243 

Mary  (§  57,  2).  Aerius,  a  presbyter  of  Sebaste  in  Armenia, 
was  the  first,  in  360,  to  protest  against  the  false  estimate  placed 
on  good  works.  He  disapproved  of  prayers  and  oblations  for 
the  dead,  controverted  the  obligation  and  the  meritoriousness  of 
fasts,  and  denied  that  bishops  were  of  superior  rank  to  presbyters. 
For  these  opinions  he  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Eustathius,  his 
bishop  (§  44,  5).  Persecuted  from  place  to  place,  his  adherents 
sought  refuge  in  caves  and  woods.  Substantially  similar  were 
the  views  of  Jovinian,  a  monk  of  Rome,  who  in  389  opposed, 
in  a  systematic  manner  and  on  dogmatic  grounds,  the  eccle- 
siastical system  of  his  time,  especially  monasticism,  asceticism, 
celibacy,  and  fasts.  Sarmatio  and  Barhatianus,  two  monks  of 
Milan  (about  396)  —  perhaps  pupils  of  Jovinian  —  shared  his 
views.  The  opposition  of  Vigilantius  (400)  to  the  worship  of 
relics,  the  invocation  of  saints,  miracle-mongering,  vigils,  the 
celibacy  of  priests,  and  the  prevailing  externalism  in  religion 
generally,  was  so  violent  as  to  pass  all  bounds  of  prudence  and 
moderation.  The  Church  resisted  with  equal  violence  and 
passion.  Ejnplianius  wrote  against  the  Audians,  the  Apos- 
tolici,  the  Antidicomarianites,  and  the  Aerians ;  Ambrose  refuted 
Bonosus  and  the  followers  of  Jovinian  ;  Jerome  poured  a  torrent 
of  the  bitterest  invective  upon  Helvidius,  Jovinian,  "Vigilantius  ; 
Augustine  alone  showed  a  more  becoming  spirit  in  opposing  the 
tendencies  of  Jovinian,  which  in  their  ultimate  conclusions 
pointed  in  the  same  direction  as  his  own  views  about  the  doctrine 
of  grace, 

2  63.  SCHISMS. 

The  Novatian  and  the  lleletian  (Egyptian)  schisms  (§  38,  3,  4) 
continued  even  at  this  period.  In  connection  with  the  Arian 
controversy  three  other  schisms  occurred  in  the  orthodox  Church, 
among  which  the  Meletian  schism  in  Antioch  was  the  most  im- 
portant. But  by  far  the  most  extensive  and  dangerous  was  the 
Dnnatist  schism  in  Northern  Africa.  On  the  Johnite  schism  in 
Constantinople,  comp.  §  51,  3.  During  this  period  the  frequent 
divergences  in  doctrine  (§  50,  7),  government  (§  46),  worship 
(§  55),  and  discipline  between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western 
Church,  proved  fuel  for  the  subsequent  conflagration  (§  67). 
Thus  the  imperial  device  for  bringing  about  a  union  between 
those  who  took  different  sides  in  the  Monophysite  controversy 
led  to  a  schism  between  the  East  and  the  West,  which  lasted  for 


244       SECTION    I.  —  SECOND    PERIOD    (;!23— 692  A.  D.)  . 

thirty-five  years  (§  52,  5) ;  while  want  of  firmness  on  the  part  of 
Pope  Vigilius  divided  the  West  for  fifty  years  into  two  parties 
(§  52,  6).  The  schism  between  the  East  and  the  West,  occa- 
sioned by  the  Monothelete  nnion  (§  52,  8),  was  not  of  long  con- 
tinuance. But  soon  afterwards  tlie  great  schism  between  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Churches  commenced.  The  fifth  and  the 
sixtli  (Ecumenical  Councils  had  not  entered  on  questions  con- 
nected with  church  government,  worship,  or  discipline.  This 
omission  was  supplied  by  the  Second  TruUan  Council,  held  at 
Constantinople  in  692,  which  on  that  account  was  called  the  Con- 
cilium quinisextum.  Some  of  the  canons  of  this  Synod  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  later  incurable  and  pernicious  disruption  in  the 
Catholic  Church. 

1.  Schisms  in  Conseqiience  of  the  Aricm  Controversy.  I.  The  Meletian 
Schism  at  Antioch  (361-413).  —  In  360  the  Arians  of  Antioch  chose 
Meletiiis  of  Sebaste,  formerly  an  Eusebian,  but  afterwards  an  adherent 
of  the  Nicene  Confession,  their  bishop.  But  his  inaugural  discourse 
convinced  them  of  their  mistake  about  his  views,  and  they  deposed  him 
after  the  lapse  of  only  a  fcAv  days.  Meletius  was  next  chosen  bishop 
of  the  horaoousian  congregation  at  Antioch.  The  ajjpointment  of  one 
who  had  been  an  Arian  was,  however,  resisted  by  a  part  of  the  people, 
headed  by  Paulinus,  a  presbyter.  Athanasius  and  the  Synod  of 
Alexandria,  a.  d.  362  (§  50,  4),  used  every  influence  to  heal  this  schism. 
But  Lucifer  of  Calaris,  whom  the  Synod  for  this  purpose  deputed  to 
Antioch,  took  the  part  of  the  opposition,  and  ordained  Paulinus  counter- 
bishop.  The  schism  was  only  healed  when,  in  413,  Alexander,  the 
Meletian  bishop,  an  excellent  man,  resigned  of  his  own  accord,  in  order 
to  restore  harmony.  —  II.  On  his  return  to  Alexandria,  Lucifer  pro- 
tested against  any  recognition  of  those  Arians  and  semi-Arians  who 
had  renounced  their  errors.  lie  founded  a  sect  called  the  Luciferites, 
which  entertained  the  views  about  ecclesiastical  purity  formerly  ad- 
vocated by  Novatian.  The  party  continued  till  the  fifth  century. 
(Comp.  Uieroni/m.  dial.  adv.  Luciferit.  —  III.).  The  schism  of  Dama- 
sus  AND  Ursinus  at  Rome  was  occasioned  by  the  unfaithfulness  of 
Liherins,  Bishop  of  Rome  (|  50,  2,  3),  in  consequence  of  whose  conduct 
a  small  number  of  steady  adherents  of  the  Nicene  Creed  at  Rome 
separ.ited  from  the  Church.  At  the  death  of  Liberius  (366),  they  chose 
Vrsimis  as  his  successor;  while  the  other  party  elected  Damasus.  The 
latter  laid  siege  to  the  church  of  Ursinus,  and  137  dead  bodies  covered 
its  precincts  before  it  could  be  taken.  Valentinian  L  banished  Ursinus  ; 
and  Gratian  even  published  an  edict  which  constituted  Damasus  both 
a  party  and  a  judge,  in  adjudicating  upon  all  the  bishops  implicated 
in  this  schism. 


SCHISMS.  245 

2.  The  Bonatist  Schism  (311-415).— (Coup.  F.  Fibbeclc,  Donatus  u. 
Aug.  Elberf.  1858).  — Montanist  views  were  still  widely  entertained  in 
Nofth  Africa.     Accordingly,  when  the  Diocletian   persecution  broke 
out,  many  came  forward,  needlessly  and  of  their  own  accord,  to  seek 
the  honour  of  martyrdom.    Mcnsiirius,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  and  CcEcili- 
anns,  his  archdeacon,  were  opposed  to  this  species  of  fanaticism.    "When 
asked  to  deliver  up  the  sacred  writings,  they  had  in  their  stead  handed 
to  the  magistrates  some  heretical   tractates.     This   sufficed   for  their 
opponents  to  denounce  them  as  traditores.     When  Mensiirius  died  in 
311,  his  party  chose  Ca3cilian  his  successor,  and,  to  foil  the  intrigues 
of  their  opponents,  had  him  hurriedly  consecrated  by  Felix,  Bishop  of 
Aptanga.     Nothing  daunted,  the  other  party,  which  was  headed  by 
Lucilla,  a  wealthy  and  bigoted  widow,  denounced  Felix  as  a  traditor, 
and  on  that  ground   declared  the   consecration   invalid,   and  elected 
Majorinus,  a  lector,  counter-bishop.     Soon   afterwards    (in  313)    this 
office  devolved  on  Donalvs,  whom  his  adherents  have  called  the  Great, 
—  a  man  of  undoubted  energy.     From  Carthage  the  schism  gradually 
spread  over  North  Africa.     The  peasants,  Avho  were  burdened  with 
excessive  taxation  and  heavy  socage,  took  the  part  of  the  Donatists. 
From  the  first,  Constantine  the  Great  declared  against  the  Donatists. 
To  their  complaints  the  Emperor  replied  by  committing  the  investiga- 
tion of  this  controversy  both  to  a  clerical  commission  at  Rome  (313), 
under  the  presidency  of  Melchiades,  Bishop  of  that  see,   and  to  the 
Synod  of  Aries  (314).     The  decision  of  these  two  bodies  was  equally 
unfavourable  to  the  Donatists,  who  appealed  from  them  to  the  Emperor 
personally.     The  case  was  heard  at  Milan,  after  which   Constantine 
confirmed   the   finding   of    the    Synod    (316).     These   decisions   were 
followed  by  severe  measures  (such  as  depriving  them  of  churches), 
which,  however,  only  served  to  increase  their  fanaticism.    Milder  means 
proved  equally  inefi'ectual.     Under  the  reign  of  Constans  affairs  took  a 
more  serious  turn.     Fanatical  ascetics,  belonging  to  the  dregs  of  the 
population,  took  the  name  of  "  milites  Christi,"  "Agonistici,"  and  went 
begging  about  the  country  [cii-cumcelliones),  exciting  the  peasants  to 
revolt,    preaching   liberty   and    fraternity,    and    committing   pillage, 
murder,  and  incendiarism.     The  religious  movement  had  now  assumed 
the  appearance  of  a  political  rising.     While  an  imperial  army  sup- 
pressed this  rebellion,  pecuniary  relief  from  the  imperial  treasury  was 
offered  to  those  Donatists  who  were  suffering  from  extreme  want.    But 
Donatus  rejected  the  money  with  scorn,  and  the  rebellion  broke  out 
anew.     Very  severe  measures  were  then  adopted  against  the  rebels, 
and  every  Donatist  church  was  closed  or  taken  away.     Under  the  reign 
of  Julian,  these  churches  were  restored  to  their  former  owners,  and  the 
bishops  who  had  been  banished  were  recalled.     The  Donati>)ts  were 
now  allowed  to  retaliate,  as  opportunity  offered,  upon  the  Catholics. 
But  the  successors  of  Julian  again  enacted  severe  laws  against  the 
sectaries,    who   had   meantime    split   into   several   parties.      Optatus, 
21  * 


246         SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (323— 692  A.  D.). 

Bishop  of  Mileve,  wrote  against  them,  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth 
century,  a  tractate :  De  schismatc  Donatistarum.  After  a.  400,  Augus- 
tine was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavours  to  heal  this  schism,  and  the 
Donatists  were  invited  to  return  into  the  Church  on  very  gentle  terms. 
The  circumstance  that  many  of  the  more  moderate  closed  with  these 
overtures,  only  increased  the  fanaticism  of  the  others.  They  refused 
the  repeated  offer  of  Augustine  to  meet  them  in  public  discussion.  At 
first  Augustine  had  maintained  that  any  constraint  in  matters  of  belief 
was  improper.  But  their  unyielding  stubbornness,  and  the  dangerous 
tendency  of  their  fanaticism,  at  last  induced  him  so  far  to  modify  his 
opinion  about  the  unlawfulness  of  constraint  in  matters  of  belief,  as  to. 
declare  that  even  force  might  be  employed  to  restore  these  wanderers 
to  the  Church  and  to  salvation  ("cogite  intrare.'^  Luke  xiv.  23).  A 
synod,  held  at  Carthage  in  405,  applied  to  the  Emperor  Honorius  to 
take  measures  against  those  who  continued  their  obstinate  resistance. 
Accordingly,  fines  were  imposed,  churches  taken  away,  and  clergymen 
exiled.  As  Augustine  still  insisted  on  a  public  discussion,  the  Donatists 
Avere  obliged  by  the  Emperor  to  accede.  The  Collatio  cum  Donalistis, 
held  at  Carthage  in  411,  lasted  for  three  days,  and  was  attended  by 
279  Donatist  and  286  Catholic  bishops.  It  was  chiefly  conducted  by 
Petilian  and  Primian,  who  were  opposed  by  Augustine  and  by  Aurelian 
of  Carthage.  The  imperial  commissioners  assigned  the  palm  to  the 
Catliolic  party.  The  Donatists  appealed  in  vain.  In  414  the  Emperor 
deprived  them  of  their  civil  rights,  and  in  415  forbade  their  religious 
meetings  under  pain  of  death.  The  Vandals,  who  conquered  Africa 
in  429,  equally  persecuted  Catholics  and  Donatists.  Their  common 
sufferings  tended  to  bring  the  two  parties  again  together.  —  The  Dona- 
tists laid  it  doAvn  as  a  fundamental  principle,  that  a  sacramental  action 
(such  as  baptism  or  ordination)  was  invalid  if  performod  by  a  person 
who  either  was,  or  deserved  to  be,  excommunicated.  Like  the  Nova- 
tians,  they  insisted  on  absolute  purity  in  the  Church,  although  they 
alloAved  that  penitents  might  be  readmitted  to  the  communion  of  the 
Church.  Their  own  churches  they  regarded  as  pure,  while  they  de- 
nounced the  Catholics  as  schismatics,  who  had  no  fellowship  with 
Christ,  and  whose  sacraments  Avere  therefore  invalid  and  null.  On 
this  ground,  they  rebaptized  their  proselytes.  The  part  which  the 
State  took  against  them,  and  the  prevailing  confusion  between  the 
visible  and  the  invisible  Church,  led  them  to  broach  the  view  that 
State  and  Church  —  the  kingdom  of  God  and  that  of  the  world  —  had 
nothing  in  common,  and  that  the  State  should  not  in  any  way  take 
notice  of  religious  questions. 

3.  As  the  Concilium  Quinisextum  in  G92  was  intended  to  be  oecu- 
menical, the  Pope  sent  legates  to  it,  who  signed  its  decrees.  But  the 
Greeks  had  not  forgotten  the  success  achieved  at  the  last  oecumenical 
council  by  the  see  of  Rome  (|  52,  8).  On  this  ground  six  decrees, 
diametrically  opposed  to  the  practice  of  Rome,  were  introduced,  along 


CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    IN    THE    EAST.  247 

"with  a  number  of  others  aji^ainst  -which  no  objection  could  be  raised. 
Thus,  1)  In  enumerating  the  authentic  sources  of  church  law,  almost 
all  the  Latin  councils  and  the  decretals  of  the  popes  were  omitted. 
The  validity  of  all  the  eighty-five  canones  apost.  was  also  acknow- 
ledged, while  the  see  of  Rome  only  admitted  that  of  the  first  fifty  ;  — 
2)  The  Romish  practice  of  insisting  on  the  celibacy  of  presbyters  and 
deacons  was  denounced  as  unwarrantable  and  inhuman.  Comp.  §  45, 
4;  —  3)  Fasting  on  Saturdays  during  Quadragesima  was  pi-ohibited. 
Comp.  g  56,  5. — 4)  The  28th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  Avhich 
settled  that  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  held  the  same  rank  with 
his  colleague  of  Rome,  was  re-enacted  (|  46)  ;  —  5)  The  Levitical  pro- 
hibition of  eating  blood  and  things  strangled  was  declared  to  apply  to 
Clu-istians  also  (contrary  to  the  views  of  the  Church  of  Rome)  ;  —  6) 
All  representations  of  Christ  under  the  figure  of  a  lamb  (Avhich  were 
quite  common  in  the  West)  were  strictly  prohibited.  —  When  Pope 
Sergiiis  forbade  the  promulgation  of  these  decrees  in  the  churches  of 
the  West,  the  Emperor  Justinian  IT.  commanded  to  seize  this  prelate, 
and  send  him  prisoner  to  Constantinople.  But  the  army  rebelled 
in  favour  of  the  Pope,  and  soon  afterwards  Justinian  himself  was 
dethroned  (695). 


VI.  THE  CHURCH  BEYOND  THE  BOUNDARIES  OF  THE 
ROMAN  EMPIRE. 

?64.   CHRISTIAN   MISSIONS   IN   THE   EAST. 

During  this  period  missionary  work  was  almost  exclusively 
carried  on  by  the  "Western  Clmvch.  Its  practical  spirit  and  aims 
specially  fitted  it  for  such  labours,  while  the  contiguity  of  the 
barbarous  nations  which  invaded  the  empire  (§76  etc.)  afforded 
ample  scope  and  opportunity  for  them.  On  the  other  hand, 
instances  of  regular  and  organized  missionary  activity  were  of 
rare  occurrence  in  the  East.  But  other  and  indirect  means  also 
offered  of  spreading  the  Gospel  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  especially  by  means  of  fugitive  Christians,  of  prisoners 
of  war,  of  political  embassies,  and  particularly  of  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  far  East  and  South.  The  anchorites, 
monks,  and  Stylites  who  had  settled  on  the  borders  of  the 
empire,  or  in  the  deserts  beyond  them,  frequently  produced  a 
deep  impression  on  the  barbarians  around,  who  flocked  to  see 
them,  and  listened  to  the  sermons  or  witnessed  the  deeds  of  these 
fantastic  saints. 
21 


248        SECTION   1.  —  SECOND   PERIOD   (323— 692  A.  D.). 

1.  The  Etiiiopic  Abyssinian  Church.  —  In  316  one  Meropius  of  Tyre, 
and  all  his  ship's  crew,  were  murdered  while  engaged  in  exploring  the 
countries  south  of  Egypt.  His  two  nephews,  Frumentius  and  Aedesius, 
alone  escaped  the  slaughter.  Having  gained  the  favour  of  the  Abys- 
sinian king,  they  were  entrusted  with  the  education  of  Aizanas,  the 
heir  to  the  crown.  Frumentius  was  afterwards  consecrated  by  Atha- 
nasius.  Bishop  of  those  countries.  Aizanas  was  baptized,  and  the 
church  rapidly  extended  from  Abyssinia  to  Ethiopia  and  Nubia.  The 
Bible  was  translated  (it  is  said  by  Frumentius)  into  the  vernacular  (the 
Geez).  This  community,  like  its  mother-church  in  Egypt,  adopted 
Monophysite  views  (§  52,  7).  Many  Jewish  and  former  customs  of  the 
country  were  retained,  such  as  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  along 
with  that  of  the  Lord's  day,  the  prohibition  of  certain  kinds  of  meat, 
and  circumcision  —  even  in  the  case  of  females. 

2.  The  Persian  Church.  —  In  Persia  the  Gospel  had  struck  root  in 
the  third  century.  During  the  fourth  century  and  after  it,  the  Church 
was  exposed  to  protracted  and  terrible  persecutions,  which  continued 
partly  through  the  intrigues  of  the  fanatical  Magi,  and  partly  in  con- 
sequence of  the  wars  between  Persia  and  the  Roman  Empire,  which, 
as  being  waged  against  a  Christian  power,  entailed  on  the  native 
Christians  suspicions  of  secret  sympathy  with  the  enemy.  The  first 
great  persecution  took  place  under  the  reign  of  Shapiir  [Sapores)  II, 
in  343.  It  lasted  for  thirty-five  years,  during  which  it  is  said  no  less 
than  16,000  priests,  monks,  and  nuns  were  executed,  while  the  number 
of  martyrs  among  the  laity  exceeded  all  computation.  This  persecu- 
tion ceased  only  a  short  time  before  the  death  of  Shapur,  when  that 
monarch  proclaimed  general  toleration.  During  a  period  of  forty  years 
rest,  the  Persian  Church  began  to  flourish  anew,  when  the  fanatical 
zeal  of  Abdas,  Bishop  of  Susa,  who  ordered  a  heathen  temple  to  be 
pulled  down  (in  418)  occasioned  a  fresh  persecution,  which  attained 
its  highest  pitch  under  the  reign  of  Behram  V.  (Varanes),  (since  420). 
For  thirty  years  the  most  cruel  modes  of  death  were  devised  against 
Christians.  At  last  the  generous  conduct  of  Acacins,  Bishop  of  Aniida 
in  Mesopotamia,  who  disposed  of  the  property  of  his  church,  and  with 
the  money  redeemed  a  number  of  Persian  prisoners  of  war,  whom  he 
sent  back  to  their  own  country,  induced  the  king  to  put  a  stop  to  this 
persecution.  When  the  Nestorians  were  expelled  from  the  Roman 
Empire  they  found  protection  and  toleration  in  Persia ;  but  in  465, 
under  the  reign  of  King  Finiz  (Pherozes),  they  instigated  another 
persecution  against  the  Catholics.  In  498  the  whole  Persian  Church 
declared  in  favour  of  Nestorianism  (|  52,  3).  From  that  period  it 
enjoyed  rest,  and  for  centuries  flourished,  giving  proof  of  its  vigour 
both  by  learned  labours  (the  School  of  Nisibis)  and  by  successful 
missionary  exertions  among  the  tribes  of  Asia.  Meantime  the  wars 
with  the  Byzantines  continued ;  and  in  616  Cosru  II.  ( Chosroes) 
penetrated  as  far  as  Chalcedon,  committing  fresh  cruelties  against  the 


CHRISTIAN     MISSIONS     IN    THE    EAST.  249 

(Oath.)  Christians  who  inhabited  the  conquered  provinces.  At  last 
the  Emperor  HeracUus  took  courage  and  met  his  foe.  In  628  the 
Persians  were  totally  routed  [l  57,  5),  and  in  G51  the  Khalifs  took 
possession  of  Persia. 

3.  The  Armenian  CImrcli.  —  As  early  as  the  time  of  Tortullian, 
flourishing  communities  of  Christians  existed  in  Armenia.  But  Tiri- 
dates  III.  (since  286)  violently  persecuted  these  Christians.  Under  his 
reign  the  Apostle  of  Armenia,  Greaorhis  Illumjtiatoi\  the  son  of  a 
Parthian  prince,  carried  on  his  labours  with  much  success.  When 
only  two  years  of  age,  his  nurse  had  rescued  him  from  the  destruction 
inflicted  upon  all  his  kindred.  Subsequently  ho  had  been  carried  to 
Cappadocia,  where  he  was  educated  a  Christian.  Gregory  even  gained 
the  king  himself,  and  made  the  whole  country  professedly  Christian. 
At  his  death,  the  Church  which  he  had  founded  enjoyed  a  state  of 
great  prosperity.  He  was  successively  followed  in  the  patriarchal 
office  by  his  grandson  Hnsig,  his  great-grandson  Nerses,  and  by  Isaac 
the  Great,  a  still  later  descendant,  Avhose  administration  fell  in  troublous 
times,  when  the  Byzantine,  the  Persian,  and  other  princes  contended 
for  the  possession  of  the  country.  St.  Mcsrop,  the  colleague  and 
(from  440)  the  successor  of  Isaac,  constructed  an  Armenian  alphabet, 
and  translated  the  Bible  into  the  vernacular.  Under  the  patriarchate 
of  his  successor  Joseph,  the  famous  religious  war  with  Persia  broke 
out,  for  the  purpose  of  obliging  the  Armenians  to  return  to  the 
religion  of  Zoroaster.  The  bloody  battle  fought  liy  the  river  Dechmud, 
in  451,  terminated  in  favour  of  the  Persians.  The  Armenians,  how- 
ever, maintained  their  profession  of  Christianity,  despite  the  persecu- 
tions to  which  they  were  exposed.  In  651  this  country  also  became 
subject  to  the  rule  of  the  Khalifs.  —  The  Armenian  Church  remained 
free  from  Nestorian  errors ;  but  it  adopted  Monophysite  tenets,  which 
were  imported  from  that  portion  of  Armenia  which  was  under  Byzan- 
tine sway.  At  a  synod  held  at  Feyin  in  527,  the  Confession  of 
Chalcedon  was  rejected. —  Gregory  had  awakened  in  Armenia  a  desire 
for  literary  and  scientific  pursuits,  and  when  Mesrop  furnished  an 
alphabet,  the  golden  age  of  Armenian  literature  commenced  (in  the 
fifth  century).  Almost  all  the  classics  and  the  Greek  and  Syrian 
Fathers  were  translated  into  Armenian,  and  numerous  original  authors 
inaugurated  a  native  literature.  Thus  Agathangelos  wrote  the  history 
of  the  conversion  of  Armenia ;  Moses  of  Chorene,  a  history  of  his 
country;  Esnig,  an  able  controversial  tractate  ("the  Destruction  of 
the  Heretics")  directed  against  the  heathen,  the  Persians,  the  Mar- 
cionites,  the  Manichcans,  etc. 

4.  The  Iberians  (who  inhabited  Avhat  is  now  called  Georgia  and 
Grusia)  received  the  Gospel  through  the  instrumentality  of  Nunia,  an 
Armenian  female  slave,  by  whose  pi'ayers  some  miraculous  cures  had 
been  performed.     From  Iberia  the  truth  spread  among  the  Lazians  (a 


250        SECTION    I. —  SECOND   PERIOD    (.323— 692  A. D.). 

tribe  inhabiting  the  modern  Colchis),  and  to  their  neighbours  the  Abas- 
GiANS.  Even  in  the  East  Indies,  TheophUus  of  Diu  (an  island  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Arabian  Gulf)  found  isolated  Christian  churches  so 
early  as  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Sent  by  his  fellow-citizens 
as  a  hostage  to  Constantinople,  he  was  there  educated  an  Arian  priest. 
When  afterwards  he  returned  to  his  own  country,  he  successfully  la- 
boured as  a  missionary  in  the  East  Indies.  From  Persia,  Nestorianism 
spread  in  the  Indian  Church  (^  52,  3).  In  the  sixth  century,  Cosmas 
Indicopleustes  still  found  three  Christian  congregations  in  the  East 
Indies.  The  labours  of  TheophUus  extended  also  to  Arabia,  where, 
through  his  preaching,  the  King  of  the  Homerites,  in  Yemen,  became  a 
convert.  But  when,  in  the  sixth  century,  Dhu-Noioas  (Dunaan),  a 
Jew,  mounted  the  throne  of  Yemen,  a  fearful  persecution  of  Christians 
immediately  commenced.  At  last  Eleesban,  King  of  Abyssinia,  inter- 
posed to  put  a  stop  to  these  cruelties  ;  the  Jewish  ruler  was  killed,  and 
Christians  reigned  over  Yemen,  until  in  61G  Cosru  IT.  made  it  a  pro- 
vince of  Persia.  Anchorites,  monks,  and  Stylites  laboured  successfully 
among  the  nomadic  tribes  of  Arabia. 


§  05.  THE  MOHAMMEDAN  COUNTER-MISSIONS. 

CoMP.  G.  Weil,  JMohammed  d.  Prophet,  Leben  u.  Lehre  (Life  and 
Teach,  of  Moh.  the  Proph.).  Stuttg.  1843.—/.  Ddllinger,  Moham.  Reli- 
gion nach  ihr.  innern  Entw.  u.  ihr.  Einfl.  auf  d.  Leben  d.  Volker  (The 
Relig.  of  Moh.  in  its  Intern.  Develop,  and  External  Infl.  on  the  Na- 
tions). Regensb.  1838.  —  A.  Mbhler,  d.  Verb.  d.  Islam  zum  Christth. 
(Rel.  between  Isl.  and  Christ.)  Regensb.  1839. —  W.  Irving,  Mahomed. 
— Pndeaux,  Life  of  Mahomet. — Sale,  Koran. — Forster,  Mahometanism 
Unveiled. — /.  v.  Hammer-Purgstall,  Mali.  d.  Prophet. 

In  611,  Abul  Kasem  Mohammed  of  Mecca  laid  claim  to  the 
office  of  a  prophet,  and  instituted  a  new  religion,  composed  of 
Jewish,  of  Christian,  and  of  Arab  heathen  elements,  in  whicli 
sensual  happiness  and  strict  jMonotheisra  were  sought  to  be  com- 
bined. His  labours,  however,  only  acquired  importance  after  he 
had  been  obliged  to  flee  from  Mecca  to  Yatjreb  (Medina). —  the 
Hejrah,  15th  July  622.  In  630  he  took  Mecca,,  consecrated  the 
old  heathen  Caaba  as  the  great  temple  for  the  new  religion 
(/.^7am,  hence  Moslem'),  and  composed  the  Koran,  consisting  of 
114  Suras,  which  Abu-Bekr,  his  father-in-law,  collected.  Before 
he  died,  all  Arabia  had  adopted  his  creed,  and  was  subject  to 
his  sway.  As  he  persuaded  his  adherents  that  the  spread  of 
their  new  religion  by  force  of  arms  was  the  most  sacred  duty, 
and  inspired  them  with  wild  enthusiasm,  his  successors  were  able 


MOHAMMEDAN     COUNTER- MISSIONS.  251 

to  take  one  province  after  another  from  the  empire,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  introduce  Mohammedanism  in  place  of  Christianity. 
Within  a  short  period  (6.33-651)  Syria,  Palestine,  Ejrypt,  and 
Persia  were  conquered  ;  North  Africa  in  707  ;.  and,  lastly,  Spain 
in  711.  But  the  farther  progress  of  the  Infidels  was  in  the  mean 
time  arrested.  Twice  they  laid  siege  to  Constantinople  (669- 
676  and  717-718)  without  success;  while  the  victory  which 
Charles  Martell  gained  over  them  at  Tours  (in  732)  effectually 
arrested  their  march  westwards.  Their  influence  had,  however, 
operated  most  detrimentally  upon  the  Church  in  Asia,  and  the 
three  patriarchal  sees  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem 
were  completely  subject  to  their  will.  Although  Christians  were 
allowed  to  reside  in  the  conquered  provinces  on  payment  of  a 
capitation-tax,  fear  and  the  desire  after  the  worldly  advantages 
held  out  by  a  change  of  faith,  gained  for  Islamism  a  large  num- 
ber of  proselytes. 

1.  Rigid  Monotheism  constitutes  the  fundamental  idea  of  Islamism. 
Abraham,  Moses,  and  Jesus  were  considered  divinely-commissioned 
prophets ;  Mohammed,  the  last  and  greatest  of  prophets,  whom  both 
Moses  and  Christ  had  predicted,  was  commissioned  to  restore  to  pristine 
purity  their  doctrine,  which  both  the  Jews  and  the  Christians  had  cor- 
rupted. At  the  end  of  time,  Christ  would  return,  destroy  Antichrist, 
and  establish  Islamism  as  the  universal  religion.  The  doctrines  of  the 
Trinity  and  of  the  Incarnation  were  included  among  the  alleged  per- 
versions of  the  teaching  of  Jesus.  Special  stress  was  laid  on  the  doc- 
trine of  Divine  providence,  which  Avas  prominently  brought  forward, 
and  distorted  into  the  most  extreme  fatalism.  The  Moslem  required 
not  an  atonement ;  belief  in  one  God,  and  in  Mohammed  as  His  pro- 
phet, was  suiEcient  to  insure  the  Divine  favour,  while  good  works  would 
procure  an  inexhaustible  fulness  of  everlasting  happiness,  consisting  in 
the  highest  sensual  enjoyments.  In  its  constitution  Mohammedanism 
contemplated  a  kind  of  theocracy,  in  which  the  Prophet,  and  the  Kha- 
lifs,  his  successors,  were  to  act  as  the  vicegerents  of  the  Deity  upon 
earth.  Hence  State  and  Church  were  regarded  as  absolutely  identical. 
The  rites  of  religion  consisted  of  prayers,  fasting,  and  ablutions.  Along 
with  the  Korkn,  the  Sunna,  or  traditionary  sayings  of  the  Prophet,  are 
regarded  as  of  Divine  authority.  The  sect  of  the  Shiiies  differs  from 
that  of  the  Siumites,  in  that  the  former  recognize  not  the  authority  of 
the  first  three  Khalifs  and  of  the  traditional  sayings  of  the  Prophet 
handed  down  by  them.  The  Ssiiji's  are  a  mystical  sect  which  origin- 
ated at  a  later  period.  The  Wechabiies  (a  sect  dating  from  the  twelfth 
century)  form,  so  to  speak,  the  Puritans  of  Islamism. 
21  * 


252         SECTION   I.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (.323— 692  A.  D.). 

2.  Service  performed  hy  Mohammedanism  in  the  Providence  of  God. — 
Obviously  Islamism  was  the  instrument  of  judgment  upon  the  degene- 
rate polity  and  Church  of  the  East.  But  it  also  served  some  positive 
purpose,  which  appears  from  its  relation  to  heathenism.  It  was  the 
special  mission  of  Mohammedanism  to  put  an  end  to  idolatry  (Polythe- 
ism). Neither  the  Prophet  nor  his  successors  tolerated  heathenism. 
Accordingly,  a  great  number  of  wild  tribes  in  Asia  and  Africa  were 
converted  from  the  most  degrading  and  demoralizing  idolatry  to  the 
worship  of  one  God,  and  raised  to  a  certain  stage  of  civilization  and 
morality,  which  they  would  have  been  unable  to  attain  if  left  to  them- 
selves. As  they  were  thereby  brought  nearer  to  Christianity,  Moham- 
medanism proved,  in  its  own  way,  "a  schoolmaster  to  Christ."  Per- 
haps its  rigid  Monotheism  may  also  have  been  intended  to  form  a  kind 
of  breakwater  against  both  African  Fetish-worship  and  Asiatic  Pan- 
theism. But  Islamism  contains  the  germs  of  its  own  destruction.  Its 
confusion  of  religion  and  politics,  of  State  and  Church,  tends  to  fetter 
both,  and  thus  to  render  them  incapable  of  development,  renovation, 
or  transformation.  Herein  lay  the  strength,  herein  lies  also  the  weak- 
ness of  Islamism. 


THIED    PEIUOD 

OF 

ECCLESIASTICAL      HISTORY 

IN  ITS  ANCIENT  AND  CLASSICAL  FORM. 

FROM   THE   YEAR  692-1453. 

I.  MOVEMENTS  IN  THE  EASTERN  CHURCH  IN  CONJUNCTION  WITH 
SIMILAR  DEVELOPMENTS  IN  THE  WESTERN  CHURCH. 

§  G6.  ICONOCLASTIC  CONTKOVERSY  IN  THE  EAST  (72G-842). 

CoMP.  /.  Maimboiirg  (a  Jesuit),  histoire  de  I'heresie  des  Iconoclastes. 
Par.  1679.  2  Voll.  12. — Fr.  ScJdosser,  Gescli.  der  bildersturmenden 
Kaiser  (Hist,  of  the  Iconocl.  Emper.).  Frkf.  1812.  —  /.  Marx  (Rom. 
Cath.),  der  Bilderstreit  der  byzant.  Kaiser  (The  Iconocl.  Contr.  of  the 
Byz.  Emp.).  Trier  1839. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  eighth  century,  image-worship 
(§  51,  4)  had  attained  its  acme  in  the  East.  But  even  its  most 
zealous  advocates  were  obliged  to  admit  that  certain  abuses  were 
connected  with  it.  Thus,  for  example,  images  were  selected  to 
be  god-parents ;  part  of  the  colouring  with  which  they  had  been 
painted  was  scratched  off  and  mixed  with  the  sacramental  wine ; 
the  consecrated  bread  was  first  laid  upon  images,  that  so  the 
faithful  might  receive  from  the  hands  of  these  saints  the  body 
of  the  Lord,  etc.  Under  these  circumstances,  a  vigorous  empe- 
ror, whom  botli  personal  feelings  and  political  considerations 
disposed  against  this  kind  of  worship,  resolved  to  employ  all  the 
resources  which  a  strong  will  placed  at  his  disposal  to  put  a  stop 
to  this  widely-spread  idolatry.  The  contest  between  the  two 
opposing  parties  (the  sixovoxxdatai.  and  the  lixovo-kdtpai.')  lasted  for 
more  than  a  century,  and  was  chiefly  carried  on  by  the  emperors 
and  the  army  on  the  one  side,  and  by  the  monks  and  the  people 
22  (25.3) 


254  SECTION   I THIRD    PERIOD    (G92— 1453  A.D.). 

on  the  other.  On  two  occasions  the  worship  of  images  was 
almost  entirely  and  forever  abolished  ;  but  both  times  was  it 
restored  by  an  empress. — The  Church  of  Borne  had  in  this  re- 
spect not  gone  so  far  as  that  of  the  East,  at  least  in  practice  ; 
but  in  theory  it  entertained  the  same  opinions,  and  in  the  contest 
between  the  two  parties  Rome  lent  the  whole  weight  of  its 
authority  to  those  who  upheld  image-worship.  On  the  views  of 
the  Frankish  Church  on  this  question,  comp.  §  92. 

1.  Leo  in. ,  the  Iticuirian  (717-741),  one  of  the  most  vigorous  of  Byzan- 
tine emperors,  having  in  718  repelled  the  attack  of  the  Saracens  upon 
Constantinople,  deemed  it  necessary  to  adopt  further  measures  to  arrest 
the  spread  of  Mohammedanism.  The  worship  of  images,  which  Jews 
and  Moslems  equally  abhorred,  and  to  which  himself  was  opposed,  ap- 
peared to  him  one  of  the  principal  obstacles  to  the  conversion  of  the 
infidels.  Accordingly  he  issued  in  726  an  edict,  which,  in  the  first 
place,  only  ordained  that  the  images  should  be  placed  higher  up  on  the 
walls  of  churches,  in  order  to  prevent  the  people  from  kissing  them. 
But  all  peaceable  measures  against  this  favourite  mode  of  worship  were 
frustrated  by  the  determined  resistance  Avhich  the  aged  Germanus,  Pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople,  the  populace  and  the  monks  offered.  In 
Palestine,  where,  under  the  protection  of  the  Saracens,  he  could  defy 
the  vengeance  of  the  Emperor,  Johannes  Darnascemts,  the  ablest  theolo- 
gian of  that  age,  published  three  tractates,  in  which  he  defended  in 
enthusiastic  terms  the  worship  of  images.  Amidst  the  popular  excite- 
ment caused  by  this  controversy,  one  Cosmos  got  himself  proclaimed 
Emperor,  and  advanced  with  a  fleet  against  Constantinople.  But  Leo 
defeated  and  executed  his  rival;  and  in  a  second  edict  (of  date  730) 
ordered  the  entire  removal  of  images  from  every  church.  The  military 
who  were  charged  with  the  execution  of  this  ordinance  were  guilty  of 
many  fanatical  excesses,  and  the  popular  tumults  excited  by  these 
measures  were  not  quelled  without  much  bloodshed.  At  Rome,  how- 
ever, the  Emperor  was  jiowerless.  In  his  letters,  Fope  Gregory  II.  spoke 
of  him  as  if  he  had  been  a  silly,  naughty  boy ;  while,  in  a  synod  held 
at  Rome  in  732,  Gregory  III.  pronounced  an  anathema  against  all  oppo- 
nents of  image-worship.  The  fleet  which  the  Emperor  had  collected, 
with  a  view  of  chastising  the  bold  prelate,  was  destroyed  by  a  storm. 
Leo  avenged  himself  by  depriving  the  Pope  of  the  revenues  Avhich  he 
derived  from  Lower  Italy,  and  by  taking  Illyria  from  the  see  of  Rome 
and  assigning  it  to  that  of  Constantinople. 

2.  Consiantimis  V.  (741-775),  the  son  and  successor  of  Leo,  whom 
the  monks  in  their  hatred  nicknamed  Copronymiis  and  Caballinvs,  a 
ruler  and  general  as  distinguished  as  his  father,  was,  if  possible,  even 
more  firmly  resolved  to  put  down  the  worship  of  images.  He  defeated 
Artabasdus,  his  brother-in-law,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  the  party 


ICONOCLASTIC  CONTROVERSY.         255 

of  image-worshippers,  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  severely  chas- 
tised and  deprived  him  of  his  eyes.  As  the  popular  tumults  still  con- 
tinued, an  oecumenical  Synod  was  summoned  to  give  ecclesiastical  sanc- 
tion to  the  principles  of  the  Emperor.  Accordingly,  about  350  bishops 
assembled  at  Constantinople  (754).  But  this  Synod  was  not  attended 
by  a  single  patriarch,  since  the  see  of  Constantinople  happened  to  be 
vacant  at  the  time,  and  Rome,  which  had  anathematized  all  opponents 
of  images,  refused  to  send  legates  ;  while  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Je- 
rusalem were  under  the  domination  of  the  Saracens.  The  Council 
excommunicated  those  who  made  any  image  of  Christ,  declaring  that 
the  Eucharist  was  the  only  true  image  of  Christ,  and  pronounced  the 
most  sweeping  condemnation  against  every  kind  of  reverence  paid  to 
images.  These  decrees  were  mercilessly  enforced,  and  deeds  of  the  most 
cruel  violence  enacted.  Thovisands  of  monks  were  scourged,  incarce- 
rated, transported,  driven  round  the  circus  for  the  amusement  of  the 
populace  with  nuns  in  their  arms,  or  obliged  to  marry ;  many  had  their 
eyes  put  out,  their  cars  or  noses  cut  off,  and  monasteries  were  converted 
into  barracks  or  stables.  Images  of  saints  were  not  even  tolerated  in  private 
houses.  Stephen  II.  of  Rome  protested  against  the  decrees  of  the  Council, 
and  Stephen  III.  issued  a  dreadful  anathema  against  all  opponents  of 
images  (in  a  Lateran  synod,  a.d.  769).  But  in  the  Byzantine  Empire 
both  monasticism  and  image-worship  were  almost  extirpated. 

3.  Leo  IV.  Chazarus  (775-780),  the  son  of  Constantine,  shared  the 
views  of  his  father,  but  wanted  his  energy.  His  consort  Irene  was, 
however,  a  zealous  image-worshipper.  When  Leo  discovered  this,  he 
would  have  taken  energetic  measures,  but  a  sudden  death  arrested  his 
interference.  Irene  now  made  full  use  of  the  opportunity  afforded  by 
the  minority  of  Constantine  VI.,  her  son,  to  restore  image-worship. 
She  convoked  another  Council  at  Constantinople  (786),  which  was 
attended  by  deputies  from  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (the  other  patriarchs,  who 
were  under  Saracen  dominion,  ventured  not  to  take  part  in  its  delibera- 
tions). But  the  Imperial  Guard  broke  into  their  place  of  meeting,  and 
dispersed  the  Council.  The  following  year  (787),  Irene  convoked  at 
Nice  another,  the  Seventh  CEcumenical  Council.  Its  eighth  and  last 
meeting  was  held  in  the  Imperial  Palace  at  Constantinople,  —  the  Im- 
perial Guard  having,  in  the  meantime,  been  removed  from,  the  capital. 
The  Council  annulled  the  decrees  of  754,  sanctioned  homage  to  images, 
and  approved  of  prostration  or  inclination  before  pictures  as  a  token 
of  love  and  respect  paid  to  the  subject  represented,  which  must  not 
be  counfounded  with  that  adoration  (jtafpsJa)  which  was  due  to  God 
alone. 

4.  The  emperors  who  now  succeeded  shared  these  views.  But  as 
victory  attended  not  their  arms,  the  army,  which  still  held  opposite 
sentiments,  proclaimed  their  general  Leo  V.,  the  Armenian  (813-820), 
Emperor.    This  ruler,  though  a  decided  enemy  of  image-worship,  would 


256         SECTION    I.  —  THIRD    PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.). 

still  have  adopted  moderate  and  cautious  measures,  but  was  baffled  by 
the  soldiers,  who  gave  full  reins  to  their  fanaticism.  The  party  which 
advocated  image-worship  was  led  by  Theodorus  Stndiia,  Abbot  of  the 
Monastery  of  Studion,  a  man  of  unfeigned  piety  and  invincible  firmness, 
the  ablest  and  most  ingenious  defender  of  these  sentiments,  who  even 
in  exile  was  indefatigable  in  promoting  the  cause  he  had  at  heart  {ob. 
826).  Leo  was  killed  by  conspirators.  Michael  II.  Balbus  (820-829), 
his  successor,  at  least  allowed  the  worship  of  images  in  private.  But 
T/ieo2)hiliis,  his  son  (820-842),  made  it  the  aim  of  his  life  wholly  to 
extirpate  all  such  practices.  Once  more  a  woman,  Theodora,  the 
Dowager  Empress,  who,  after  the  death  of  Theophilus,  and  during  the 
minority  of  his  son,  administered  the  government,  convoked  a  synod  at 
Constantinople  (842),  which  again  introduced  the  worship  of  images 
into  churches.  Since  that  period,  opposition  to  this  practice  gradually 
ceased  in  the  Eastern  Church,  and  the  day  on  which  the  Synod  of  842 
had  enacted  ther  decree  in  its  favour  (the  19th  Feb.)  has  since  been 
celebrated  as  the  ''Feast  of  Orthodoxy." 

I  67.    SCHISM    BETWEEN    THE    GREEK   AND   THE  ROMAN 
CHURCH,   AND   ATTEMPTS   AT  UNION   (857-1435). 

CoMP.  Leo  Allatiiis,  de  eccl.  occid.  et  orient,  perpetua  consensione. 
Colon.  1G99.  4to.  (The  author,  who  was  a  Greek  convert  to  the  Romish 
Church,  died  1669.)  —  L.  Maimbourg  (a  Jesuit),  Hist,  du  schisme  des 
Grecs.  Par.  1670.  4to.  —  J.  G.  Pitzipios,  I'egl.  Orientale,  expose  hist. 
de  sa  separation  et  de  sa  reunion  aveccellc  deRome.  4Voll.  Par.  1855. 

At  the  second  Tridlan  Council  in  692  the  first  steps  had  been 
taken  towards  the  Great  Schism,  which  divided  the  Christian 
world  into  two  parties  (§  63,  3)  ;  in  867  Photius  gave  it  a  dog- 
matic basis  by  condemning  certain  doctrines  promulgated  at  Rome, 
while  in  1053  iHic/iaeZCeruZamts  completed  the  separation  between 
the  two  churches.  The  difficulties  and  dangers  which  increas- 
ingly beset  the  Byzantine  rulers  induced  them  to  make  frequent 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  union.  But  the  negotiations  whicli 
ensued  either  were  unsuccessful,  or  the  proposed  union,  though 
agreed  upon  in  words,  was  not  carried  into  execution.  These 
fruitless  endeavours  only  ceased  when  the  Byzantine  Empire  fell 
not  to  rise  again  (a.d.  1453).  The  obstacles  in  tlie  way  of  heal- 
ing this  schism  consisted  not  in  any.  importance  attaching  to 
diversity  of  ceremonial  observances,  which  might,  as  at  previous 
periods,  have  continued  without  interrupting  ecclesiastical  fellow- 
ship, nor  even  in  differences  of  doctrine  (with  regard  to  the 
expression  "filioque,"  §  50,  6),  which  might  easily  have   been 


SCHISM    OF    GREEK   AND   ROMAN   CHURCHES.     257 

removed.  The  real  difficulty  lay  in  the  claim  to  primacy  in 
the  Church,  set  up  by  the  see  of  Rome,  and  which  the  Greeks 
could  only  resist  by  separating  from  all  fellowship  with  the 
Papacy. 

1.  Commencement  of  the  Schism  (8G7.) — (II.  Ldmmer,  P.  Nikol.  I.  u. 
d.  byzant.  Staat.«kirche  sr.  Zeit.  Borl.  1857.)  — During  the  minority  of 
Michael  III.,  surnanied  the  Drunkard,  the  son  of  Theodora  (^  9G,  4), 
the  government  was  administered  by  Bardas,  the  uncle  of  that  prince 
(and  brother  of  the  Empress).  Ignatius,  who  at  the  time  Avas  Patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  and  himself  a  descendant  of  the  imperial  family,  had 
sharply  censured  the  dissoluteness  of  the  court,  and  in  857  even  refused 
to  admit  to  the  communion  the  all-powerful  Bardas,  who  lived  in  inces- 
tuous union  with  his  daughter-in-law.  For  this  offence  the  prelate  was 
deposed  and  exiled.  Photins,  the  most  learned  man  of  his  age,  and 
hitherto  Prefect  of  the  Imperial  Guard,  was  named  his  successor,  to  the 
intense  disgust  of  the  friends  of  Ignatius,  who  rejected  Avith  scorn  all 
advances  and  proposals  of  peace.  Photius  now  convened  (in  859)  a 
synod,  which  confirmed  the  deposition  of  Ignatius,  and  even  excommu- 
nicated him.  But  no  consideration  could  induce  this  prelate  to  forego 
his  claims.  Anxious  to  procure  in  his  own  favour  the  influential  ver- 
dict, Photius  gave  to  Pope  Nicholas  I.  a  false  representation  of  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  at  the  same  time  intimating  his  accession,  .and 
requesting  fraternal  acknowledgment  and  intercession.  The  pontiff 
replied  that  he  must  first  investigate  the  case  ;  and  for  this  purpose 
deputed  two  legates,  Ehodoald  of  Porto,  and  Zacharias  of  Anagni. 
Gained  by  bribes,  the  representatives  of  Rome  gave,  at  ^council  at  Con- 
stantinople (8G1),  their  consent  to  the  deposition  of  Ignatius.  But 
when  more  impartial  witnesses  informed  Nicholas  of  the  real  state  of 
matters,  he  excommunicated  his  own  legates,  and  declared  Ignatius 
rightful  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  The  opposition  thus  excited 
against  Rome  in  Constantinople  became  intense,  when  shortly  after- 
wards Bxdgaria  renounced  allegiance  to  the  Byzantine  Church,  and 
owned  that  of  the  Pope  (|  72,  3).  Photius  sent  an  encj'clical  letter  (in 
867)  inviting  the  patriarchs  of  the  East  to  a  council,  and  accusing  the 
Church  of  Rome  of  various  heresies :  such  as  its  ordinance  of  fasting 
on  Saturdays  ;  its  permission  of  the  use  of  milk,  of  butter,  and  of  cheese 
during  the  week  of  Quadragesima  ;  its  injunction  of  clerical  celibacy; 
its  refusal  to  acknowledge  the  validity  of  the  chrisma  if  administered 
bypresbyters;  and  its  introduction  of  the  expression  "filioque"  (^  50,6), 
which  implied  the  existence  of  two  supreme  principles,  and  hence  a 
dualism.  These  heresies,  it  was  asserted,  the  Pope  now  intended  to 
introduce  into  Bulgaria.  The  Council  convened  in  867.  Three  monks, 
who  were  prompted  by  Photius,  figured  as  the  representatives  of  the 
patriarchs  whose  sees  were  in  Saracen  countries.  The  Pope  Avas  excom- 
municated and  deposed,  and  tliis  sentence  intimated  to  the  Western 
22*  R 


258        SECTION    I.  —  THIRD    PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.). 

churclies.  Such  measures  were  far  from  indifferent  to  the  Pope,  Avho 
vindicated  himself  before  the  Frankish  clergy,  and  called  upon  them 
to  rebut  the  charges  of  the  Greeks.  They  readily  complied.  Among 
the  tractates  written  on  that  side  of  the  question,  that  o^  Ratramims, 
a  monk  at  Corbey,  was  by  far  the  ablest.  But  the  aspect  of  affairs 
soon  changed.  The  same  year  in  which  the  synod  had  met  (867)  the 
Emperor  Michael  was  assassinated,  and  Basil  the  Macedonian,  his  mur- 
derer and  successor,  joined  the  party  of  Ignatius,  and  requested  Pope 
Hadrian  II.  to  institute  a  new  inquiry.  A  si/nod  held  at  Constantinople 
in  869  (called  by  the  Latins  the  eiglitli  (Ecumenical  Council)  condemned 
Photius  and  restored  Ignatius.  The  council  itself  pronounced  no  deci- 
sion about  Bulgaria,  but  submitted  the  claims  of  the  rival  sees  to  the 
pretended  representatives  of  the  Saracen  Patriarchs  as  impartial  arbiters. 
They  of  course  decided  in  favour  of  the  Byzantine  Patriai'ch,  and  all 
remonstrances  on  the  part  of  the  Popes  proved  fruitless.  In  his  adver- 
sity Photius  comported  himself  in  a  manner  which  commanded  general 
respect.  For  several  years  he  was  imprisoned  in  a  monastery,  deprived 
of  all  intercourse  with  others,  and  even  of  his  books.  Still  he  made 
his  peace  with  Ignatius.  Basil  entrusted  him  with  the  education  of 
his  children,  and  after  the  death  of  Ignatius  in  877  again  elevated  him 
to  the  sec  of  Constantinople.  But  the  anathema  of  an  oecumenical 
council,  which  still  rested  upon  him,  could  only  be  removed  by  another 
oecumenical  council,  to  which  Pope  John  VIII.  acceded  on  obtaining 
2>romise  of  having  Bulgaria  restored  to  his  see.  But  at  the  Council  of 
Constantinople  in  879  (called  by  the  Greeks  the  eighth  (EcuvienicaT)  the 
legates  of  the  Pope  were  completely  deceived.  The  question  about 
Bulgaria  was  not  even  mooted,  the  council  of  869  was  anathematized, 
and  a  ban  pronounced  against  those  who  should  venture  to  make  any 
addition  to  the  creed.  The  Pope  revenged  himself  by  anathematizing 
the  Patriarch,  his  council,  and  all  his  adherents.  Although  Leo  the 
Philosopher,  the  successor  of  Basil,  in  886  deposed  Photius,  it  was  only 
in  order  to  give  the  see  to  an  imperial  prince.  Photius  was  confined 
to  a  monastery,  where  died  in  891. 

2.  The  Emperor,  Leo  the  Philosojjher,  had  been  thrice  married,  with- 
out having  any  issue.  His  fourth  wife  he  only  wedded  after  he  had 
convinced  himself  that  the  same  objection  attached  not  to  her.  The 
Patriarch,  Nicholas  Mijsticus,  who  refused  to  consecrate  this  marriage 
(§  61,  2),  was  deposed.  A  synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  906,  con- 
ducted under  the  direction  of  the  legates  of  Pope  Sergins  III,  approved 
both  of  the  Emperor's  marriage  and  of  the  deposition  of  the  Patriarch. 
But,  on  his  death-bed,  Leo  repented  this  arbitrary  measure;  Alexander, 
his  brother  and  successor,  restored  the  Patriarch  Nicholas ;  and  Pope 
John  ^.  consented  to  be  represented  at  a  si/nod  held  in  Constantinople 
in  920,  when  the  resolutions  of  the  Council  of  006  were  condemned, 
and  a  fourth  marriage  declared  to  be  unlawful.  But,  in  return  for  this 
compliance,   the  synod  did  not  make   any  concessions  to  the  Pope. 


SCHISM   OP   GREEK   AND   ROMAN   CHURCHES.        259 

Emperor  Basil  11.  entered  upon  fresh  negotiations.  For  an  immense 
sum  of  money,  Pope  John  XIX.  agreed,  in  1024,  to  acknowledge  the 
Bishop  of  Constantinople  as  cecumenical  Patriarch  of  the  East,  and  to 
yield  every  claim  of  the  Cathedra  Petri  upon  supremacy  over  the  East- 
ern Church.  But  the  transaction  became  known  before  it  was  com- 
pleted ;  the  West  resounded  with  denunciations  of  this  second  Judas 
of  Rome,  and  the  Pope  was  obliged  to  break  off  the  treaty. 

3.  Completion  of  the  Schism  in  1054. — However  frequent  the  anathe- 
mas which  Rome  and  Byzantium  had  fulminated  against  each  other, 
they  had  only  been  directed  against  patriarchs,  popes,  bishops,  or  their 
adherents  as  individuals,  not  against  the  churches  Avhich  they  repre- 
sented. But  matters  now  assumed  a  different  appearance.  At  that 
time,  the  Emperor  Constantine  Monomachus,  bent  on  certain  warlike 
undertakings,  anxiously  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Pope.  His  en- 
deavours were  frustrated  by  the  interference  of  Michael  Cerularius, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  Leo  of  Achrida,  the  metropolitan  of 
Bulgaria,  who,  in  1053,  addressed  a  letter  to  John,  Bishop  of  Trani  in 
Apulia,  in  which  they  charged  the  Latins  with  the  most  grievous  here- 
sies, and  conjured  the  Western  bishops  to  renounce  their  errors.  To 
the  accusations  formerly  brought  by  Photius,  others  were  now  added, 
such  as  that  the  Western  Church  allowed  the  use  of  blood,  and  of 
things  strangled;  that  it  prohibited  singing  the  Hallelujah  in  Lent ; 
above  all,  that  it  used  unleavened  bread  in  the  Eucharist  (^  58,  4)  —  a 
heresy  to  which  the  name  of  Azymite  was  given.  This  letter  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Cardinal  Humbert,  who  translated  and  laid  it  before 
Pope  Leo  IX.  A  bitter  epistolary  altercation  ensued.  The  Emperor 
made  every  effort  to  restore  peace.  At  his  request,  the  Pope  sent  three 
legates  (among  them  the  disputatious  Humbert)  to  Constantinople). 
These  envoys  only  fanned  instead  of  extinguishing  the  flame.  The 
Emperor  obliged,  indeed,  the  Abbot  of  Studium,  Nicholas  Pectoratus, 
to  burn,  in  presence  of  the  legates,  a  controversial  tractate  which  he 
had  written  ;  but  neither  threats  nor  force  could  induce  the  patriarch 
to  yield,  supported  as  he  was  both  by  the  people  and  the  clergy.  At 
last,  the  legates  placed  on  the  altar  of  the  Church  of  Sophia  a  formal 
writ  of  excommunication,  to  which  Michael  and  the  other  Eastern 
Patriarchs  in  1054  replied  in  a  similar  strain. 

4.  Attempts  at  Reunion.  —  The  Crusades,  instead  of  removing,  only 
increased  the  estrangement  between  the  two  churches.  Repeated 
negotiations  proved  unavailing.  At  a  synod  held  at  Bari  (in  the  Nea- 
politan territory)  in  1098,  Anselm  of  Canterhury,  who  at  the  time  lived 
an  exile  in  Italy,  convinced  the  Greeks  who  were  present,  that  the 
Latin  view  about  the  procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  correct.  For 
the  same  purpose,  Peter  Chrysolanus,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  delivered, 
in  1113,  a  long  oration  l^cfore  the  Emperor  at  Constantinople ;  while, 
in  1135,  Anselm  of  Havelberq  held  a  disputation  on  this  subject  with 

22 


260         SECTION    I.— THIRD    PERIOD   (692—1453   A.  D.). 

Niccias  of  Nicomedia.  The  aversion  and  dislike  of  the  Greeks  wag 
greatly  deepened  by  the  founding  of  a  Latin  Empire  at  Constantinople 
(1024-1061).  Michael  Pal.eologus,  who  drove  the  Latins  from  Con- 
stantinople, sought,  from  political  motives,  to  put  an  end  to  the  schism. 
But  in  these  eiforts  he  was  opposed  by  Joseph,  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  by  his  librarian,  the  learned  John  Beccus.  While 
languishing  in  prison,  Beccus  became,  however,  convinced  that  the 
differences  between  the  two  churches  were  unimportant,  and  that  a 
reconciliation  would  be  possible.  This  change  of  views  procured  his 
elevation  to  the  patriarchate.  Meantime,  the  negotiations  had  so  far 
advanced,  that  a  General  Council  (called  by  the  Latins  the  fourteenth) 
was  summoned  to  meet  at  Lyoxs  in  1274.  The  imperial  legates  ac- 
knowledged the  primacy  of  the  Pope,  and  subscribed  the  Romish  Con- 
fession of  Faith.  In  return,  the  Eastern  Church  Avas  allowed  to  con- 
tinue its  use  of  the  Nicene  Creed  without  any  addition  thereto,  and  the 
peculiar  ecclesiastical  forms  which  it  had  hitherto  observed.  Beccus 
wrote  several  tractates  in  defence  of  this  union.  But  the  accession  of 
another  Emperor  led  to  his  removal ;  Joseph  was  restored,  and  the 
union  of  Lyons  entirely  forgotten. 

5.  The  continual  advances  of  the  Turks  naturally  impressed  the 
Eastern  Emperors  with  the  necessity  of  securing  the  sympathy  and 
assistance  of  the  "West,  through  reconciliation  and  union  with  the 
papacy.  But  these  efforts  were  frustrated  by  the  powerful  opposition 
of  the  monks,  supported  as  it  was  by  the  popular  clamour.  The  Patri- 
archs of  Alexandria,  Jerusalem,  and  Antioch,  were  also  hostile  to  such 
measures,  not  only  from  ancient  jealousy  of  the  pretensions  of  the  see 
of  Rome,  but  because  the  political  schemes  of  their  Saracen  masters 
obliged  them  to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  Greek  Emperors.  At  last  the 
Emperor  Andronicus  III.  P.^l^ologus  gained  over  the  Abbot  Bar- 
LAAii,  who  had  hitherto  been  the  leader  of  the  Anti-Romish  party.  At 
the  head  of  an  Imperial  Embassy,  Barlaam  went  to  Avignon,  where  at 
that  time  Pope  Benedict  XII.  resided  (1339).  But  the  negotiations  led 
to  no  result,  as  the  Pope  insisted  on  absolute  submission,  both  in  respect 
of  doctrine  and  government,  and  would  not  even  consent  to  order  a  new 
inquiry,  though  it  were  only  for  the  sake  of  appearances.  Barlaam 
joined  the  Latin  Church  (comp.  ^  69,  1),  and  died  as  Bishop  of  Gierasce 
in  1348. — But  as  the  difficulties  of  the  Byzantine  Emperors  continually 
increased,  John  V.  Pal^ologus  made  fresh  advances.  lie  joined  the 
Latin  Church  in  1369,  but  neither  did  he  prevail  on  his  subjects  to 
follow  his  example,  nor  the  Pope  on  the  Western  rulers  to  send  assist- 
ance against  the  Turks. 

6.  Apparently  greater  success  attended  the  attempt  to  bring  about  a 
union  made  by  the  Emperor  John  VII.  Pal^eologus.  He  had  gained 
for  his  views  Metrophanes,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  Bessarion, 
Arohishop  of  Nice,  a  man  of  great  adroitness  and  learning,  but  a  tho- 


THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCE.  261 

rough  infidel.  Accompanied  by  this  prelate  and  by  many  other  bishops, 
the  Emperor  appeared  in  person  at  the  papal  Council  of  Ferrara  in 
1438.  Pope  Eiigen  IV.,  afraid  lest  the  Greeks  might  join  the  reform- 
atory Council  at  Basle,  seemed  willing  to  make  concessions.  When  the 
pestilence  broke  out  at  Ferrara,  the  Council  was  transferred  to  Flo- 
rence, where  in  1439  the  union  of  the  two  churches  Avas  really  accom- 
plished. The  supremacy  of  the  Pope  was  acknowledged ;  existing 
differences  in  the  rites  of  the  two  churches  were  to  be  mutually  tole- 
rated ;  dogmatic  divergences  were  accounted  for  on  the  ground  of  mis- 
understanding;  and  both  churches  solemnly  declared  to  be  orthodox. 
But  another  doctrinal  difficulty,  besides  that  about  the  procession  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  had  meantime  sprung  up.  While  the  Greeks  admitted 
that  there  was  a  purgatory  in  which  venial  sins  were  expiated,  and 
from  which  souls  might  be  delivered  by  masses,  intercessions,  alms, 
and  good  works  (?  58,  3),  they  objected  to  the  idea  of  material  /fames 
in  purgatory.  Besides,  while  the  Latins  held  that  those  who  died 
unbaptized,  or  under  mortal  sin,  were  immediately  consigned  to  eternal 
perdition,  and  that  the  pious  (after  the  expiation  of  venial  sins)  imme- 
diately entered  paradise,  the  Greeks  maintained  that  both  eternal  pun- 
ishment and  eternal  bliss  only  commenced  after  the  final  judgment. 
On  this  point  the  Greeks  now  yielded,  and  the  reunion  was  concluded 
amid  embraces  and  hymns  of  joy.  In  reality,  matters,  however,  con- 
tinued as  they  had  been.  A  powerful  party,  headed  by  Eugenicus, 
Archbishop  of  Ephesus,  had  been  merely  outvoted  at  Florence ;  it  now 
commenced  an  agitation  throughout  the  East  against  a  union  which 
existed  only  on  paper.  Metrophanes  was  nicknamed  M-^rpo^oi/oj ;  and 
in  1443  the  other  three  patriarchs  of  the  East  held  a  Synod  at  Jerusa- 
lem, in  which  they  anathematized  all  who  adhered  to  this  union.  Bes- 
sarion  joined  the  Church  of  Rome,  became  Cardinal  and  Bishop  of 
Tuscoli,  and  was  twice  on  the  point  of  being  made  Pope.  lie  died  in 
1472.  —  But  the  period  had  arrived  when  the  Christian  Empire  of  the 
East  should  fall.  On  the  29th  May  1453,  Constantinople  was  taken  by 
the  Turks.  The  last  Emperor,  Constantine  XL,  fell  while  vainly  de- 
fending his  throne  against  tremendous  odds. 


II.  INDEPENDENT  DEVELOPJIENT  IN  THE  EASTERN  CHURCH. 

I  68.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE  AND  ITS  REPRESENTATIVES. 

CoMP.  Heeren,  Gesch.  d.  class.  Liter,  im  M.  A.  2  vols.  Gott.  1822. — • 
W.  Gass,  Beitriige  zur  kirchl.  Literatur  u.  Dogmengesch.  d.  griech.  M. 
A.  (Contrib.  to  the  Eccles.  Liter,  and  to  the  Hist,  of  Dogm.  in  the  Gr. 
Ch.  during  the  Middle  Ages).  2  vols.  Bresl.  1844,  1849.     Comp.  also 


262  SECTION    I.  —  THIRD    PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.)  . 

History  of  the  Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires,  by  G.  Fiiilaij,  LL.D., 
Edinb.  and  London. — Smiih's  Biographical  Diet.,  and  Wharton's  Ap- 
pend, to  Cave. 

Iconoclasm  (126-842)  was  combined  with  hostility  to  science 
and  art  generally.  Hence,  during  that  part  of  the  middle  ages, 
the  Greek  Church  numbered  fewer  learned  men  and  writers  than 
at  any  other  period.  But,  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century,  the  Byzantine  Church  seemed  suddenly  to  rouse  itself 
to  new  activity,  and  attained  a  stage  which  at  one  time  it  had 
appeared  incapable  of  again  reaching.  It  is  even  more  remarka- 
ble that  it  not  only  maintained  this  high  position  uninterruptedly 
during  six  centuries,  but  that  the  ardour  for  theological  study 
seemed  to  increase  in  proportion  as  political  prospects  became 
moie  dark  and  threatening.  A  special  characteristic  of  the 
literary  activity  of  that  period  is  the  revival  of  classical  studies, 
which  had  been  wellnigh  wholly  neglected  since  the  fifth  century. 
All  at  once  those  Greeks,  who  were  at  the  eve  of  intellectual  as 
well  as  of  political  decay,  seem  to  have  remembered  the  rich 
heirloom  which  their  heathen  ancestors  had  left  them.  These 
treasures  were  now  brought  forth  from  musty  libraries  where 
they  had  lain  concealed,  and  studied  with  a  diligence,  enthu- 
siasm, and  consciousness  of  their  value,  which  commands  admira- 
tion. The  Greeks  had,  however,  long  before,  lost  the  capacity 
of  producing  original  works  ;  their  energy  was  therefore  expended 
on  reproducing,  annotating,  or  explaining.  But  even  thus  the 
revival  of  classical  lore  exercised  comparatively  little  influence 
on  a  theology,  which  had  become  ossified  amid  traditionalism 
and  Aristotelian  formulas.  Where  these  bonds  were  broken, 
classical  studies  only  reintroduced  the  ancient  heathen  views  of 
men  and  matters. 

1.  It  appears  that  the  patronage  which  the  Khalifs,  since  the  close 
of  the  eighth  century,  bestowed  on  the  study  of  the  ancient  literature 
i>f  Greece,  fired  the  zeal  of  the  Eastern  literati,  and  led  to  the  revival 
OF  CLASSICAL  STUDIES.  Of  course,  if  a  trace  of  national  feeling  were 
left  in  the  Byzantine  rulers,  they  could  not  lag  behind  their  Moslem 
rivals.  This  circumstance,  however,  does  not  entirely  account  for  the 
altered  state  of  matters.  No  doubt  Providence  itself  designed  it,  that 
these,  the  noblest  fruits  of  ancient  heathenism,  which  had  already 
served  such  good  purpose  in  training  and  preparing  the  Christian 
Fathers  for  their  task,  should  now  become  the  basis  of  modern  literature 
and  science.  —  To  Bardas,  the  guardian  and  colleague  of  Michael  III. 


THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCE.  263 

(§67,  1),  however  infamous  his  conduct  had  been  in  other  respects, 
belongs  the  merit  of  founding  schools,  and  employing  teachers  for  the 
prosecution  of  classical  studies.  Basil  Uie  Macedonian,  although  him- 
self destitute  of  learning,  respected  and  promoted  scientific  culture. 
I'hotius  was  chosen  tutor  to  the  children  of  that  Emperor,  and  imbued 
them  with  a  zeal  for  study,  which  in  turn  was  transmitted  to  their  de- 
scendants. Leo  the  Philosopher,  the  son,  and  Constantimts  Forpliy- 
rogenneta,  the  grandson  of  Basil,  were  both  distinguished  for  their 
attainments.  When  the  dynasty  of  the  Macedonians  was  succeeded  by 
that  of  the  Comnenes  (since  1057),  scientific  pursuits  were  prosecuted 
with  even  greater  ardour.  Some  of  the  princesses  of  that  race  (such 
as  Eudocia  and  Anna  Comnena)  distinguished  themselves  in  literature. 
Fselliis  proved  to  this  family  what  Photius  had  been  to  that  of  the 
Macedonians.  Thessalonica  became  a  second  Athens,  and  rivalled 
Constantinople  in  the  pursuit  of  classical  study.  During  the  sixty 
years  when  Byzantium  was  the  seat  of  a  Latin  Empire,  the  barbarism 
and  ignorance  of  the  Crusaders  threatened  to  destroy  the  civilization 
fostered  by  the  Comnenes ;  but  when,  in  1261,  the  Paloiologi  again  as- 
cended the  throne  of  the  East,  the  former  pursuits  were  resumed  with 
renewed  ardour.  In  1453,  Constantinople  was  taken  by  the  Turks, 
vrhen  a  large  number  of  Greek  literati  sought  refuge  in  Italy,  trans- 
ferring to  the  West  the  treasures  they  had  guarded  with  such  care. 

2.  Aristotle  and  Plato.  —  With  the  revival  of  classical  studies,  the 
treatises  of  Plato,  which  were  regarded  as  more  classical,  or  at  least  as 
more  purely  Grecian  than  those  of  Aristotle,  came  again  into  high 
repute.  But  as  Aristotle  was  still  considered  the  great  authority  in 
the  church  (§  47,  6)  —  a  position  assigned  to  him  chiefly  through  the 
efforts  oi  John  Damasceaus — Platonism  continued  an  object  of  some 
distrust  to  theologians,  a  feeling  increased  by  the  circumstance  that  so 
many  admirers  of  classical  literature  had  lapsed  into  practical  heathen- 
ism. The  controversy  which  now  ensued  attained  its  highest  pitch 
during  the  fifteenth  century,  when  Gemistus  Pleiho  used  every  effort 
to  dethrone  Aristotle  from  the  place  which  till  then  he  had  occupied  in 
the  esteem  of  the  learned.  lie  insisted  that  all  should  acknowledge 
the  supremacy  of  "  the  divine  Plato,"  and  confidently  predicted  that 
speedily  the  time  would  come  when  both  Christianity  and  Mahom- 
medanism  would  give  place  to  the  universal  sway  of  a  "  religion  of 
pure  humanity."  Those  views  were  shared  by  his  numerous  pupils, 
among  whom  Bessarion  (^  67,  6)  was  the  most  distinguished.  On  the 
other  hand,  George  of  Trebizond  and  his  pupils  were  equally  enthu- 
siastic in  their  admiration  of  Aristotle.  Numerous  representatives  of 
these  two  schools  settled  in  Italy,  where  they  continued  their  con- 
troversies with  increased  bitterness  (|  120,  1). 

3.  Scholasticism  and  Mysticism.  —  The  application  of  the  Aristotelian 
method  to  the  study  of  dogmatics,   which  John  Philoponus  first  in- 
troduced, and  John  Daviascenus  brought  into  general  vogue,  gave  rise 
22* 


204         SECTION    I.  — THIRD    PERIOD    (C92— 1J53  A.  D.)  . 

to  a  peculiar  mode  of  treating  this  science,  Trhich,  though  wanting  in 
the  depth,  variety,  and  acuteness  that  characterized  the  sdiolasticism 
of  the  middle  ages,  resembled  it  in  many  respects.  But  at  the  same 
time  another  and  very  different  tendency  made  its  appearance.  Mysti- 
cism, of  which  the  traces  are  already  found  in  the  writings  of  the 
pseudo-Areopagite  (|48,  5),  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  discipline 
and  retirement  of  the  monasteries.  Among  its  numerous  representa- 
tives, Nicholas  Cabasilas  was  the  most  distinguished.  Those  mystics 
opposed  neither  the  teaching  nor  the  rites  of  the  Church.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  delighted  in  dwelling  on  all  that  had  a  symbolical  bearing, 
and  connecting  it  with  the  idea  of  a  sacrament.  No  ground,  therefore, 
existed  for  collision  between  the  Dialecticians  and  the  Mystics. 

4.  Theological  Sciences. — John  Damascemis  had,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  this  period,  grouped  into  a  system  according  to  the  dialectic 
forms  of  Aristotle,  the  conclusions  of  former  doctrinal  disquisitions. 
His  "  Ecdosis"  is  the  first  and  only  complete  work  on  Dogmatics  that 
emanated  from  the  ancient  Greek  Church.  Despite  the  failure  of 
attempts  at  union  with  the  Latin  Church,  which  indeed  only  issued  in 
wider  estrangement  on  controverted  points,  the  frequent  contact  with 
the  Latin  was  not  without  its  beneficial  influence  on  the  Greek  Church. 
The  Eastern  divines  profited  by  the  scholasticism  of  their  brethren  in 
the  West  so  far  as  to  apply  this  more  full  and  scientific  method  to  the 
treatment  of  doctrines  on  which  the  two  churches  were  agreed.  Con- 
troversy was  still  kept  up  witii  the  Nestorians,  the  Monophysites,  and 
the  Monothelites,  while  the  pen  of  polemics  found  fresh  employment 
against  the  Gnostic  and  Manichean  sects,  which  at  this  period  again 
made  their  appearance,  as  also  against  the  schismatics  of  the  West, 
and  those  who  advocated  a  reunion  with  them.  The  altered  circum- 
stances of  the  times  also  led  to  a  revival  of  the  study  of  Apologetics. 
Not  only  was  Islamism  making  rapid  strides,  but  the  protection 
accorded  by  the  Saracens  to  the  synagogue  rendered  it  necessary  to 
defend  Christianity  against  the  attacks  of  the  Jews.  But  the  prevailing 
scholastic  and  traditional  theology  proved  incapable  of  coping  with  the 
storms  which  the  judicial  providence  of  God  had  allowed  to  rise. 
Lastly,  the  revival  of  classical  study,  and  the  reappearance  in  its  train 
of  heathen  ideas,  obliged  theologians  to  be  again  on  their  guard 
against  ancient  superstitions  [Nicholas  of  Meihone).  Independent  exe- 
GETiCAL  researches  were  now  no  longer  prosecuted  ;  but  the  "Catenae" 
of  (Ecumeniiis,  of  Tlieophylact,  and  Euthymius  Zygademis,  are  valuable. 
The  study  of  Ecclesiastical  History  was  entirely  neglected.  Nice- 
phorus  Callisti  was  the  only  writer  who  devoted  his  attention  to  this 
study  (in  the  fourteenth  century).  But  his  Eccl.  Hist.,  written  without 
taste  or  ability,  adds  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  the  subject.  Of 
much  greater  value,  even  in  regard  of  Eccl.  Hist.,  are  the  numerous 
"  Scriptores  historiae  Byzantinje."  To  this  list  we  add  the  name  of 
Simeon  Metraphrastes,  celebrated  in  his  day  as  a  writer  of  legends. 


THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCE.  265 

5.  John  Damascenus  was  by  far  the  ablest  theologian  of  the  eighth 
century.  For  a  considerable  time  lie  was  employed  in  the  service  Df 
the  Saracens,  and  died  in  760  as  Abbot  of  the  Monastery  of  S.  Sabas 
at  Jerusalem.  His  admirers  gave  him  the  title  of  Chrysorrhoas ;  the 
Iconoclasts,  who  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in  754  pronounced  a 
threefold  anathema  upon  him,  the  Saracen  by-name  of  Mansur.  His 
principal  work,  the  Ylriyri  yrwcrfcoj,  procured  him  an  imperishable  fame, 
and  has  l^een  regarded  as  an  authority  in  the  Greek  Church.  Section  I. 
(xf<J)a\ia  ^CKooo^vxd)  forms  a  dialectic,  and  Section  II.  (rftpt  atpstjfwi')  a 
historical  introduction  to  Part  III.  ("Exfioffij  dxpijSjjj  r^j  6p^o56|oi;  rttoffcof), 
in  Avhich  the  various  dogmas  as  propounded  by  the  Councils  and  the 
Fathers — especially  the  three  great  Cappadocians — are  systematically 
arranged  and  presented.  The  t«pa  Ttafd'K'Kirfka,,  by  the  same  author, 
consist  of  a  collection  of  "  loci  classici,"  taken  from  the  writings  of  the 
Fathers  on  doctrinal  and  ethical  subjects,  and  arranged  in  alphabetical 
order.  He  also  wrote  controversial  tractates  against  various  heretics, 
and  composed  a  number  of  hymns  (best  ed.  by  le  Quien.  Par.  1712.  2 
vols.  fol.).  —  Among  the  numerous  works  of  Photius  {|  67,  I),  the 
"  Bibliotheca  "  (Mvpto)3i|3^toi/)  is  the  most  valuable.  It  contains  notices 
of,  and  extracts  from,  279  Christian  and  heathen  Avorks,  of  which  tlie 
greater  part  have  not  otherwise  been  preserved  (best  ed.  by  Im.  Becker. 
Berol.  1824.  2  vols.  4).  Besides  his  controversial  tractates  against  the 
Latins  and  the  Pauliciant,  the  Amphilochia  (or  replies  to  above  300 
theological  questions  submitted  to  him  by  Bishop  Amphilochius)  also 
deserve  notice,  and  his  Nomocanon  (?  43,  3),  which  has  ever  since 
formed  the  basis  of  the  caiaon  law  of  the  Greek  Church.  The  series 
of  distinguished  writers  who  flourished  under  the  Comnene  dyiiasiy 
commenced  with  Michael  Constantinus  Psellus,  teacher  of  philoso- 
phy at  Constantinople  [oh.  1106),  a  man  whose  acquirements  were 
equally  varied  and  deep.  Some  of  his  numerous  tractates  were  devoted 
to  theological  subjects,  though  he  acquired  not  fame  in  that  depart- 
ment. His  cotemporary,  Theophylact,  Archbishop  of  Achrida,  in  Bul- 
garia, has  left  us  very  able  commentaries,  or  rather  "  Catenae." 
EuTHYMius  Zygadenus,  a  monk  of  Constantinople,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  twelfth  century,  composed,  by  request  of  the  Emperor 
Alexins  Comnenus,  a  work  intended  to  refute  all  heresies  ("Dogmatic 
Panoply  of  the  Orthodox  Faith,"  in  twenty-four  books).  Although 
highly  praised  at  the  time,  it  is  a  mere  compilation,  whose  sole  merit, 
lies  in  its  refutation  of  the  heretics  of  that  particular  period.  The 
exegetical  compilations  by  the  same  author  are  more  valuable.  Eusta- 
THius,  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica  [oh.  1194),  was  the  most  prominent 
divine  of  the  twelfth  century.  He  has  long  been  famed  as  the  com- 
mentator of  Homer  and  Pindar ;  but  the  recent  edition  of  his  theological 
Opuscula  (ed.  Tafel.  Fref.  1839,  4),  proves  that  ho  deserves  even  higher 
acknowledgment  as  a  Christian,  a  divine,  a  prelate,  and  a  reformer  of 
the  ecclesiastical  and  monkish  abuses  of  his  time  (^  70,  4).  At  the  same 
23 


266         SECTION    I. THIRD    PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.). 

period  flourished  Nicholas,  Bishop  of  Methone  in  Messenia,  who 
replied  to  the  attacks  of  Prochis  the  Neo-Platonist,  in  a  tractate  which 
forms  one  of  the  ablest  theological  works  of  that  age.  His  views  on 
the  doctrine  of  redemption  deserve  special  mention  as  resembling  those 
of  Anselm  of  Canterbury.  Nicetas  Acominatus  or  CJioniaies,  a  states- 
man {ob.  1204),  was  another  distinguished  writer  of  that  period.  His 
"  Treasury  of  Orthodoxy,"  in  twenty-seven  books,  contains  a  vindica- 
tion of  orthodox  doctrine,  and  a  refutation  of  heretics,  much  more  able 
and  original  than  the  work  of  Euthymius  on  the  same  subject.  (Comp. 
Jjlbnann,  "  Nic.  of  Methone,  Euthym.  Zygabenus  and  Nicetas  Cho- 
niates,"  in  the  "  Studien  u.  Krit."  for  1833,  P.  III.)— During  the 
reign  of  the  Palccologi  (1250-1450),  theologians  were  chiefly  engaged 
in  advocating  or  opposing  the  attempts  made  at  reunion  with  the 
Latin  Church.  Nicholas  Cabasilas,  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica,  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  one  of  the  most  eminent  mystics  in  the  Church, 
deserves  special  mention.  His  principal  work,  Uipi  -tyji  cv  Xpiat^  ?"^5, 
has  only  lately  been  rescued  from  oblivion  by  W.  Gass  ut  supra,  vol.  II. 
His  mysticism,  which  is  remarkable  for  its  depth  and  fervour,  breathes 
a  spirit  of  antagonism  to  the  prevailing  tendency  towards  work- 
righteousness.  Still,  his  "Expositio  Missae"  proves  that  he  shared  the 
predilection  of  Greek  Mystics  for  the  Liturgy.  At  a  somewhat  later 
period  (about  1400)  flourished  Simeon,  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica,  a 
prelate  equally  famed  for  classical  and  patristic  lore,  and  for  the 
manner  in  which  he  administered  the  affairs  of  the  Church.  His  great 
work,  "  De  fide,  ritibus  ct  mysteriis  ecclesiasticis,"  is  of  great  import- 
ance for  the  study  of  Greek  MedijBvalism.  Lastly,  we  may  mention 
Gregorius  Scholarius,  who  as  monk  bore  the  name  of  Gennadius,  the 
first  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  after  the  capture  of  that  city  by  the 
Turks.  At  the  Council  of  Florence  he  objected  to  the  proposed  union ; 
in  the  philosophical  controversy  then  raging,  he  advocated  the  tradi- 
tional claims  of  Aristotle  against  Plato.  At  the  request  of  Sultan 
Mohammed  IL,  he  composed  and  handed  to  that  monarch  a  "  Professio 
Fidei."     (Cojip.  Gass  ut  supra,  vol.  I.) 

§  09.   DOGMATIC   CONTROVERSIES  DURING  THE  TWELFTH 
AND  FOURTEENTH  CENTURIES. 

»  With  the  taste  for  intellectual  pursuits,  that  for  theological 
speculations  and  discussions  also  revived.  During  the  reign  of 
Manuel  Comnenus,  1143-1180,  the  question  was  raised,  whether 
Christ  had  offered  Himself  a  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  the  world 
to  the  Father  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost  only,  or  also  to  the  Logos, 
i.  e.,  to  Himself.  At  a  synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  1156, 
the  latter  view  was  declared  to  be  the  orthodox.  Ten  years 
later,  a  controversy  arose  as  to  whether  the  saying  of  Christ, 


DOGMATIC    CONTROVERSIES.  267 

"  My  Fathei'  is  gi'eater  than  I,"  referred  to  His  Divine  nature, 
to  His  human,  or  to  the  union  of  these  two  natures.  The  ques- 
tion was  discussed  by  persons  of  all  classes,  and  that  with  an 
earnestness  and  ardour  which  recalls  the  kindred  controversies  in 
the  fourth  century  (§  50,  2).  At  last  the  view  of  the  Emperor, 
that  the  expression  referred  to  the  God-man,  carried  at  the 
Synod  of  Constantinople  in  1166.  Those  who  refused  to  sub- 
mit, had  their  property  confiscated  or  were  exiled.  A  third 
controversy  sprung  up  when  the  Emperor  Manuel  objected  to  the 
formula  of  solemn  abjuration,  "of  the  God  of  Mohammed,''^ 
which  was  exacted  from  Moslem  converts.  In  vain  the  bishops 
proved  that  the  God  of  Mohammed  was  not  the  true  God  ;  the 
formula  had  to  be  altered. — Two  centuries  later,  the  Hesychastic 
controversy  broke  out,  which  bore  on  the  existence  and  reality 
of  an  uncreated  Divine  Light. 

The  Hesycliasiic  Controversy  (1341-1351). — The  monks  who  inhabited 
the  cloisters  on  Mount  Athos  in  Thessalia  were  deeply  imbued  with 
the  Areopagite  mysticism.  Following  the  directions  given  three  cen- 
turies before  by  Simeon,  Abbot  of  the  Mamas  monastery  at  Constanti- 
nople, these  monks  used  artificial  means  to  bring  themselves  into  a 
state  of  ecstatic  vision,  which  the  Areopagite  had  recommended  as  the 
highest  stage  of  genuine  mysticism.  For  this  purpose,  each  cowered 
alone  in  a  corner  of  his  cell,  his  chin  pressed  against  his  chest,  his 
eyes  immovably  fixed  on  the  pit  of  his  stomach,  and  restraining  his 
breath  as  much  as  possible.  By  and  by  they  fell  into  a  state  of  melan- 
choly, and  their  sight  became  dim  ;  but  by  persisting,  these  sensations 
gave  place  to  ineffable  delight,  till  at  last  each  saw  himself  wrapped  in 
a  bright  halo  of  glory.  They  called  themselves  "Quietists"  {tjavxa^ov- 
tei),  and  maintained  that  the  halo  which  shone  around  them  was  the 
same  uncreated  Divine  Light  that  on  Mount  Tabor  had  surrounded  the 
person  of  the  Saviour.  Barlaam  (§  67,  5),  who  had  just  returned  from 
his  unsuccessful  attempt  at  bringing  about  a  union  with  the  Latin 
Church,  designated  these  monks  as  '■^navel-souls"  [ofx^aXo^vxoi),  and 
charged  them  and  their  defender  Gregory  Palamas,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop of  Thessalonica,  with  Ditheism.  But  at  a  Council  held  at  Con- 
stantinople (in  1341),  the  members  of  which  were  hostile  to  the  efforts 
made  by  Barlaam  for  a  union  with  the  West,  the  doctrine  of  an  uncre- 
ated Divine  Light  was  approved,  and  a  distinction  made  between  this 
Divine  tj/lpyfia  and  the  Divine  ovaia.  To  escape  being  anathematized, 
Barlaam  made  recantation;  soon  afterwards  he  fled  to  Italy  and  joined 
the  Latin  Church.  But  Gregory  Acindynos,  a  pupil  of  Barlaam,  and 
Nicephorus  Gregoras,  the  historian,  continued  the  controversy  with  the 
Hesychasts.  Three  other  synods  (up  to  a.  d.  1351)  pronounced  in 
f^  (our  of  these  monks. 


268    SECTION  I. — THIRD  PERIOD  (692—1453  A.D.). 


I  70.  GOVERNMENT,  WORSHIP,  AND  MANNERS. 

The  Byzantine  emperors  had  always  insisted  on  imposing  their 
own  views  or  desires  as  the  law  according  to  which  even  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  the  Church  were  to  be  settled.  Being  anointed 
with  the  holy  Myron,  they  bore  the  character  of  priests  and  the 
title  of  ayioj.  Besides,  since  the  time  of  Leo  the  Philosopher 
(§  68,  1),  most  of  the  emperors  had  been  more  or  less  versed  in 
theology.  Still,  the  office  of  Patriarch,  when  held  by  a  man  of 
character,  was,  despite  frequent  and  arbitrary  depositions  of 
those  who  occupied  the  See  of  Constantinople,  a  power  which 
even  the  despots  of  the  East  were  obliged  to  respect.  The  nume- 
rous monks  —  and  through  them  the  people  —  formed  a  mighty 
bulwark  around  the  Episcopal  Chair.  In  consequence  of  the 
iconoclastic  controversies,  Theodoras  Studita  (§  66,  4)  had  or- 
ganized the  strict  churchmen  into  a  party,  which  strenuously 
resisted,  on  principle,  every  interference  of  the  State  in  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  and,  among  others,  the  filling  up  of  ecclesiastical 
offices  by  the  secular  power.  But  these  efforts  were  only  at- 
tended with  partial  success.  The  monastic  institutions  had  been 
almost  entirely  annihilated  under  the  reign  of  the  Isaurian 
dynasty.  When  again  restored,  they  developed,  indeed,  and 
spread  in  proportion  to  their  former  decline,  but  rapidly  degene- 
rated in  every  sense  of  the  word.  The  Eastern  monks,  who  had 
not  the  great  mission,  devolving  on  their  brethren  in  the  West, 
of  Christianizing  and  civilizing  barbarous  nations,  wanted  the 
opportunities  of  revival,  of  strength,  and  of  purification,  which 
this  great  work  afforded  to  the  monks  of  the  Latin  Church. 
Still,  if  in  those  degenerate  times  we  were  to  look  for  instances 
of  stedfast  conviction,  of  firmness,  of  boldness,  and  of  moral 
earnestness,  we  should  in  all  likelihood  find  them,  if  anywhere, 
among  these  recluses.  The  modifications  which,  during  that 
period,  took  place  in  public  worship  were  unimportant,  although 
both  in  theory  and  practice  slight  alterations,  or  rather  amplifi- 
cations, were  introduced. 

1.  The  Arsenian  Schism  (1262-1312).— After  the  death  of  the  Em- 
peror Theodore  Lascaris  in  1259,  Michael  Palceologus  usurped  the 
guardianship  of  John,  the  imperial  Prince,  a  child  only  six  years  old, 
had  himself  crowned  co-Emperor,  and,  to  render  the  Prince  incapable 
of  reigning,  caused  his  eyes  to  be  put  out.     For  these  crimes,  the 


GOVERNMENT,     WORSHIP,     AND    MANNERS.         2G9 

Patriarch  Arsenius  excommunicated  the  Regent ;  but  was  in  turn  de- 
posed and  banished  (1262).  The  numerous  adherents  of  Arsenius 
refused  to  acknowledge  Joseph  (?  67,  4)  as  his  successor  in  the  See  of 
Constantinople.  They  separated  from  the  State  Church,  and  gradually 
their  admiration  of  the  exiled  patriarch  changed  into  violent  hatred  of 
the  prelate  who  occupied  his  place.  When  Joseph  died  (in  1283),  it 
was  agreed  to  submit  the  question  in  dispute  to  the  test  of  a  solemn 
ordeal.  Each  of  the  two  parties  threw  a  document,  which  embodied  a 
defence  of  their  views,  into  the  fire.  Of  course,  hoth  documents  were 
consumed  by  the  flames.  At  the  sight  of  this,  the  Arsenians,  who  had 
expected  a  miracle,  seemed  taken  aback,  and  proposed  to  fall  in  with 
the  opposite  party.  But  on  the  day  following,  they  revoked  their  con- 
cessions ;  and  the  schism  continued  until  in  1312,  when  the  Patriarch 
Niphon  solemnly  buried  the  bones  of  Arsenius  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Sophia,  and  suspended  for  forty  days  all  those  clerics  who  formerly 
had  declared  themselves  opposed  to  him. 

2.  Public  Worship.  —  In  the  Greek  Church  the  sermon  still  formed 
the  principal  part  in  the  public  services ;  but  the  homiletic  productions 
of  that  period  are  not  of  a  character  to  deserve  special  notice.  In  the 
service  of  song,  a  revulsion  of  feeling  took  place ;  and  gradually  unin- 
spired hymns,  especially  those  in  honour  of  the  Virgin  and  of  the 
saints,  were  introduced  into  the  Church  services.  The  best  specimens 
of  this  kind  of  composition  date  from  the  eighth  century.  John  Damas- 
cenus,  Cosmas  of  Jerusalem,  and  Theophanes  of  Nice,  were  regarded  as 
the  three  great  diytot.  (ji.i%i^boi.  The  number  of  the  sacraments  and  their 
import  had  not  yet  been  accurately  defined.  An  enumeration  of  seven 
sacraments — the  same  as  that  adopted  by  the  Latin  Church  during  the 
middle  ages — occurs  first  in  the  anti-protestant  "  Confessio  Orthodoxa" 
of  Petrus  Mogilas,  dating  from  a.  d.  1643.  In  contradistinction  to  the 
Western  Church,  the  Greeks  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  submersion  in 
baptism,  of  the  chrisma  in  baptism,  of  the  use  of  leavened  bread  in 
the  Eucharist,  and  of  giving  60^/4  elements  to  the  laity.  John  Damas- 
cenus  still  defended  the  doctrine  of  consubstantiation  in  the  Eucharist, 
but  later  divines  adopted  that  of  transubstantiation.  Extreme  unction 
Avas  administered  in  the  Greek  Church ;  but,  unlike  the  practice  in  the 
Church  of  Rome,  not  merely  to  those  who  were  in  articulo  mortis,  but 
even  to  persons  who  were  not  dangerously  ill,  while,  in  case  of  a  re- 
lapse, the  rite  was  repeated. 

3.  Monasticism.  —  The  most  renowned  monasteries  were  those  on 
Mount  Athos  in  Thessalia,  which  was  literally  covered  with  cloisters 
and  cells  of  hermits,  and  which  to  this  day  is  venerated  by  the  Greek 
Church  as  a  holy  mountain  and  place  of  pilgrimage.  The  monastery 
of  Studion  was  also  (|  44,  4)  still  in  high  repute.  —  But  the  Eastern 
monks  were  not  free  from  extravagances.  There  were  innumerable 
Stijliles  v.-ho  spent  their  lives  on  the  top  of  tree.?  (Se^Sprrat)  in  close 


270  SECTION   I.  —  THIRD   PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.). 

cages  built  upon  high  scaffoldings,  or  in  subterranean  caves.  Some 
took  a  vow  of  perpetual  silence,  while  many  wore  constantly  a  coat  of 
iron  {aiSfjpovixivoi.),  etc.  A  curious  species  of  religious  exercises  was 
that  in  which  the  Ecetes  {ixirat.)  of  the  twelfth  century  indulged. 
These  monks  engaged,  along  with  nuns  who  held  similar  views,  in 
solemn  dances,  and  singing  of  hymns  to  the  praise  of  God,  in  imitation 
of  Ex.  XV.  20,  21.  They  were  sound  in  doctrine,  nor  do  they  appear 
to  have  been  charged  with  immorality ;  still,  Nicetas  Acominatua 
represents  them  as  a  heretical  sect. 

4.  Reformatory  Efforts. — At  the  commencement  of  the  twelfth  cent., 
Constant i Hits  Chrysomalus,  a  pious  monk  of  Constantinople,  and  ten 
years  afterwards  another  monk  called  Niplion,  combated  the  prevail- 
ing tendency  towards  externalism  and  work-righteousness.  Both  be- 
came the  leaders  of  wide-spread  associations  of  clerics  and  laymen,  who, 
under  their  spiritual  direction,  cultivated,  as  mystics,  the  inner  reli- 
gious life,  but  set  lightly  by  outward  ecclesiastical  forms.  The  two 
monks  were  excommunicated.  The  Patriarch  Cosmas,  who  would  not 
admit  that  Niphon  was  a  heretic,  and  indeed  asked  him  to  share  his 
palace  and  table,  was  likewise  deposed  (in  1150).  The  reformatory 
efforts  made  by  Enstathiiis,  the  distinguished  Archbishop  of  Thessalo- 
nica  (^  08,  5),  were  entirely  free  from  direct  opposition  to  the  prevail- 
ing ecclesiastical  system,  and  hence  offered  no  ground  of  attack  to  his 
enemies.  He  inveighed  unsparingly  against  the  moral  and  religious 
decay  prevalent  among  the  people,  and  especially  against  the  hypo- 
crisy, the  vulgarity,  coarseness,  spiritual  pride,  and  ascetic  extrava- 
gances of  the  monks,  and  that  although  himself  was  enthusiastically 
devoted  to  Monasticism.  Two  centuries  after  him,  Nicholas  Cabasilas 
(§  68,  5),  a  man  of  like  spirit,  insisted  even  more  energetically  that 
the  state  of  the  heart  and  mind  was  the  test,  and  love  the  root,  of  all 
virtue. 

§  71.   GNOSTIC  AND  MANICH^AN  HERETICS. 

Coup.  Gicscler,  Unters.  u.  d.  Gesch.  d.  Paulicianer  (Inquiry  into  the 
Hist,  of  the  Paulic),  in  the  "  Stud.  u.  Krit."  for  1827,  P.  I.  —  Enc/el- 
hardt,  d.  Bogomilen,  in  that  author's  "  Kirchengesch.  Abhandl."  Er- 
lang.  1832. 

So  late  as  the  seventh  century  traces  of  the  Gnostic  and  Mani- 
chasan  heresies  seem  to  have  lingered  in  Armenia  and  Syria, 
where  such  views  were  fostei'ed  by  contiguity  to  the  Parsees. 
These  embers  were  in  657  fanned  afresh  by  Constantinus  of  Ma- 
vanalis  near  Samosato,  whose  doctrinal  views  were  almost  iden- 
tical with  those  of  Marcion  (§  28,  10).  The  Catholics,  whom 
this  sect  called  "  Komans,"  gave  them  the  name  of  Paulicians, 


GNOSTIC   AND    MANICH^AN    HERETICS.  271 

because  they  only  acknowledged  the  apostolic  authority  of  Paul. 
But  they  designated  themselves  "  Christians,"  and  gave  their 
leaders  and  congregations  the  titles  of  the  companions  of  Paul, 
and  of  the  places  where  he  had  laboured.  Their  system  was  a 
mixture  of  Mysticism,  which  aimed  after  the  cultivation  of  the 
"inner  life,"  with  Dualism,  Demiurgism,  and  Docetism.  They 
insisted  on  strict,  though  not  on  excessive  asceticism,  opposed 
fasts,  and  allowed  marriage.  Their  form  of  worship  was  very 
simple,  and  their  church  government  modelled  after  that  of 
apostolic  times.  They  specially  protested  against  the  many 
ceremonies  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  against  the  religious 
honour  paid  to  images,  relics,  and  saints.  They  also  enjoined 
diligent  study  of  the  Scriptures,  but  rejected  what  they  called  the 
Judajo-Christian  Gospels  and  Epistles  of  the  N.  T, — Even  before 
the  Paulicians,  another  sect,  called  the  "Children  of  the  Sun," 
had  appeared  in  Armenia,  which  sought  to  combine  the  worship 
of  Ormuzd  with  certain  Christian  elements.  Reorganized  during 
the  ninth  and  tenth  cents.,  this  sect  acquired  fresh  influence. 
Like  the  Paulicians,  they  protested  against  the  abuses  in  the 
Catholic  Church.  —  The  same  remark  applies  also  to  the  Eu- 
CHITE8,  a  sect  in  Thracia  (during  the  eleventh  cent.),  which,  like 
their  older  namesakes  (§  44,  5),  derived  their  name  from  engaging 
continuously  in  prayer,  a  practice  which  they  extolled  as  the 
indication  of  highest  perfection.  Their  Dualistic  and  Gnostic 
views  were  adopted  and  further  developed  by  the  Bogomiles 
(lovers  of  God,  friends  of  God),  a  sect  in  Bulgaria  (in  the  twelfth 
cent.).  The  latter  maintained  that  two  principles  —  Sanianael, 
the  elder,  and  Christ,  the  younger  Son  of  God  —  had  emanated 
from  the  Supreme  God.  Originally,  Satanael  had  also  been  a 
good  ^on  ;  but  having  revolted,  he  had  created  the  terrestrial 
world  and  man.  In  mercy  the  Supreme  God  had  breathed  into 
man  the  breath  of  his  own  Divine  life,  and  sent  Christ,  the 
younger  ^on,  for  the  purpose  of  completely  redeeming  him. 
The  sect  prohibited  marriage,  rejected  the  use  of  imuges  and  the 
sign  of  the  cross,  but  attached  great  importance  to  fasting.  The 
only  portions  of  the  Old  Test,  which  they  received,  were  the 
writings  of  the  Prophets  and  the  Book  of  Psalms.  The  Gospel 
of  John  they  regarded  as  the  highest  revelation.  In  room  of  the 
baptism  with  water  they  substituted  that  of  the  Spirit,  and  also 
rejected  the  celebration  of  Eucharist ;  and  in  place  of  these  rites, 
laid  great  stress  on  prayer,  especially  on  the  Lord's  Prayer. — 
23 


272         SECTION   I. — THIRD   PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.), 

All  these  sects  were  charged  by  their  Catholic  opponents  with 
holding  Antinomian  principles,  and  with  indulging  in  orgies 
and  unnatural  vices. 

1.  The  PauliciaMS  (657-1115). — The  Catholic  controversial  vi'riters  of 
the  ninth  cent,  traced  the  sect  of  the  Paulicians,  and  even  their  name 
(=nat;;^olcoaii'oi-),  to  a  Manichcean  family  of  the  fourth  cent., —  CalUnicu 
a  widow,  had  her  two  sons.  Paid  and  John.     But  later  investigations 
have  failed  to  discover  any  traces  of  Manicluiean  tenets  in  their  system  ; 
and  the  only  historical  fact  established  is,  that  the  sect  was  founded  by 
Constantinns  of  Mananalis,  who  took  the  name  of  Si/lvanus  (the  com- 
panion of  Paul).    Their  first  community,  which  he  called  "  Macedonia," 
was  established  at  Cibossa  in  Armenia.     From  that  place  Constantinug 
undertook  missionary  journeys  in  all  directions.    The  Emperor  Constan- 
tinns Pogonnatus  (6G8-685)  commenced  a  bloody  persecution  of  the 
Paulicians.     But  the  enthusiasm  with  which  Sylvanus  met  death  by 
stoning  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  Symeon,  the  imperial  represen- 
tative, that  he  also  joined  the  sect,  and  taking  the  name  of  Titus,  be- 
came its  leader.     In  690  he  mounted  the  stake  with  the  same  enthusi- 
asm as  Sylvanus.     Gegnesius,  his  successor  (surnamed  Timothevs),  was 
summoned   to  Constantinople   under   the    reign  of  Leo  the  Isaurian. 
Subjected  to  an  examination  by  the  Patriarch,  he  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing from  him  a  certificate  of  orthodoxy,  and  was  also  furnished  by  the 
Emperor  (who  sympathized  in  his  hostility  to  images)  with  a  letter  of 
protection.     The  sect,  however,  became  divided.     Baanes,  one  of  their 
leaders,  was,  on  account  of  his  Antinomian  practices,  styled  "the  filthy" 
(5  (jvrfapo?).     But  about  801  a  new  reformer  arose  in  the  person  of  Ser- 
givs  TycJiictis,  who  late  in  life  was  converted  by  the  instrumentality  of 
a  pious  Paulician  female,  who  directed  his  attention  to  the  Bible.     Leo 
the  Armenian  (813-820)  organized  an  expedition  for  their  so-called  con- 
version.    Those  who  recanted,  were  again  received  into  the  Church, 
those  who  resisted  were  executed.     A  number  of  Paulicians  now  com- 
bined against  their  persecutors,  killed  them,  and  sought  refuge  in  Sa- 
racen territory,  where  they  founded  a  military  colony  at  Argaun  (Co- 
losse).     Thence  they  made  continual  incursions  into  the   Byzantine 
territory,  for  the  double  purpose  of  pillage  and  of  avenging  their  wrongs. 
The  sect  was  most  numerous  in  Asia  Minor.     Under  the  reign  of  the 
Empress  Theodora   (?  66,  4),   another  fearful  persecution  broke  out. 
Thousands  of  Paulicians  were  executed ;  among  others,  an  officer  high 
in  command.     His  son  Carheas,  who  had  also  been  an  officer,  now  col- 
lected about  5000  Paulicians,  by  whose  aid  he  hoped  to  avenge  the 
death  of  his  parent,  retired  with  them  to  Argaun,  and  acted  as  the 
military  chief  of  the  party.     Their  number  daily  increased   by  the 
accession  of  other  fugitives,  and  the  Khalifs  assigned  to  them  some  for- 
tified towns  on  the  frontier.     At  the  head  of  a  well-organized  army, 
Carbeas   carried   fire   and    sword    into   the  Byzantine   territory,  and 


GNOSTIC    AND     MANICHiEAN    HERETICS.  273 

repeatedly  put  imperial  armies  to  flight.  At  last,  after  tATO  campaigns, 
Basil  the  Macedonian  anniliilatod  the  Paulician  army  in  a  narrow 
defile  (871).  The  political  power  of  the  sect  was  indeed  broken,  but 
it  continued  to  spread  botli  in  Syria  and  Asia  Minor.  A  century  later 
(in  970),  the  Emperor  John  Tzimisces  transported  a  large  number  of 
them  to  Thvacia  to  guard  its  boundaries,  Avhcre  Pliilippopolis  becanio 
their  Zion.  Their  tenets  rapidly  sjiread  tlirough  that  country.  Alexius 
Comnenus  again  addressed  himself  to  the  task  of  converting  tlicm  to 
Catholic  views,  lie  went  in  jierson  to  I'hilippopolis,  disputed  for  days 
with  their  leaders,  and  l)y  promises,  threats,  rewards,  or  punishments, 
as  each  case  required,  carried  his  purpose  (llir)).  After  tiiat,  the  sect 
seems  to  have  Viecome  extinct.  Those  who  continued  to  entertain  their 
views  probably  joined  the  Euchites  or  the  Bogomiles.  —  Tlie  principal 
authority  for  the  history  of  the  Paulicians  is  the  "Hist.  Maniclucorum" 
of  Feints  Ciculus,  who,  as  imperial  ambassador,  had  lived  for  some  time 
among  the  Paulicians  of  Armenia. 

2.  The  so-called  "Children  of  the  Sun,"  or  Aretnirdi's,  an  Armenian 
sect,  originated  in  the  ninth  cent,  with  Sembat,  a  Paulician.  They  also 
bore  the  name  of  Thontrakians,  from  the  village  of  Thontrake,  where 
their  church  was  formed.  In  1002  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Metro- 
politan, Jacob  of  Harkh,  joined  them.  lie  gave  a  more  distinctively 
Christian  cast  to  their  tenets,  journeyed  through  the  country  preaching 
repentance  and  inveighing  against  work-righteousness,  and  made  nu- 
merous converts  both  among  the  clergy  and  laity.  The  Catholics  of 
the  Armenian  Church  had  him  branded  and  imprisoned.  lie  escaped, 
but  was  ultimately  killed  by  his  opponents. 

3.  At  the  commencement  of  the  eleventh  cent,  the  Euchites  [Messa- 
lians.  Enthusiasts)  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Government,  their 
opinions  having  widely  spread  in  Thracia.  Their  tenets  about  two 
Sons  of  God,  Satanael  and  Christ,  are  in  some  respects  akin  to  that 
form  of  Parsee  Dualism  Avhich  represents  the  two  antagonistic  princi- 
ples, Ormuzd  and  Ahriman,  as  proceeding  from  Zeruane  Akerene,  the 
one  Supreme  and  Eternal  Source.  The  seeds  of  this  heresy  may  have 
been  bi'ought  to  Thracia  when  the  Emperor  Tzimisces  transported  the 
Paulicians  to  that  province.     The  Byzantine  Government  sent  a  deputy 

'  to  arrest  the  progress  of  this  heresy  (perhaps  Michael  T'sellvs  (^  G8,  5), 
whoso  8iu7.oyo5  rtfpt  Eiifpyftoj  6a£;Uoi'wv  —  Ed.  Nuremberg  1838  —  is  our 
only  authority  about  this  sect).  But  a  century  afterwards,  the  same 
tenets  were  again  broached  in  Bulgaria  by  the  Bogomiles  (^foi})tXot), 
only  more  fully  developed,  and  assuming  the  form  of  more  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  Catholic  Church.  The  Emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  had 
Basil,  the  chief  of  the  party,  brought  to  Constantinople,  and,  under 
pretext  of  intending  to  join  the  sect,  induced  him  to  communicate  its 
tenets.  But  while  Basil  unreservedly  opened  his  mind  to  the  monarch, 
as  he  thought  in  strict  confidence,  a  conclave  of  inquisitors  sat  cou- 

s 


274  SECTION    I. — THIRD   PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.  D.). 

cealed  behind  a  curtain,  and  noted  down  his  every  statement.  This 
first  scene  of  the  comedy  -was  followed  by  another.  All  the  adherents 
of  Basil,  on  whom  the  Government  could  lay  hands,  were  condemned 
to  death.  Two  stakes  were  lighted,  to  one  of  which  a  cross  was  affixed. 
The  Emperor  now  entreated  them  at  least  to  die  as  Christians,  and  in 
sign  of  it  to  choose  the  stake  at  which  the  cross  had  been  erected. 
Those  who  complied  were  pardoned,  the  others  condemned  to  imprison- 
ment fur  life.  Basil  alone  was  burnt  (1119).  Still  the  sect  was  not 
annihilated.  Many  of  the  Bogomiles  sought  refuge  in  monasteries, 
where  they  propagated  their  views  in  secret. — Indeed,  long  after  that, 
adherents  of  Manich«an  views  were  found  in  Bulgaria,  whence  they 
spread  their  views  in  the  West.  Our  principal  source  of  information 
about  the  Bogomiles  is  the  Panoplia  of  Euthymius  (^  G8,  5). 

§  72.  THE  OKTIIODOX  SCLAVONIC-GREEK  CHURCHES. 

CoMP.  /.  Ph.  FaUmerayer,  Gesch.  d.  Halbinsel  Morea  im  M.  A.  (Hist, 
of  the  Penins.  of  Morea  during  the  M.  A.).  Stuttg.  1830.  Vol.  I.— P.J. 
Scliafarik,  slav.  Alterthllmer  (Slav.  Antiq.).  Vol.  II.  Leipz.  1844;  that 
author's  kurze  Uebers.  d.  altest.  kirchenslav.  Liter.  (Brief  Survey  of 
the  Old  Slav.  Eccl.  Liter.).  Leipz.  1848.  —  Nestor's  Annalen,  transl. 
by  Schlozer.  Gott.  1802.  5  vols.  —  Karamsin's  russ.  Gesch.,  transl.  by 
JTavenschild.  Riga  1820.  11  vols.— 77;.  Sirahl,  Gesch.  d.  russ.  K.  Ilalle 
1830.  Vol.  I.  (incompl.).  — IT.  /.  Schmitt  (Rom.  Cath.),  krit.  Gesch.  d. 
neugriech.  u.  russ.  K.  Mayence  1840.  —  Hefele,  d.  russ.  K.,  in  the  Tu- 
bing. Quarterly,  1853.  P.  III.  —  Mnnraviev,  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Russia, 
transl.  by /i/ac/v?Hore.  Oxford  1842. — J.  Dohrowshj,  Cyrill  u.  Methodius. 
Prague  l%2Z.—Philard,  Cyrill  u.  Methodius.  Mitau  1847.— /.. 4.  Ginzel, 
Gesch.  d.  Slavenap.  Cyrill  u.  Method,  u.  d.  slav.  Liturgie.  Leitm.  1857. 

Among  the  various  races  set  in  motion  when  the  Western 
Empire  was  broken  up,  the  Germans  and  Slavonians  vi^ere  des- 
tined to  become  the  principal  actors  in  tlie  history  of  the  world. 
The  Germanic  tribes  joined  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  ;  and 
at  first  it  seemed  as  if  the  Slavonic  race  generally  would  equally 
connect  itself  with  the  orthodox  Byzantine  Church.  Ultimately, 
however,  only  the  Eastern  Slavonic  countries  continued  in  their 
adherence  to  this  communion.  Most  of  them  were,  about  tlie 
same  period  as  the  Byzantine  Church,  brought  under  the  yoke 
of  Turkish  dominion.  This  remark  applies  especially  to  the 
Church  of  Bulgaria,  which  at  one  time  enjoyed  so  bright  pros- 
pects. In  proportion  to  these  losses,  was  the  accession  made  to 
the  Greek  Church  by  the  conversion  of  the  Russian  nation.  The 
political  importance  attaching  to  that  empire,  which,  after  having 
for  two  centuries  (1223-1481)  groaned  under  the  yoke  of  the 


ORTHODOX     SLAVONIC-GREEK    CHURCHES.         275 

Mongols,  rapidly  grew  both  in  extent  and  power,  proved  of  great 
advantage  to  the  Greek  Church.  It  is  due  to  the  Russians  that 
at  this  moment  the  orthodox  Greek  almost  equals  in  numbers  and 
influence  the  Romish  Church. 

1.  Not  long  after  the  time  of  Justinian,  Slavonic  tribes  made  in-up- 
tions  into  Macedonia,  Tkessalia,  Hellas,  and  the  Feloponnesus.  Tlie 
ancient  Hellenic  population  of  those  countries  "was  almost  entirely 
exterminated;  and  Greek  nationality  and  the  profession  of  Christianity 
continued  to  exist  only  in  the  fortified  towns,  especially  in  those  along 
the  sea-coast  and  on  the  islands.  The  Empress  Irene  was  the  first  suc- 
cessfully to  attempt  making  those  new  inhabitants  of  Greece  subject 
both  to  Christianity  and  to  the  Byzantine  Empire.  Basil  the  Mace- 
donian (867-886)  completed  this  effort,  and  that  so  effectually,  that 
even  the  ancient  heathen  Mainois  (§  42,  3)  in  the  Peloponnesus  sub- 
mitted. Mount  Athos,  with  its  hermits  and  monasteries  (^  70,  3), 
became  the  Zion  of  the  new  Church. 

2.  About  850  the  Chazars  in  the  Crimea  sent  to  Constantinople  for 
Christian  missionaries.  The  Court  readily  complied ;  and  dispatched 
on  this  errand  Constantinus,  surnamed  the  philosopher,  but  better 
known  by  the  name  of  Cyrillus,  which  he  bore  as  a  monk.  He  was  a 
native  of  Thessalonica,  and  perhaps  himself  of  Slavonic  descent ;  at 
any  rate,  he  knew  the  Slavonic  language.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years 
he  succeeded  in  converting  the  great  majority  of  the  people.  In  1016 
the  empire  of  the  Chazars  was  swept  away  by  the  Russians. 

3.  The  Bulgarians  of  Thracia  and  Moesia  had  obtained  their  first 
knowledge  of  Christianity  through  some  Greek  captives  ;  but  the  first 
germs  of  a  Christian  Church  were  suppressed  in  a  bloody  persecution. 
Not  long  afterwards,  however,  a  sister  of  Bogoris,  King  of  Bulgaria, 
was  baptized  at  Constantinople  during  her  captivity  in  that  city.  After 
her  liberation,  she  sought,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Byzantine  monk 
Methodius,  a  brother  of  Cyrill,  to  convert  her  brother  to  the  Christian 
faith.  The  providential  occurrence  of  a  famine,  and  a  representation 
of  the  Last  Judgment  painted  by  Methodius,  made  a  deep  impression 
on  the  mind  of  Bogoris.  He  was  baptized,  and  obliged  his  subjects  to 
follow  his  example  (861).  Soon  after  this,  both  Methodius  and  Cyrill 
were  called  to  another  field  of  labour  (to  Moravia,  §  79),  and  in  866 
the  Czar  of  Bulgaria  joined  from  political  motives  the  Western  Church. 
At  his  request.  Pope  Nicholas  I.  sent  bishops  and  priests  to  Bulgaria, 
to  organize  the  Church  of  that  country  in  conformity  with  Romish 
usages.  However,  Byzantine  diplomacy  recalled  the  Bulgarians  to 
their  first  allegiance ;  and  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (869)  their 
representatives  were  readily  convinced  that,  both  according  to  the  law 
of  God  and  of  man,  the  Church  of  Bulgaria  was  subject  to  the  ecclesi- 

23* 


27G  SECTION    I.  —  THIRD    TERIOD   (692— 1453  A.  D.)  . 

astical  jurisdiction  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  (§  67,  1).  Since 
that  time  the  Bulgarians  remained  attached  to  the  Greek  Church. 
Meantime  Cyrill  and  Metliodius,  the  two  apostles  of  the  Slavonians, 
had  invented  a  Slavonian  alphabet,  and  translated  both  the  Bible  and 
the  Liturgy  into  the  vernacular ;  thus  laying  the  foundation  for  an 
ecclesiastical  literature  in  that  tongue,  which  rapidly  sprung  up,  espe- 
cially in  Bulgaria,  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  noble  Czar  Si/meon 
(888-927).  The  tenth  century  formed  the  golden  age  of  the  Bulgarian 
Church  ;  though  at  that  period  the  Bogomile  heresy  (^  71,  3)  made  sad 
havoc.     In  1018  Basil  II.  conquered  Bulgaria. 

4.  The  conversion  of  the  Russians  to  Christianity  is  mentioned  even 
by  Photius.  Under  the  reign  of  the  Grand  Duke  Igor,  Kiev  seems  to 
have  had  a  cathedral.  Olya,  the  widow  of  Igor,  undertook  a  journey 
to  Constantinople,  where  she  was  baptized  in  955,  and  took  the  name 
of  Helena.  But  Sccctoslav,  her  son,  refused  to  follow  her  example. 
According  to  the  statement  of  German  chroniclers,  the  aged  princess 
ultimately  requested  the  Emperor  Olio  I.  to  send  German  missionaries 
to  Russia.  Adalbert  of  Treves,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg, 
followed  this  call ;  but  returned  without  having  achieved  any  result, 
his  companions  having  been  murdered  by  the  way.  It  was  reserved 
for  Vladimir  the  Aimstolic,  the  grandson  of  Olga,  to  eradicate  the  hea- 
thenism still  rampant  among  his  people.  According  to  a  somewhat 
romantic  legend,  that  monarch  had  dispatched  ten  Bojars  in  order  to 
examine  the  rites  of  the  various  churches.  The  envoys  seem  to  have 
been  captivated  with  the  splendid  rites  which  they  witnessed  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople.  In  988  Vladimir  was  baptized 
in  the  ancient  Christian  commercial  city  of  Cherson,  which  the  Russians 
had  lately  taken.  He  took  in  baptism  the  name  of  Basil,  and  was  at 
the  same  time  married  to  the  imperial  Princess  Anna.  In  every  place 
the  idols  were  now  broken  in  pieces  and  burnt ;  the  great  image  of 
Peroon  was  tied  to  the  tail  of  a  horse,  dragged  through  the  streets, 
broken  with  clubs,  and  thrown  into  the  Dnieper.  Soon  afterwards  the 
inhabitants  of  Kiev  were  ordered  to  assemble  on  the  bank  of  the 
Dnieper  in  order  to  be  baptized.  Vladimir  was  on  his  knees  by  the 
river-side  praying  and  thanking  God,  while  the  clergy,  standing  on 
floats,  administered  the  sacred  rite  to  the  people.  Anna  proved  very 
useful  in  encouraging  and  directing  the  organization  of  the  Russian 
Church.  Vladimir  died  in  1015.  His  son  Jaroslav  proved  in  Russia 
another  Justinian.  He  erected  many  churches,  monasteries,  and  schools 
throughout  the  country;  introduced  improvements  in  the  mode  of  cele- 
brating public  worship,  especially  in  church  music ;  awakened  a  taste 
for  art,  and  zealously  promoted  scientific  pursuits.  Russian  national 
literature  was  first  cultivated  in  the  monastery  of  Kiev,  where  a  native 
clergy  was  also  trained.  There,  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century, 
Nestor  composed  his  "Annals"  in  the  Russian  language.    The  spiritual 


THE    HERETICAL    CHURCHES    OF    THE    EAST.       277 

superintendence  of  the'  Church  was  committed  to  the  Metropolitan  of 
Kiev,  wlio  in  turn  was  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Patriarcli  of  Con- 
stantinople. In  1328  both  the  metropolitan  see  and  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment were  transferred  to  Moscow.  But  when  Kiev  became  subject  to 
Lithuanian  princes,  and  the  latter  joined  the  Latin  Church  (Jagello 
1386),  Kiev  was  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  metropolitan  see  for  the  pro- 
vinces of  Southern  Russia,  independent  of  the  See  of  Moscow  (1415). 
By  dint  of  Polish  and  Jesuit  intrigues,  a  union  was  brought  about 
between  that  Church  and  the  Papal  See  at  the  Spiod  of  Brzesc  in 
1594.  —  Isidore,  the  Metropolitan  of  Moscow,  also  attended  the  Synod 
held  at  Florence  in  1439,  where  a  union  with  Rome  was  agreed  upon 
(conip.  §  67,  6),  and  acceded  to  the  resolutions  of  that  assembly.  He 
returned  as  Cardinal  and  Papal  Legate.  But  at  a  council  held  in  Mos- 
cow the  union  was  disavowed ;  Isidore  was  imprisoned,  but  escaped 
and  died  at  Rome  in  1463.  After  that,  the  Metropolitan  of  Moscow 
continued  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  See  of  Constantinople  till 
1589,  when,  during  a  visit  to  Moscow,  the  Patriarch  Jeremiah  II.  was 
induced  to  declare  the  Russian  Church  independent,  and  to  set  apart 
Joh,  at  that  time  Metropolitan  of  Moscow,  to  be  its  first  Patriarch. 


I  73.  THE  HERETICAL  CHURCHES  OF  THE  EAST. 

The  Nestorian  and  Monophysite  churches  of  the  East  main- 
tained their  independence  chiefly  througli  the  protection  and 
favour  accorded  them  by  the  Moslem  rulers.  At  the  period  of 
which  we  write,  the  Persian  and  Syrian  Nestorians,  but  especially 
the  Armenian  Monophysites,  displayed  considerable  literary  acti- 
vity and  zeal  in  the  prosecution  of  theological  and  other  studies. 
They  initiated  the  Saracens  in  classical,  philosophical,  and  medi- 
cal lore,  and  made  many  contributions  to  theological  literature. 
For  a  long  time  the  Nestorians  continued  also  their  missionary 
efforts.  The  decay  of  these  churches,  however,  commenced 
when  the  rule  of  the  Khalifs,  who  had  encouraged  intellectual 
pursuits,  gave  place  to  Mongol  and  Turkish  barbarism.  The 
period  of  learning  and  brilliancy  was  followed  by  that  dulness 
and  deadness  which  has  ever  since  prevailed.  To  complete  the 
reunion  with  the  East,  inaugurated  at  the  Synod  of  Florence, 
Rome  soon  afterwards  proclaimed  that  all  the  heterodox  churches 
of  the  East  had  likewise  returned  to  their  allegiance  to  the  Chair 
of  St.  Peter.  But  this  union  proved  in  the  end  either  a  delusion 
or  a  deception.  Pretended  delegates  from  these  churches  so- 
lemnly applied  for  readmission  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church  — 
a  request  which  was  accorded  with  due  pomp  and  formality. 
24 


278  SECTION   I THIlin   PERIOD    (692— 1453  A.D.). 

1.  The  Persian  Kesiorians  (^  64,  2)  always  continued  on  excellent 
terms  with  their  Khalif  rulers  —  a  circumstance  chieflj'  due  to  their 
opposition  to  the  notion  of  a  "mother  of  God,"  and  to  their  rejection 
of  the  worship  of  saints,  images  and  relics,  and  of  priestly  celibacy. 
Accordingly,  the  Khalifs  regarded  theirs  as  a  kind  of  rational  Chris- 
tianity which  approximated  the  Moslem  ideal.  The  Xestorian  schools 
of  Edessa,  A'isibis,  Selcucia,  etc.,  were  in  a  very  flourishing  state.  But 
the  extensive  literature  which  issued  from  these  seats  of  learning  has 
not  been  handed  down,  and  only  fragments  of  it  have  been  preserved 
in  the  work  of  Assemanus  (Bibl.  Orientalis).  Of  later  Nestorian 
authors  the  best  known  is  Ebed-Jesit,  the  Metropolitan  of  Nisibis  {ob. 
1318).  Ilis  Avritings  treat  of  every  department  in  theology.  The 
missionari/  labours  of  the  Nestorians  continued  unabated  till  the  thir- 
teenth century.  China  and  India  were  the  fields  to  which  their  enei*- 
gies  were  principally  directed.  In  che  eleventh  century  they  induced 
the  Chief  of  the  Kera'it,  a  Tartar  tribe,  and  most  of  his  subjects  to 
embrace  Christianity.  As  vassal  of  the  great  Chinese  Empire,  that 
prince  bore  the  title  of  Oi-ang-Khan.  Tidings  of  this  conversion, 
adorned  with  the  most  romantic  details,  reached  the  West,  where  won- 
derful stoi-ies  about  the  power  and  glory  of  the  supposed  "Priest-King 
John,"  were  circulated.  The  mistake  may  have  arisen  from  confound- 
ing the  title  Khan  with  the  Chaldee  Kahanah  (a  priest),  and  the  name 
Ovang  with  Johannes. — When  Chinghis-Khan,  the  Mongol,  put  an  end 
to  the  rule  of  the  Khalifs  (1220),  the  Nestorian  Church  also  declined. 
For  a  time,  indeed,  the  Xestorians  were  allowed  to  carrj-  on  missionary 
labours  among  the  Mongols,  and  not  without  success.  But  Tamerlane, 
tliat  scourge  of  Asia  (1369-1405),  confined  them  within  the  inaccessi- 
ble mountains  and  glens  of  the  province  of  Kurdistan. 

2.  Tlie  most  influential  and  important  among  the  Mono2)liysite  churches 
was  that  of  Armenia  (|  64,  3).  This  country  enjoyed,  at  least  for  a 
period,  political  independence,  under  the  rule  of  native  monarchs. 
Since  the  twelfth  century,  the  Armenian  Patriarch  resided  in  the 
monastery  of  Edgemiadzin,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Ararat.  That  church 
attained  its  highest  stage  of  literary  eminence  —  both  in  the  way  of 
furnishing  translations  of  the  classics  and  the  Fathers,  and  of  2:)roducing 
original  works  —  during  the  eighth,  and  again  during  the  twelfth 
centuries.  The  former  of  these  periods  was  adorned  by  writers  such 
as  the  Patriarch  Jo/^/i  Ozniensis  and  the  Metropolitan  Stephen  of  Sunic, 
In  the  twelfth  century  flourished  men  of  even  greater  distinction,  such 
as  the  Patriarch  Ncrses  Clajensis  (whose  epos,  "Jesus  the  Son,"  was 
celebrated  as  the  finest  specimen  of  Armenian  poetry),  and  his  nephew 
the  Metropolitan  Kerses  of  Lampron.  The  two  latter  would  have 
readily  acceded  to  a  union  with  the  Byzantine  Church ;  but  the  pro- 
posal could  not  be  carried  out  on  account  of  the  political  troubles  of 
the  time.  Advances  towards  a  union  with  the  Latin  Church  were 
frequently  made  since  the  thirteenth   century,  but  failed,  from  the 


THE   HERETICAL   CHURCHES   OF   THE   EAST.     279 

aversion  towards  the  Romish  ritual  entertained  by  the  Armenians. — ■ 
At  one  time  the  Jacobite-Syrian  Church  (§  52,  7)  also  was  zealously 
engaged  in  prosecuting  theological  studies.  The  most  distinguished 
ornament  of  that  Church  was  Gregory  Abulfaradsch,  the  son  of  a 
Jewish  convert  —  hence  commonly  called  Barhehrceus  —  who  first  occu- 
pied the  See  of  Guba,  and  afterwards  became  Maphrian  of  Mosul  [oh. 
1286).  His  generous  philanthropy,  his  high  mental  endowments,  his 
extraordinary  learning,  and  his  medical  skill,  made  him  equally 
respected  by  Christians,  Mohammedans,  and  Jews.  The  most  im- 
portant and  the  best  known  of  his  writings  is  the  "  CJiroincoji  Sijria- 
cinn."  —  The  Jacobite  Church  of  Egypt  stood  probably  lowest  among 
Christian  communities.  The  treason  of  the  Copts,  by  which  the 
Saracens  were  put  in  possession  of  that  flourishing  country,  met  with  a 
terrible  retribution.  Even  the  Fatimide  Khalifs  (since  125-1)  oppressed 
them,  and  their  position  was  considerably  aggravated  under  Mameluke 
domination.  The  Copts  wholly  disappeared  from  the  towns,  and  even 
in  villages  the  sect  dragged  on  a  miserable  existence.  Ecclesiastically, 
they  sunk  into  a  state  of  entire  deadness. —  Though  Abyssinia  Proper 
continued  to  be  ruled  by  native  princes,  the  Church  in  that  country 
gradually  declined  to  a  very  low  level  (|  64,  1). 

3.  During  the  Crusades,  the  Maronites  (|  52,  8)  joined,  in  1182,  the 
Church  of  Rome.  They  abjured  their  monothelete  errors,  acknowledged 
the  supremacy  of  the  Pope,  but  were  allowed  to  retain  their  ancient 
rites.  This  union  was  confirmed  in  1445  (in  consequence  of  the  move- 
ment in  connection  with  the  Council  of  Florence).  At  a  later  period, 
they  also  adopted  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 


SECOND     SECTION. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHUllCH 


MEDIEVAL    AND    GERMANIC    FORM    OF 
DEVELOPMENT. 

24  *  (281) 


SOURCES, 


Sources  (comp.  ^  4) :  Maxima  Biblioth.  Patrum.  Lugd.  1677.  27 
Voll.  fol. — /.  P.  Migne,  Patrologiae  cursus  completus.  Par.  1844.  Series 
II.  Eccl.  Lat.  220  Voll. —  W.Waitenbach,  (iQMtschQ  Geschichtschreiber 
in  M.  A.  Berl.  1858. 

Xa66^,  Nova  Biblioth.  manuscr.  Par.  1657.  2  Voll.  fol. — 11.  Canisii 
Lectiones  ant.,  ed.  J.  Basnage.  Ant.  1725.  5  Voll.  fol.  —  L.d'Achery 
Spicilegium.  Par.  1655.  13  Voll.  fol.  —  Si.  Buluzii  Miscellanea.  Par. 
1678.  7  Voll.  fol.  —  E.  Mariene  et  Durandi,  Vett.  Scriptt.  ampliss.  col- 
lectio.  Frcf.  1720.  12  Voll. 

/.  Pistorii  Scr.  rer.  German.,  ed.  B.  G.  Struve.  Ratisb.  1726.  3  Voll. 
fol.  —  M.  Frelieri,  Scr.  rer.  German.,  ed.  B.  G.  Slruve.  Argent.  1717.  3 
Voll.  f. — Melch.  Goldast,  Rer.  Alemann.  scriptt.  ed.  H.  C.  Setickenberg. 
Frcf.  1730.  3  Voll.  f.  —  H.  J.  G.  Eccard,  Corpus  Historic,  medii  fevi. 
Lps.  1723.  2  Voll.  f.  — /.  B.  Mencken,  Scr.  rer.  German.  Lips.  1728.  3 
Voll.  fol. — G.  H.  Pertz,  Monumenta  Germanige  hist.  Ilann.  1826  sq.  13 
Voll.  fol.  —  /.  Fr.  Bohmer,  Regesta  chronol.  Diplom.  Frcf.  1831  sq. — • 
M.  G.  Haimingsfeld,  C(A\.  Const.  Imperialium.  Frcf.  1713  f.  —  A.  dxt 
Chesne,  Hist.  Franc.  Scr.  Par.  1633.  5  Voll.  M.  —  M.  Bouquet,  B-er. 
Gallic.  Script.  Par.  1736.  17  Voll.  fol.  —  L.  A.  Muratori,  Rer.  Italic. 
Script.  Mediol.  1723.  28  Voll.  fol.  — i^fo?-ez,  Espagna  sagrada.  Madr. 
1743.  46  Voll.  4.  — ilf.  Parker,  Rer.  Brit.  Scr.  vetust.  Lugd.  1587  fol.— 
Th.  Gale,  Hist.  Brit.  Saxon.  Anglodan.  Scr.  Oxon.  1691.  2  Voll.  fol.— 
H.  Wharton,  Anglia  sacra.  Lond.  1691.  2  Voll.  f. 

J.  Hartzheim,  Concilia  Germanise.  Colon.  1759.  11  Voll.  f.  —  A.J. 
Binterim,  pragm.  Gescli.  d.  deutsch.  National-,  Prov.-  u.  Dioc-  Con- 
cilien.  May.  1835.  6  Vols.—/.  Sirmond,  Concilia  ant.  Gallise,  Par.  1629. 
5  Voll.  f. — D.  Wilkins,  cone.  BritanijB  ct  Iliberniae.  Lond.  1737.  4  Voll. 
— /.  Saenz  de  Augirre,  Coll.  max.  Concill.  Hisp.  Rom.  1693.  4  Voll.  fol. 

Auxiliaries:  Fr.  Rehn,  Gesch.  d.  M.  A.  (Hist,  of  the  Middle  Ag.). 
Marb.  1821.  3  Vols,  in  7  Parts.  — iT.  Leo,  Gesch.  d.  M.  A.  Halle  1830. 
— Heerenu.  TJkert,  europ.  Staatengesch.  Hamb.  1828. — H.Luden,  Gesch. 
d.  deutsch.  Volkes  (Hist,  of  the  Germ.  Nat.).  Gotha  1825.  12  Vols.— 
J.  Chr.  V.  Pfister,  Gesch.  d.  Deutsch.  Hamb.  1829.  5  Vols.— PT.  Giese- 
brecht,  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Kaiserzeit.  Vols.  I.  and  II.  Braunschw.  1855, 
et*. — Hallam,  Middle  Ages.  11  ed.  London  1855. 

F.  C.  V.  Savigmj,  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Rechts  im  M.  A.  (Hist,  of  Rora. 
Law  in  the  M.  A.).  2d  ed.  Heidelb.  1834.  &Y ols.  — K.  F.  EicJihorn, 
24  (283) 


284  CHARACTER,    ETC.,    OP    THIS    PHASE. 

deutsche  Staats-  u.  Rechtsgesch.  5th  ed.  GiJttg.  1844.  4  Vols.— i^.  Walter, 
deutsche  Rechtsgesch.  Bonn  1853. —/.  G'r/m??!,  deutsche  Rechtsalter- 
thlimer  (Jurid.  Antiq.  of  Germ.).  3d  ed.  Giitt.  1854.  2  Vols.  — Z.  Sim- 
rock,  Handb.  d.  deutsch.  Mythol.  mit  Einschluss  d.  nord.  (Handb.  of 
Germ.  Mythol.,  including  that  of  the  North).  Bonn  1855. — J.  Grimm, 
deutsche  Mythol.  3.  A.  Gottg.  1854.  2  Bde. 

§74.   CHARACTER  AND   EXTENT   OF   THIS   PHASE   OF 
DEVELOPMENT. 

A  new  stage  in  the  development  both  of  the  Church  and  the 
world  comnaenced  with  the  appearance  of  the  Germanic  nations 
on  the  scene  of  history.  In  its  influence  on  the  character  and 
direction  of  general  history,  and  on  the  agencies  brought  to  bear 
upon  its  course,  the  migration  of  nations  is  a  unique  event. 
Without  ignoring  the  special  influence  exerted  by  the  various 
Slavonic  races,  which  made  their  appearance  at  a  somewhat  later 
period,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  they  were  soon  drawn  in  the 
same  or  in  an  analogous  direction  with  that  of  the  Germanic 
tribes.  This  event  must  therefore  be  regarded  as  forming  the 
boundary  line  between  the  ancient  and  the  modern  world.  But 
the  separation  between  the  past  and  the  coming  development 
was  not  at  once  complete  ;  tendencies  at  work  in  the  old  world 
continued  for  centuries  to  make  themselves  felt  along  with,  and 
by  the  side  of,  those  which  characterized  the  commencement  of  a 
new  era.  Hence,  though  properly  beyond  the  sphere  of  the 
history  which  now  commenced,  they  cannot  be  left  unnoticed, 
since  —  for  good  or  for  evil — they  exercised  an  important 
influence. 

As  the  general  history  of  the  Church  and  world,  so  that  of 
the  Germanic  nations,  may  be  divided  into  ancient  and  modern, 
bounded  and  separated  by  the  great  Reformation  of  the  six- 
teentli  century.  The  former  of  these  periods  may  not  inaptly 
be  likened  to  the  figure  of  Janus  —  one  face  being  directed 
towards  the  ancient,  the  other  towards  the  modern  world.  We 
account  for  this  from  the  circumstance,  that  the  mental  develop- 
ment of  Germanic  and  Slavonic  nations  was  not  the  slow  and 
painful  result  of  personal  and  unaided  labour.  They  inherited 
what  had  been  acquired  by  the  ancient  world,  and  were  thus 
enabled  more  rapidly  and  surely  to  attain  their  own  peculiar 
and  independent  position  and  culture.  As  the  ancient  Roman 
Church  (and,  so  far  as  one  important  branch  of  the  Slavonic 


CHARACTER,    ETC.,    OF    THIS    PHASE.  285 

tribes  was  concerned,  the  ancient  Byzantine  also)  was  the  medium 
through  which  this  inheritance  was  conveyed,  it  became  the 
teacher  and  schoolmaster  of  the  world.  But  this  tutelage  could 
not  be  permanent.  Having  attained  and  being  conscious  of  hia 
maturity,  the  pupil  broke  these  leading-strings.  At  the  Reforma- 
tion the  Germanic  spirit  attained  its  majority  and  became  eman- 
cipated.—  Thus,  taking  a  general  and  broad  view  of  it,  this  first 
stage  in  German  ecclesiastical  and  secular  history  occupies  a 
sort  of  intermediate  position,  and  is  therefore  rightly  designated 
as  that  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

1.  The  ecclesiastical  Jiistory  of  the  Middle  Ages  forms,  as  even  its 
name  indicates,  a  period  of  transition  from  the  old  to  the  new.  Chris- 
tianity had  fully  passed  through  the  stages  of  culture  peculiar  to  the 
ancient  Greek  and  Roman  world,  and  made  them  its  own.  It  was  now 
destined  to  pervade  the  forms  of  life  and  culture  characteristic  of  those 
modern  nations  whom  the  migration  of  nations  had  brought  to  the 
foreground  of  history.  But  in  order  to  attain  the  stage  of  culture  for 
which  they  were  fitted  and  designed,  these  peoples  had  first  to  be 
brought  under  the  influence  of  the  ancient  culture.  Thus  a  period 
intervened  which,  while  forming  a  link  of  connection  between  the 
ancient  and  modern  world,  brought  the  stages  of  culture  characteristic 
of  each  into  conflict.  Throughout  the  Middle  Ages  this  conflict  led  to 
continual  action  and  reaction,  or  rather  to  incessant  J'or7na{ion,  deforma- 
tion, and  reformation,  which,  however,  in  every  instance  appeared  not 
separately  and  distinctly,  but  mixed  together  and  confused.  Some  of 
the  most  important  events  and  movements  (such  as  the  Papacy, 
Monasticism,  Scholasticism,  Mysticism,  etc.)  took  their  rise  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  But  as  in  each  and  all  these  movements  the  three 
phases  to  which  we  have  alluded  continued  to  struggle  for  the  mastery, 
neither  of  them  attained  full  maturity,  and  each  in  turn  degenerated. 
It  was  only  in  the  sixteenth  century  that  the  reformatory  element 
attained  sufficient  maturity  and  force  to  appear  pure  and  unmixed  with 
other  tendencies.  Its  victory  marks  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  and 
the  commencement  of  modern  history. 

2.  The  ecclesiastical  history  of  Germany  previous  to  the  Reforma- 
tion embraces  twelve  centuries,  and  details  very  varied  movements. 
The  first  period  closes  with  the  extinction  of  the  German  Carlovingian 
dynasty  (911).  Up  to  that  time  the  general  movement  in  ecclesiastical 
matters  progressed  uninterruptedly,  rising  before  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne, attaining  its  climax  during  his  reign,  and  then  declining.  This 
may  be  designated  the  distinctively  Germanic  j9e?'tod  of  history.  All 
the  princes  of  the  Carlovingian  dynasty,  even  to  its  weakest  repre- 
sentatives, were  inspired  by  the  great  idea  of  uniting  the  various 
Germanic  and  kindred  (Romanic  or  Slavonic)  tribes  into  one  Germanic 


286  CHARACTER,    ETC.,    OP    THIS    PHASE, 

Empire.    This  idea  only  died  with  the  last  of  the  Carlovingians.    After 
that  the  tendency  towards    separation  into  independent  and  distinct 
German,  Romanic,  and  Slavonic  States,  which  had  already  appeared 
in  the  ninth   century,   gi-adually  gained  ground.     The  Carlovingian 
period,  to  which  we  have  referred,  had  a  civilization  of  its  own,  which 
decayed  with  it.     Even  the  Papacy,  to  whose  intrigues  that  dynasty 
succumbed,  felt  the  consequences  of  its  treachery,  and  sank  into  impo- 
tence and  ruin.     To  whatever  point  we  direct  our  attention,  we  descry 
at  the  commencement  of  the  tenth  century  a  fearful  decay,  both  in 
Clmrch  and  State,  in  science,  in  culture,  and  in  art.     The  glorious 
achievements  of  Charlemagne  gave  place  to  a  seculum  ohscnriim.    Still, 
even  in  the  confusion  and  the  troubles  of  that  century  we  can  discern 
the  conditions  and  the  germs  of  a  new  and  better  age.  —  The  time  of 
Pope  Boniface  VIIL,  or  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
marks  another  and  not  less  important  period.   Before  that  time  Germany 
led  and  gave  the  tone  both  in  secular  and  ecclesiastical  matters.     But 
the  unsuccessful  contest  between  Boniface  and  Philip  the  Fair  of  France 
gave  an  immense  preponderance  to  France,  which  henceforth  led  the 
way  in  all  ecclesiastical  movements.     During  this  period  the  internal 
development  of  the  Church  progressed  very  rapidly.     The  Papacy, 
Monasticism,  and  Scholasticism — the  most  important  elements  in  the 
history  of  the  mediseval  Church — attained  their  highest  point  before, 
and  declined  after,  the  time  of  Boniface.    Again,  the  desire  for  reforms, 
which  manifested  itself  throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  was  quite  different 
in  these  two  periods.     Before  the  time  of  Boniface,  the  representatives 
of  the  Church  (Popes,  Monastic  Orders,  and  Schoolmen)  seemed  gene- 
rally desirous  for  a  certain  measure  of  reform,  though  perhaps  not  of  a 
comprehensive  or  entirely  spiritual  character.    On  the  other  hand,  the 
instances  in  which  a  genuine  and  evangelical  desire  after  reform  was 
associated  with  opposition  to  the  prevailing  ecclesiasticism,  were  few 
and  isolated,  while  frequently  it  appeared  in  combination  with  errors 
and  heresies  almost  unparalleled  in  history.    Towards  the  close  of  this 
period,  however,  this  state  of  matters  was  completely  reversed.     Not 
only  had  the  Papacy,  the  Monastic  Orders,  and  the  Schoolmen  degene- 
rated themselves  —  they  had  become  the  main  abettors  of  ecclesiastical 
degeneracy.     Opposition  to  the  Church,  as  then  constituted,  no  longer 
appeared  in  the  wake  of  heretical  tendencies.     The  reformatory  move- 
ment,  though  not  entirely  free   from   admixture   of  errors,   became 
evangelical  in  its  spirit,  and  rapidly  grew  in  strength  and  influence. 
This  phase  of  development,  then,  embraces  three  periods  :  that  between 
the  fourth  and  the  ninth  centuries,  that  between  the  tenth  and  the 
thirteenth  centuries,  and  that  which  comprised   the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries. 


FIEST    PEllIOD 

OF 

ECCLESIASTICAL      HISTORY 

IN  ITS  MEDIAEVAL  AND  GERMANIC  FORM  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

rilOM  THE  FOURTH  TO  THE  NINTH  CENT. 

CoJiP.  F.  W.  Rettherg,  K.-G.  Deutschlands  (bis  zum  Tode  Karls  d. 
Gr.).  Leipz.  1853.  2  Vols. —  W.  Krajft,  die  K.-G.  der  german.  Vijlker. 
Berlin  1854.  Vol.  I.  —  H.  Rackert,  Culturgesch.  d.  deutsch.  Volkes  in 
d.  Zeit  d.  Ueberganges  aus  d.  Heidenth.  in  das  Cliristenth.  (Hist  of 
Germ.  Civiliz.  during  the  time  of  Trans,  from  Heathen,  to  Christian.). 
Leipz.  1853.  2  Vols.—  W.  C.  Fernj,  The  Franks.  London  1857.  — Also 
generally:  Hardicick,  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.,  Middle  Age.  Cambridge 
l^bi.— Robertson,  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.  (590-1122).  London  1856. 


I.   ESTABLISHMENT,   SPREAD,   AND   LIMITATIONS   OF   THE 
GERMAN  CHURCH. 

§  75.  CHRISTIANITY   AND   THE   GERMANS. 

Before  the  Germans  appeared  on  the  stage  of  liistor}^  Europe 
was  chiefly  peopled  by  Celtic  races.  In  Britain,  Spain,  and 
Gaul,  these  tribes  were  conquered  by  the  Romans,  and  became 
amalgamated  with  them  ;  while  in  the  north,  the  east,  and  the 
centre  of  Europe  they  were  expelled,  exterminated,  or  absorbed 
by  the  Germans.  "When  Christianity  extended  over  the  face  of 
Europe,  the  Celtic  race  existed  as  a  distinct  nationality  only  in 
Ireland  and  Scotland,  as  even  among  the  neighbouring  Britons 
it  had  already  become  mixed  with  Romanic  elements.  Hence 
but  a  very  narrow  territory  was  left  on  which  Christianity  might 
assume  the  peculiar  Celtic  form  of  development.  Our  knowledge 
24  *  (287) 


288      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.    4—9    A.  D.). 

of  this  phase  of  ecclesiastical  life  is  derived  from  the  few  notices 
left  us  of  Irish  monasteries,  and  of  the  resistance  offered  to  the 
introduction  of  the  Romish  Confession  (§7*7). 

But  even  before  the  time  of  Christ,  the  Germanic  races  had 
followed  the  Celts,  and  migrated  from  the  East  into  Europe. 
They  were  in  turn  succeeded  by  the  Huns,  by  the  Slavonic  and 
Magyar,  and  other  tribes.  So  early  as  the  commencement  of 
the  fourth  century,  the  Germans  were  brought  into  contact  with 
Christianity.  Only  one  century  elapsed  when  a  number  of 
powerful  peoples  of  Germanic  descent  professed  the  Gospel. 
Since  that  period  each  century,  till  late  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
witnessed  fresh  national  additions  to  the  Church  from  among 
that  race.  These  great  results  have  sometimes,  though  erro- 
neously, been  traced  to  a  peculiar  natural  and  national  predis- 
position for  Christianity.  But  while  we  gladly  admit  its  exist- 
ence—  at  least  in  some  measure,  we  deny  that  the  Germans 
were  in  consequence  of  it  attracted  to  Christianity,  as  at  that 
time  it  was  preached.  In  our  opinion,  it  manifested  itself  chiefly 
after  Christianity  had  by  other  instrumentality  gained  an  entrance, 
and  only  appeared  fully  at  the  time  of  the  Keformation.  For 
this  predisposition  had  reference  to  the  profoundest  bearings  of 
Christianity,  which  were  neglected  and  ignored  in  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal externalism  of  earlier  days.  It  was  the  task  of  the  Germanic 
Church  to  develop  and  to  bring  prominently  forward  these 
aspects  of  the  Gospel. 

1.  Much  of  what  has  been  vaunted  about  the  f^-^Qc\^\  predisposition 
of  the  Germans  towards  Christianity,  is  either  exaggeration  or  mis- 
apprehension. Admitting  that  in  German  Myiliology  many  deep 
thoughts,  concealed  under  the  garb  of  poetic  legends,  hear  evidence  of 
the  high  religious  aspirations,  the  intellectual  endowments,  and  the 
remarkable  spiritual  anticipations  of  the  Germanic  race,  and  as  such 
may  have  formed  a  preparation  for  Christian  truth,  it  will  scarcely  be 
maintained  that  these  characteristics  apply  to  it  in  greater  measure 
than  to  the  myths,  speculations,  or  mysteries  of  ancient  Greece.  To 
our  mind,  the  predisposition  should  rather  be  traced  to  the  peculiar 
character  of  German  national  life.  There  we  notice  the  devotedness 
and  attacliment  of  A'assals  towards  their  lord,  which  formed  so  marked 
a  peculiarity«of  the  German  mind,  and  which,  when  applied  to  Christ 
as  the  Heavenly  King,  constitutes  the  very  essence  of  Christianity  — 
even  personal  surrender  to  the  Saviour,  a  close  and  affectionate  relation- 
ship towards  Ilim,  and  dependence  on  Him  for  justification  by  faith 
alone,  which  even  in  Augustine,  that  Paul  among  the  Fathers,  was 


CHRISTIANITY    AND    THE    GERMANS.  289 

unable  to  comprehend  in  all  its  breadth  and  fulness.  In  connection 
Avith  this  sentiment,  we  also  note  the  native  readiness  to  combat  and 
to  persevere  in  their  struggles  for  their  rightful  lord,  which,  when 
directed  towards  the  Gospel,  constitutes  the  main  characteristic  of 
practical  Christianity  —  the  pressing  forward  through  contests  to 
victory.  Again,  the  German  love  of  freedom  offered,  when  sanctified 
by  Christianity,  a  fitting  form  and  expression  for  the  glorious  liberty 
of  the  children  of  God  ;  while  even  Tacitus  speaks  of  the  spirituality  of 
those  religious  rites  which  predisposed  them  to  the  worship  of  God  "  in 
spirit  and  in  truth  (nee  cohibere  parietibus  Deos,  neque  in  ullam 
humani  oris  speciem  adsimulare,  ex  magnitudine  coelestium  arbi- 
trantur)." 

2.  The  circumstance,  that  so  many  Germanic  tribes  adopted  Chris- 
tianity without  offering  almost  any  resistance,  is  most  readily  explained 
by  the  untenable  character  of  the  Pagan  superstitions  prevailing  at  the 
time.  In  general,  heathenism  can  only  thrive  on  its  own  native  soil. 
Transplanted  to  Europe,  the  superstitions  of  those  tribes  did  not  strike 
root  during  the  turmoil  and  the  movements  of  the  period  which  followed 
their  importation.  But  if  centuries  were  allowed  to  elapse  before  the 
Gospel  was  introduced — as  in  the  case  of  the  Frisians,  the  Saxons,  the 
Danes,  etc.  —  the  opposition  to  its  doctrines  was  much  stronger.  An- 
other clement  which  either  materially  aided  or  else  impeded  the  spread 
of  Christianity,  was  the  presence  or  the  want  of  Christian  institutions 
dating  from  the  times  of  Roman  domination.  In  districts  where  hea- 
thenism had  reigned  wholly  undisturbed,  the  superstitions  imported  by 
the  Germans  soon  found  a  firm  lodgment.  But  where  Christianity  had 
once  gained  admittance,  the  elevated  culture,  and  superior  intellectual 
power  associated  with  it,  rendered  the  full  and  free  development  of 
heathenism  impossible,  even  though  the  Gospel  was  for  a  time  sup- 
pressed in  the  district.  Besides,  in  many  instances  the  alliances  of 
heathen  rulers  with  Christian  princesses  led  to  the  conversion  of  the 
former,  and  with  them  of  all  their  subjects.  No  doubt  the  same  causes 
must  also  frequently  have  operated  in  the  more  narrow  circle  of  the 
family  or  the  clan.  Such  influences  were  peculiarly  characteristic  of 
the  Saxon  tribes,  who  alone  assigned  so  high  a  place  to  woman  :  Inesse 
quin  etiam  (says  Tacitus)  sanctum  aliquid  et  providum  putant,  nee  aut 
consilia  earum  adspernantur,  aut  responsa  negligunt. 

3.  Judging  from  the  ordinary  practice  of  the  Church  (and  not  to 
speak  of  the  wholesale  conversions  accomplished  by  Christian  princes 
through  fire  and  sword),  both  baptism  and  conversion  must  have  been 
generally  regarded  as  an  ojms  operatum ;  and  whole  heathen  tribes 
were  baptized  without  having  previously  obtained  a  proper  knowledge 
of  salvation,  or  undergone  a'  change  of  heart  or  mind.  This  can,  of 
course,  be  neither  approved  nor  commended.  At  the  same  time,  it 
must  be  admitted  thg,t  only  in  this  manner  considerable  and  rapid 

25  T 


290      SECTION   II.  —  FIRRT   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.  D.). 

results  could  have  been  obtained  ;  nay,  that  in  the  infant  state  of  the 
German  races,  something  may  bo  said  in  favour  of  this  practice.  A 
survey  of  the  past  would  direct  the  Church,  in  its  contest  with  German 
Paganism,  to  use  other  weapons  than  those  which  had  been  employed 
in  the  conflict  with  the  heathenism  of  Greece  and  of  Rome.  In  the 
latter  case,  Christianity  was  brought  to  bear  on  society  in  its  highest 
state  of  cultivation,  —  on  a  world  which,  so  to  speak,  had  grown  old, 
and  come  to  despair  of  its  powers  and  capabilities,  and  whei|B  the  expe- 
rience and  history  of  the  preceding  ten  centuries  served  as  a  "school- 
master to  Christ."  It  was  far  otherwise  with  the  Germanic  races. 
If,  therefore,  Roman  society  might  be  compared  to  a  proselyte  who  in 
riper  years,  and  after  having  passed  through  many  experiences,  is  ad- 
mitted into  the  Church,  the  conversion  of  the  Germans  may  be  likened 
to  a  baptism  administered  during  infancy. 

§    70.   VICTORY  OF   CATHOLICISM  OA^ER  ARIANISM. 

CoMP.  W.  Krafft,  K.  G.  d.  germ.  Volke.  Vol.  I.  —  Ch.  Waiiz,  u.  d. 
Leben  u.  d.  Lehre  d.  Ulfila  (The  Life  and  Teaching  of  Ulf.).  Ilann. 
1840.  4to.  — J.  ^5c7iiac7j,  Gesch.  d.  AVestgothcn.  Frcf.  1827.— i^.  W. 
Lenibke,  Gcsch.  v.  Spanien  (Hist,  of  Spain).  Vol.  I.  Hamb.  1831.  — 
F.  Papencordt,  Gesch.  d.  vand.  Ilerrsch.  in  Afr.  (Hist,  of  Vandal  Domin. 
in  Afr.).  Berl.  1837.  —  J.  C.  F.  3Ianso,  Gesch.  d.  ostgoth.  Reiches  in 
Ital.  Bresl.  1824.—/.  E.  v.  Koch- St  em f eld,  d.  Reich  d.  Langob.  in  Ital. 
Mun.  1830.— IT.  Leo,  Gesch.  d.  italien.  Staaten.  Vol.  I.  Hamb.  1829.— 
J.  W.  Loebell,  Gregor  v.  Tours  u.  seine  Zeit.  Leipz.  1830. — A.  Thierry, 
Recit  des  temps  Merovingiens.     Par.  1842.     2  Vols. 

When  Christianity  made  its  first  great  conquests  in  Germany, 
Arianism  was  the  dominant  creed  in  the  Roman  Empire.  In- 
ternal dissensions  and  external  dangers  obliged  a  portion  of  the 
Goths,  during  the  latter  half  of  the  fourth  century,  to  seek  alli- 
ances with  the  Eastern  Empire,  and  to  purchase  its  protection 
by  making  a  profession  of  Arianism.  Within  a  short  time,  the 
missionary  labours  of  a  number  of  native  priests,  directed  by  Bishop 
Ulfila,  led  to  the  spread  of  Arianism  among  numerous  other 
Germanic  races,  though  we  are  unable  to  trace  its  exact  pro- 
gress. About  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  more  than  half  the 
German  race — the  Ostrogoths  and  Yisigoths,  the  Yandals,  Suevi, 
Burgundians,  Lombards,  Herulians,  Rugians,  Gepidoe,  and  others 
— professed  that  creed.  But  as  the  friendly  relations  subsisting 
between  these  tribes  and  the  Roman.Empire  had  prepared  the 
way  for  the  spread  of  Arianism,  so  the  hostilities  which  ensued 
after  Rome  had  again  adopted  the  Catholic  faith,  were  partly 


VICTORY   OF   CATHOLICISM   OVER   ARIANISM.      291 

the  cause  of  their  tenacious  and  even  fanatical  adherence  to  that 
heresy.  Arianism  had,  indeed,  become  welhiigh  the  national 
creed  of  Germany ;  and  it  almost  seemed  destined  to  obtain  pos- 
session of  all  Germany,  and  with  it  of  future  history.  But  these 
prospects  were  speedily  annihilated  by  the  conversion  of  one  of 
the  most  powerful  Gemanic  tribes  to  Catholicism.  From  the 
first  the  policy  of  the  F7'anks  had  been  directed  against  their 
strong  kindred  around  them,  rather  than  against  the  Roman 
domination,  which  was  rapidly  nearing  its  end.  The  same  policy 
also  dictated  their  adoption  of  Catholicism.  Relying  on  the 
protection  of  Him  whom  Catholic  Christendom  worshipped,  and 
on  the  sympathies  of  the  Western  Catholics,  the  Prankish  rulers 
undertook  the  double  mission  of  suppressing  heresy  and  of  con- 
quering heretical  countries.  It  was,  therefore,  their  policy  to 
renounce  the  former,  in  order  to  find  occasion  for  the  attainment 
of  the  latter  object. 

1.  The  Goths  in  the  Countries  along  the  Danube.  —  Christianity  had 
been  introduced  among  the  Goths  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century 
by  Koman  captives.  Theophihis,  a  Gothic  bishop,  is  mentioned  as  one 
of  the  members  of  the  Council  of  Nice  in  325.  The  zeal  and  success 
of  Bishop  Ulfilas,  a  descendant  of  a  captive  Christian  family  from 
Cappadocia,  who  since  348  preached  to  the  Visigoths  (or  Theryingians), 
among  whom  Arianism  had  struck  root  even  at  that  period,  excited 
the  enmity  of  the  heathen,  which  broke  out  in  a  bloody  persecution 
(355).  Accompanied  by  a  large  number  of  his  Gothic  converts,  Ulfilas 
fled  across  the  Danube,  where  the  Emperor  Constantius,  who  regarded 
the  Bishop  as  a  second  Moses,  assigned  to  his  flock  a  district  of  country. 
Ulfilas  continued  his  successful  labours  for  thirty-three  years.  To  give 
his  people  access  to  the  sacred  oracles,  he  translated  the  Bible  into  the 
Gothic  language,  for  which  he  had  constructed  an  alphabet  {oh.  388). 
Full  details  of  his  life  and  teaching  are  given  by  Auxeniius,  Bishop  of 
Dorostorus  (Silistria),  a  pupil  of  Ulfilas,  in  a  short  biography  of  the 
Apostle  of  the  Goths,  whicli  Waiiz  has  lately  discovered  (see  above). — 
But  all  the  Gothic  converts  had  not  left  their  country  wdth  Ulfilas. 
Those  who  remained  behind  proved  a  leaven  to  the  heathen  around. 
Accordingly,  about  370,  Athanarich,  King  of  the  Thervingians,  raised 
another  persecution.  Soon  afterwards,  a  rebellion  broke  out  among 
the  Thervingians.  Frithigern,  the  leader  of  the  discontented,  was  indeed 
worsted,  but  obtained  assistance  from  the  Emperor  Valens,  and,  in 
gratitude  for  this  aid,  along  with  his  adherents,  adopted  Arianism. 
This  was  the  first  instance  in  which  the  Goths  embraced  Christianity 
in  considerable  numbers.  Soon  afterwards  (in  375),  the  victories  of 
the  Huns  swept  away  the  empire  of  the  Ostrogoths.     A  portion  of  that 


292      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.D.). 

people  was  obliged  to  join  their  conquerors,  -while  another  part 
on  their  flight  invaded  the  country  of  the  Thervingians  (or  A^si- 
goths).  The  latter  retreated;  and,  under  the  leadership  of  jFriY/ii'^reru 
and  Alaviv,  crossed  the  Danube,  where  Valens  assigned  them  a  terri- 
tory on  condition  of  their  conversion  to  Arianism  (in  376).  But  this 
good  understanding  was  of  short  duration,  and  in  378  Valens  fell  in  a 
war  against  them.  Theodosius,  who  restored  the  Catholic  faith  in  the 
Empire,  concluded  peace  with  them.  The  Thervingians  continued  in 
their  adherence  to  the  Arian  creed,  which  —  by  means  not  yet  ascer- 
tained— spread  to  the  Ostrogoths,  and  to  other  cognate  tribes.  St.  Chrij- 
sosiom  despatched  Catholic  evangelists  among  them ;  but  the  mission 
was  discontinued  after  his  death. 

2.  The  Visigoths  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  — The  death  of  Theodosius  (in 
395),  and  the  partition  of  his  empire,  was  the  signal  for  the  Visigoths 
to  enlarge  their  borders.  Alaric  laid  waste  Greece,  penetrated  into  Italy 
in  quest  of  booty,  and  plundered  Rome.  Aiaulf,  his  successor,  settled 
in  Southern  Gaul ;  and  Wallia  founded  the  empire  of  which  Toulouse 
was  the  capital,  and  which  attained  its  highest  prosperity  under  the 
reign  oi  Euric  [oh.  483).  Euric  enlarged  his  territory  in  Gaul,  and  in 
475  conquered  the  greater  part  of  Spain.  It  was  his  desire  to  strengthen 
his  government  by  introducing  political  and  religious  uniformity  in  his 
dominions.  But  bis  zeal  for  the  spread  of  Arianism  met  with  unex- 
pected and  stubborn  resistance,  which  violent  persecutions  failed  to 
remove.  The  Romanic  part  of  the  population  and  the  Catholic  bishops 
longed  for  a  Catholic  ruler.  Nor  were  their  hopes  to  be  disappointed. 
Clovis,  King  of  the  Franks,  who  had  recently  been  converted  (496), 
became  the  avengor  and  deliverer  of  the  Catholics  in  Southern  Gaul. 
The  battle  of  Vougle,  near  Poictiers  (in  507),  put  an  end  to  the  rule 
of  the  Visigoths  on  this  side  of  the  Pyrenees.  But  they  maintained 
themselves  in  Spain,  where  their  hostility  to  the  Catholics  led  to  fresh 
troubles.  A  fearful  persecution  raged,  in  585,  under  the  reign  of  Leo- 
vigild.  Recared,  his  son  and  successor,  at  last  perceived  the  folly  and 
danger  of  this  policy.  At  the  third  Synod  of  Toledo  in  589,  he  adopted 
the  Catholic  faith  ;  and,  aided  by  Leander,  the  excellent  metropolitan 
of  Seville,  he  speedily  rendered  it  the  dominant  creed  all  over  Spain, 
But  under  the  succeeding  monarchs  the  power  of  the  Visigoths  gradu- 
ally declined,  through  treason,  murders,  and  the  rebellions  excited  by 
hostile  factions.  In  711,  Foderic,  their  last  king,  succumbed  in  the 
battle  of  Xeres  de  la  Frontera  to  the  Saracens,  who  from  Africa  invaded 
Spain. — [Principal  Sources :  Procopius  (about  540)  de  bello  Goth. ;  Jor- 
nandes  (about  550)  de  rebus  Geticis  ;  Idatii  Chronicon  ;  Isidori  Hispal. 
hist.  Goth.) 

3.  The  Vandals  in  Spaiyi  and  Africa.  —  At  the  commencement  of  the 
fifth  century  the  Vandals,  who  at  that  period  already  professed  Arian- 
ism, passed,  in  company  with  the  Alani  and  Suevi,  from  Pannonia  into 


VICTORY   OF   CATHOLICISM   OVER   ARIANISM.      293 

Gaul  (in  40G),  and  thence  into  Spain  (in  409),  laying  -o-aste  that 
flourishing  country.  In  428  Boniface,  the  Roman  Governor  of  Africa, 
unjustly  outlawed  as  a  traitor,  in  self-defence  called  in  the  aid  of  the 
Vandals.  Genseric,  their  king,  marched  to  his  succour  at  the  head  of 
50,000  men  (in  429).  In  vain  Boniface,  who  in  the  interval  had  made 
his  peace  with  the  Court,  now  used  every  effort  to  induce  the  barbarians 
to  withdraw.  Genseric  conquered  Northern  Africa,  where  he  founded 
a  strong  empire  ;  in  455  he  appeared  in  Rome,  when,  for  fourteen  days, 
the  city  was  plundered  by  his  wild  hordes.  To  put  an  end  to  all 
intercourse  between  Africa  and  the  Roman  Empire,  he  resolved  on 
forcing  the  Arian  creed  upon  his  subjects, — a  plan  which,  during  fifty 
years  of  his  reign,  he  prosecuted  with  most  consistent  and  unparalleled 
cruelty  [ob.  477).  But  the  Catholics  of  Africa  endured  these  j^ersecu- 
tions  with  a  stedfastness  worthy  of  the  martyrs  of  the  second  and  third 
cent.  Huneric,  his  son  and  successor,  gave  the  Catholics  only  a  short 
period  of  reprieve.  In  483  the  persecution  recommenced  [ob.  484). 
Under  the  reign  of  Guntliamund  (o6.  49G)  the  Catholics  enjoyed  peace; 
but  Thrasainvnd  [ob.  523)  again  resorted  to  the  former  bloody  measures. 
Ililderic  [ob.  530),  a  mild  ruler,  and  the  son  of  a  Catholic  mother,  openly 
favoured  the  persecuted.  This  excited  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Arians, 
who  rose  in  rebellion  under  the  leadership  of  Gelimer,  a  great-grandson 
of  Genseric.  Uilderic  was  taken  prisoner  and  executed.  But  before 
the  new  ruler  had  time  to  carry  into  execution  his  bloody  purposes, 
Belisarius,  the  general  of  Justinian,  appeared  in  Africa,  and  in  the 
battle  of  Tricameron  (533)  destroyed  both  the  Vandal  army  and  em- 
pire.— [Sources:  Vicforis,  Ep.  Vitensis  (about  487)  hist,  persecut.  Van- 
dal. —  Procopiiis  de  bello  Vandal.  —  Isidori  Hispal.  hist.  Vandal,  et 
Suevorum.) 

4.  The  Siievi  were  still  Pagans  when  in  409  they  entered  Spain  in 
company  with  the  Vandals.  Under  the  reign  of  Eecliiar  they  now 
adopted  the  Catholic  faith.  But  in  4G5  Ecmismimd  and  his  whole 
people  adopted  Arianism  to  please  the  Visigoths.  Charraric,  whose 
son  was  miraculously  healed  by  the  relics  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours, 
again  returned  to  the  Catholic  Church  (in  550).  With  the  aid  of 
St.  Martin,  Bishop  of  Duma,  he  succeeded  in  inducing  his  people  to 
follow  his  example  —  a  work  which  was  completed  at  a  national  Synod 
held  at  Braga  (in  563),  under  the  reign  of  Theodemir  I.  In  585  the 
Visigoths  under  Leovigild  put  an  end  to  the  rule  of  the  Suevi. 

5.  The  Burgundians,  whom  in  406  the  Vandals,  Suevi,  and  Alani 
had  in  their  march  drawn  away  from  their  former  settlements  on  the 
banks  of  the  Maine  and  the  Neckar  (where  they  had  professed  the 
Catholic  faith),  founded  an  independent  state  in  the  district  of  the 
Jura.  Brought  into  contact  with  the  Visigoths,  most  of  them  adopted 
the  Arian  creed.  Of  the  four  princes  who  parted  among  them  the 
kingdom  of  Gundric,  their  father,  only  one,  Chilperic  II.,  the  father 

25* 


294   SECTION  II. —  FIRST  PERIOD  (C  E  NT  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

of  Clotilda,  continued  a  Catholic.  Giindohald,  his  brother,  having 
murdered  his  kindred,  possessed  himself  of  their  dominions.  But  the 
zeal  and  labours  of  Avitus,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  prevented  the  spread  of 
Arianisra,  and  both  Sigismond,  the  son  of  Gundobald,  and  his  subjects 
returned  into  the  Catholic  Church  at  the  Diet  of  Epaon  in  517.  But 
in  the  eyes  of  Clotilda,  the  vrife  of  Clovis,  King  of  the  Franks,  even 
this  conversion  could  not  atone  for  the  guilt  of  Sigismond's  father. 
Her  sons  avenged  their  maternal  grandfather,  and  put  an  end  to  the 
Burgundian  monarchy  in  534. — {Principal  Source:  Gregorii  Turon.  hist. 
Francorum.) 

6.  In  conjunction  with  the  Heruli,  the  Schyri,  and  the  Turcelingi, 
the  Rugians  had  founded  an  independent  state  (in  vrhat  novr  consti- 
tutes Lower  Austria),  and  called  it  Rugiland.  Their  religion  consisted 
of  a  mixture  of  heathen  practices  with  Arianism,  Avhich  had  spread 
among  them  from  their  Gothic  neighbours.  The  Catholic  Romans 
whom  they  found  in  the  country  were  much  oppressed  by  them.  But 
since  454  St.  Severiniis  [ob.  482)  laboured  in  that  district,  a  messenger 
truly  sent  from  on  high  to  cheer  and  uphold  these  persecuted  people. 
Even  the  barbarians  were  constrained  to  pay  him  reverence ;  and  his 
influence  over  both  heathen  and  Arians  was  almost  unlimited.  He  is 
said  to  have  announced  the  future  greatness  of  Odoacer.  That  prince 
put  an  end  to  the  Western  Empire,  and  for  seventeen  years  ruled  over 
Italy  with  equal  firmness  and  wisdom.  Odoacer  abolished  (in  487) 
Rugian  rule,  and  with  it  Arian  persecution,  in  llugiland.  But  soon 
afterwards  Theoderic,  the  Ostrogoth,  invaded  Italy,  took  Ravenna  after 
a  siege  of  three  years,  made  Odoacer  prisoner,  and  treacherously  killed 
him  at  a  banquet  (493). 

7.  The  Ostrogoths  had  become  converts  to  Arianism  long  before  they 
conquered  Italy,  but  tliey  were  free  from  the  fanaticism  which  charac- 
terized that  religious  party  in  almost  every  part  of  Germany.  Theo- 
deric afibrded  protection  to  the  Catholic  Church ;  he  valued  and  fostered 
Roman  culture  —  acts  of  which  the  credit  is  certainly  due  in  part  to 
Cassiodorus,  the  excellent  counsellor  of  the  Ostrogoth  monarch  (§  47, 
6).  This  large-spirited  toleration  was  the  more  readily  accorded,  since, 
from  the  protracted  schism  (lasting  for  35  years,  ^  52,  5),  no  dangerous 
political  combination  between  the  Catholics  of  the  East  and  the  West 
was  to  be  apprehended.  Accordingly,  when  this  schism  ceased  in 
519,  Theoderic  began  to  take  a  more  lively  interest  in  the  progress  of 
the  Arian  Church,  and  to  view  the  Catholics  with  some  measure  of 
suspicion.  He  died  in  526.  The  Emperor  Justinian  availed  himself 
of  the  confusion  consequent  on  the  death  of  Theodoric  to  regain  Italy. 
At  the  close  of  a  war  which  lasted  for  twenty  years,  Narses,  the 
Byzantine  general,  had  swept  away  the  last  traces  of  Ostrogoth  domi- 
nation. On  its  ruins  the  Byzantine  rule  was  again  raised,  under  the 
name  of  an  Exarchate,  and  with  Ravenna  as  its  capital.     During  that 


VICTORY    OP   CATHOLICISM    OVER   ARIANISM.       295 

period  the  rule  of  Ariauism  iu  Italy  was  of  course  at  an  end. — [Priii' 
cipal  Soiirces  :  Procopiiis,  de  bello  Goth. —  Jornaiides,  de  reb.  Gcticis. — • 
Cassiodori  Varia  et  Chronic.) 

8.  The  Lombards  in  Italy.  —  In  508  the  Lombards  left  their  homes 
by  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  under  the  leadership  of  Alboiii  invaded 
Italy,  and  conquered  that  portion  called,  after  them,  Lombardy,  with 
Ticinum  (Pavia)  its  capital.  The  successors  of  Alboin  extended  their 
conquests  till  only  the  southern  extremity  of  Italy,  the  districts  alon^ 
the  sea-shore,  and  a  number  of  fortified  towns  in  the  interior,  remained 
under  Byzantine  rule.  Incited  by  love  of  plunder  and  suspiciousness, 
the  Lombards,  who  professed  Arianism,  for  twenty  years  waged  equal 
warfare  against  lloman  civilization  and  Koman  Catholicism.  But  after 
the  first  storm  of  persecution  had  passed,  religious  indifi"erentism  again 
prevailed,  and  the  spiritual  impotence  of  the  Arian  clergy  proved 
unequal  in  the  contest  with  Catholicism.  Pope  Gregory  the  Great 
(590-604)  —  a  prelate  equally  wise  and  energetic  —  gave  himself  with 
untiring  zeal  to  missionary  labours.  lie  found  a  powerful  auxiliary 
in  Queen  Tlieodelinda,  a  Bavarian  princess,  and  a  devoted  Catholic. 
So  enthusiastic  were  the  Lombards  in  their  admiration  of  their  beau- 
tiful and  amiable  queen,  that  when  Avthari,  her  husband,  was  killed 
the  first  year  after  her  marriage,  they  allowed  her  to  select  among  the 
Lombard  dukes  one  to  whom  she  would  give  her  hand,  and  whom 
they  Avould  acknowledge  their  king.  Her  choice  fell  on  Agihilf,  Avho 
indeed  continued  an  Arian,  but  did  not  oppose  the  spread  of  Catho- 
licism among  the  people.  Under  the  reign  of  Grhnoald  [ob.  671)  the 
work  of  converting  the  Lombards  to  the  Catholic  Church  was  com- 
pleted, and  soon  afterwards  they  adopted  the  language  and  manners 
of  Rome.  (Comp.  |  82,  1.) —  [Principal  Source:  Pauli  Diac,  de  gestis 
Langb.  Lb.  VI.) 

9.  The  Franks  in  Gaul.  —  Roman  domination  continued  for  a  time 
in  Gaul,  even  after  Odoacer  had  in  476  put  an  end  to  the  Western 
Empire.  But  the  victory  of  Soissons,  which  in  486  Childeric,  the 
Merovingian,  gained  over  Syagrius,  the  Roman  Governor,  terminated 
that  rule.  In  493  Clovis  (481-511)  espoused  Clotilda,  a  Burgundian 
princess  (see  above,  note  5).  The  young  queen,  who  was  devotedly 
attached  to  the  Catholic  faith,  used  every  effort  to  convert  her  heathen 
husband.  For  a  long  time  the  national  pride  of  the  Prankish  ruler 
resisted  her  endeavours,  though  he  consented  to  have  their  first-born 
son  baptized.  The  death  of  this  infant  appeared  to  Clovis  an  indication 
of  the  displeasure  of  his  gods.  Still  he  could  not  resist  the  entreaties 
of  his  wife,  and  their  second  son  was  likewise  admitted  into  the  Church. 
This  infant  also  was  taken  dangerously  ill ;  but  the  earnest  prayers  of 
his  mother  were  followed  by  his  unexpected  recovery,  and  Clovis 
learned  that  the  God  of  the  Christians  was  able  to  disarm  the  vengeance 
of  Wuotau.     The  circumstance  recurred  to  the  mind  of  the  king  Avhen, 

25 


296      SECTION   II. — FIRST   PERIOD    (CE  NT  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

in  the  battle  of  Tolbiac  (in  496)  against  the  Alemanni,  he  -vras  threatened 
with  defeat,  with  the  loss  of  his  empire  and  of  his  life.  The  prayers 
offered  to  his  gods  had  remained  unanswered :  he  now  addressed  him- 
self to  the  God  of  the  Christians,  vowing  to  adopt  that  faith  if  he  were 
delivered  from  his  imminent  danger.  Immediately  the  aspect  of  the 
battle  changed.  The  army  and  the  empire  of  the  Alemanni  were  de- 
stroyed. True  to  his  promise,  Clovis  Avas  baptized  in  Rhelms,  at 
Christmas  496,  by  Remigius,  the  Archbishop,  who  addressed  him  in 
the  words  :  "  Bend  thy  neck,  proud  Sicamber  ;  adore  what  thou  didst 
burn  ;  burn  what  thou  didst  adore."  (Legend  afterwards  adorned  the 
event  with  miraculous  details.  It  seems,  that  when  the  attendant  who 
carried  the  phial  with  the  oil  destined  for  anointing  Clovis  was  unable 
to  make  his  way  through  the  crowd,  in  answer  to  the  prayer  of  Ilemi- 
gius  a  white  dove  brought  from  heaven  another  phial,  ever  since  used 
in  the  coronation  of  the  French  kings).  According  to  the  measure  of 
his  knowledge,  Clovis  was  sincere  and  earnest  in  his  profession  of 
Christianity.  Most  of  the  nobles  and  of  the  people  soon  foUoAved  his 
example.  Not  that  he  had  undergone  any  change  of  heart:  he  had 
made  a  compact  with  the  God  of  the  Christians,  and  he  was  prepared 
faithfully  to  observe  its  terms.  It  affords  sad  proof  of  the  low  state  of 
religion  at  the  time,  that  the  grossest  faithlessness,  treason,  and 
assassination  stained  the  life  of  Clovis  after  his  baptism.  And  yet  the 
Catholic  clergy  of  the  West  extolled  him  as  another  Constantine,  and 
as  divinely  appointed  to  root  up  heathenism  and  Arianism.  Regarding 
this  as  the  mission  entrusted  to  him,  they  neither  asked  nor  expected 
more  at  his  hands.  However,  the  conversion  of  Clovis  proved  an  event 
of  the  greatest  importance,  since  it  sealed  the  doom  of  the  barbarous 
and  fanatical  Arianism  of  the  German  tribes.  Along  with  its  creed, 
the  Catholic  Church  introduced  the  civilization  and  literature  of  the 
ancient  world.  Thus  trained,  the  Germans  founded  an  empire  destined 
for  many  centuries  to  continue  the  centre  around  Avliich  the  history  of 
the  world  was  to  revolve.  —  [Principal  Source :  Grcgorii  Turon.  hist. 
Francorum  eccles.  (Comp.  also  for  the  hist,  of  the  Franks,  Dr.  Perry, 
The  Franks.  London,  Longman,  1857). 

§77.  VICTORY  OF   THE   ROMISH  OVER   THE   BRITISH 
CONFESSION. 

CoMP.  Jac.   Usserii,  Britann.  ecclesiae  antiquitt.  Lend.  1687  fol.  — 
Ft:  Munter,  die  altbrit.  Kirche  (in  the  theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  for  1833). 

—  C.  Fr.  Stiiudlin,  K.  G.  v.  Grossbrit.  Gottg.  1819.  2  Vols.— n.  Moore, 
History  of  Ireland. — J.  Lanigan,  Eccl.  Hist,  of  Ireland.  2d  ed.  4  Vols. 

—  /.  M.  Lappeiilntrg,  Gesch.  von  England.  Vol.  I.  Ilamb.  1834.  —  /. 
Lingard  (R.  Cath.),  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Ch.  —  K.  Schrodl 
(R.  Cath.),  d.  1  Jahrh.  d.  cngl.  Kirche  (the  First  Cent,  of  the  Engl. 
Ch.). —  C.  G.  Schocll,  dc  Ecc.  Britt.  Scotorumque  hist,  fontibus.  Ber, 


VICTORY    OF    THE    ROMISH    CONFESSION.        297 

1851. —  Wilkins,  Concilia  Brit,  et  Ilibernica.  London  1737.  4  Vols  fol. 
—  Spelmanni  Cone.  Deer.  Const,  in  re  Eccl.  orbis  Brit,  (to  the  year 
1531— more  complete  than  Wilkins).  2  Vols.  fol.  1G39-64.  —  Bedce 
Venerabilis  Hist.  Eeel.  gentis  Anglor.  —  Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra ;  and 
the  authorities  quoted  in  Robertson,  Hist,  of  the  M.  Ages,  pp.  15  d  scq. 

An  old  legend  has  it,  that  a  British  king,  Lucius  by  name,  had 
so  early  as  the  middle  of  the  second  century  requested  Eleu- 
therus,  Bishop  of  Rome,  to  send  him  Christian  missionaries, 
and  that  both  he  and  his  people  had  been  converted  by  tlieir 
preaching.  Without  attaching  importance  to  this  tradition,  it  is 
certain  that  since  the  close  of  the  second  century  Christianity 
had  struck  root  in  that  part  of  Britain  which  was  under  Roman 
domination.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  invasion  (in 
449)  the  British  Church  entertained  close  and  continual  commu- 
nication with  the  sister-churches  on  the  Continent,  especially 
with  those  of  Gaul  and  Rome.  But  after  that,  Christianity 
ceased  to  be  professed  except  along  the  west  coast,  and  the  rela- 
tions between  the  British  and  foreign  churches  were  interrupted. 
When,  after  an  interval  of  150  years,  a  Romish  mission  arrived 
(in  597)  to  renew  the  former  intercourse,  it  appeared  that  the 
British  ecclesiastical  system  differed  from  that  of  Rome  (which 
during  that  period  had  developed)  on  many  points  connected 
with  worship,  government,  and  discipline.  Rome  insisted  on 
conformity — a  demand  which  the  Britons  strenuously  resisted. 
The  chief  objection  of  the  British  Church  lay  against  the  claims 
of  the  Romish  hierarchy.  These  divergences  have  sometimes 
been  traced  to  the  supposed  circumstance  that  the  British  Church 
had  originally  been  founded  by  missionaries  from  Asia  Minor — a 
statement  which  rests  on  no  historical  grounds.  .  Nor  is  it  neces- 
sary to  refute  the  assertions  of  some,  who  vaunt  that  apostolical 
Christianity  had  been  preserved  in  its  purity  among  the  ancient 
Britons,  and  speak  of  their  evangelical  opposition  to  the  erro- 
neous teaching  and  ordinances  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  In 
point  of  fact,  the  religion  of  Britain  and  of  Rome  was  essen- 
tially the  same  :  in  both,  the  same  tendency  to  superstition  ap- 
pears ;  Jn  both  churches  we  have  the  worship  of  saints  and  of 
relics,  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  asceticism,  and  work-righteous- 
ness. Only,  that  the  clergy  of  Britain  had  not  the  same  hie- 
rarchical pretensions  as  that  of  Rome  ;  and  that,  in  consequence 
of  the  struggle  which  now  ensued,  more  broad  and  liberal  views 
were  broached  than  had  at  first  been  entertained.     At  first,  in- 


298      SECTION    II. — FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

deed,  victory  seemed  to  incline  towards  .the  National  Church  ; 
but  ultimately  the  contest  ended  in  the  complete  suppression  of 
the  British  Confession.  In  Germany,  where  the  conflict  was 
renewed,  it  terminated  in  the  same  manner,  notwithstanding  the 
exertions  made  by  the  British  missionaries  (§  78).  A  very  deep 
interest  attaches  to  this  contest.  If  the  British  Confession  had 
prevailed,  as  at  one  time  seemed  probable,  not  England  only,  but 
also  Germany,  would  from  the  first  have  stood  in  direct  antago- 
nism to  the  Papacy, — a  circumstance  which  would  have  given  an 
entirely  different  turn  both  to  the  Ecclesiastical  and  the  Political 
History  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

1.  Chief  Peculiarities  of  the  British  Confession. —  The  Easter  cycle 
of  nineteen  years,  which  Dionysius  Exiguus  had  introduced  (§  56,  3), 
was  not  adopted  in  Britain.  Further,  instead  of  the  Romish  "tonsura 
Petri"  (I  45,  3),  the  native  clergy  had  a  peculiar  form  of  tonsure,  the 
whole  forepart  of  the  head  being  shaved.  They  also  refused  to  submit 
to  the  injunction  of  clerical  celibacij,  and  to  acknowledge  the  primacy 
of  Rome;  they  rejected  auricular  confession,  the  doctrine  of  purgatory, 
the  tenet  which  made  marriage  a  sacrament,  tie  stringent  ordinances 
of  Rome  in  regard  to  degrees  of  fictitious  afiinity,  etc.  But  all  these 
diiferences  arose  not  from  any  doctrinal  divergence ;  at  least,  if  such 
existed,  it  was  never  mentioned.  Indications,  however,  are  not  want- 
ing that  Pelagianism  found  more  favour  among  the  Britons  (perhaps 
from  the  nationality  of  its  author,  §  53,  3)  than  in  the  Western  Church 
generally.  The  ancient  British  clergy  bore  the  name  of  Citldees  (Kele- 
De,  colidei -- servi  Dei).— (Comp.  Smith,  Life  of  S.  Col.  Edinb.  1798. 
— J.  Jamieson,  Hist.  Account  of  the  Ancient  Culdees  of  lona.  Edinb. 
1811.—/.  G.J.Braun,  de  Culdeis.  Bonn.  1840,  A.— Russell,  Hist,  of  the 
Ch.  in  Scotland.) 

2.  So  early  as  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century,  Christianity 
had  been  introduced  among  the  Celtic  inhabitants  of  Ireland  (Erin, 
Ilibernia).  The  missionary  labours  oi  Palladius,  a  deacon  from  Rome 
(in  431),  were  indeed  unsuccessful ;  but  in  432  St.  Patrick,  the  Apos- 
tle of  Ireland,  accompanied  by  twenty-four  fellow-labourers,  arrived  on 
its  shores.  Tradition  fixes  on  Kilpatrick,  Scotland,  as  his  native  place; 
he  mentions  Bonave  (in  Gaul)  as  the  residence  of  his  father.  His 
proper  name  is  said  to  have  been  Siiccat.  In  his  sixteenth  year,  pirates 
had  carried  him  to  Ireland,  and  sold  him  to  an  Irish  chief,  whqge  flocks 
he  tended  for  six  years.  After  his  liberation,  the  constraining  power 
of  the  love  of  Christ  made  him  choose  active  Christian  service ;  his 
thoughts  and  feelings  took  the  form  of  night-visions  ;  and  he  resolved 
to  proclaim  the  glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of  God  to  those  who 
had  so  long  held  him  in  abject  slavery.  Well  acquainted  with  the  lan- 
guage and  customs  of  the  country,  h-j  assembled  the  people  by  beat  of 


VICTORY    OF    THE    ROMISH    CONFESSION.        299 

drum  in  the  open  air,  and  related  to  them  the  sufferings  of  Christ  for 
the  salvation  of  men.  Although  the  Druids  opposed  all  their  influence 
to  his  efforts,  his  amiable  and  commanding  character  disarmed  hos- 
tility. Not  one  martyr  fell ;  and  after  a  few  years,  all  Ireland  was 
converted  to  Christ,  and  the  country  covered  with  churches  and  monas- 
teries. Patrick  himself  resided  in  the  district  of  Macha.  Around  his 
dwelling  the  town  of  Armagh  (afterwards  the  metropolitan  see  of  Ire- 
land) sprung  up.  He  died  in  4G5,  leaving  the  Church  of  Ireland  in 
the  most  flourishing  state.  The  numerous  monasteries,  whose  inmates 
combined  deep  piety  with  ardent  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  of  whom 
so  many  went  forth  to  teach  and  to  preach  in  all  countries,  gained  for 
Ireland  the  title  of  Insula  Sanctorum.  The  Irish  monasteries  only 
declined  after  the  incursions  of  the  Danes  in  the  ninth  century.  Under 
the  title  of  "  Confessiones,"  St.  Patrick  himself  Ras  left  us  an  autobio- 
graphy, which  is  still  extant. 

3.  Ntnian  or  Nynias,  a  Briton,  who  had  been  educated  at  Rome, 
commenced,  about  the  year  430,  his  labours  among  the  Celtic  Pids  and 
Scots  of  Caledonia.  But  after  his  death,  those  whom  he  had  converted 
again  relapsed  into  heathenism.  The  work  thus  begun  was  more 
effectually  resumed  by  Crimthan,  an  Irishman,  whose  name  was 
changed  by  his  friends  to  Columba,  to  designate  his  dove-like  character. 
Accompanied  by  twelve  of  his  pupils,  he  embarked  in  563  for  the 
island  of  Htj,  the  present  lona  [i.  e.,  Insula  Sanctorum)  or  IcolumbJcill, 
where  he  founded  a  monastery  and  a  church,  and  whence  he  converted 
all  Caledonia.  Although  to  his  death  he  continued  a  simple  presbyter, 
and  abbot  of  the  monastery  of  lona,  he  exercised,  in  virtue  of  his 
apostolic  authority,  superintendence  over  the  whole  Caledonian  Church, 
and  ordained  its  bishops  —  a  privilege  which  his  successors  in  the 
abbacy  of  lona  retained.  He  died  in  597.  The  numerous  monasteries 
which  he  founded,  emulated  those  of  Ireland  in  the  learning,  piety, 
and  missionary  zeal  of  their  inmates.  This  remark  applies  especially 
to  the  monastery  of  lona. 

4.  Romish  3fission  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  —  Vortigern,  King  of 
Britain,  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Germans  who  inhabited  the  opposite 
coast,  for  the  purjDOse  of  warding  off  the  predatory  invasions  of  the 
Picts  and  Scots.  Hengist  and  Horsa,  two  exile  chiefs  from  Jutland, 
obeyed  the  summons,  at  the  head  of  a  large  number  of  Angles  and 
Saxons  (in  449).  These  arrivals  were  followed  by  others,  till,  at  the 
end  of  a  century,  only  the  west  coast  of  their  country  was  loft  to  the 
Britons.  The  Angles  and  Saxons  formed  seven  monarchies,  over  whose 
rulers  the  Bretivalda  —  or  leader  of  their  armies  —  exercised  supreme 
sway.  The  Anglo-Saxons  were  heathens ;  and  the  hostility  between 
them  and  the  ancient  Britons  rendered  missionary  activity  on  the  part 
of  the  latter  impossible.  But  Rome  supplied  what  they  had  omitted 
to  do.     The  sight  of  some  Anglo-Saxon  youths,  exposed  for  sale  in  the 

25* 


800      SECTION   II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9   A.  D.). 

slave-market  at  Rome,  inspired  a  pious  monk  —  afterwards  Pope  Gre- 
gory I.  —  with  the  desire  of  seeing  a  people  of  such  commanding  ap- 
pearance adorned  with  the  beauty  of  the  Gospel.  His  elevation  to  the 
Papal  See  prevented  his  commencing  the  work  himself,  as  at  first  he 
had  purposed.  But  he  purchased  some  of  these  Anglo-Saxon  youths, 
and  had  them  educated  for  missionary  work  among  their  countrymen. 
Soon  afterwards,  when  the  Bretwalda,  Ethelhert  of  Kent,  espoused 
Bertha,  a  Frankish  princess,  Gregory  sent  Augustine,  a  Roman  abbot, 
to  England,  accompanied  by  forty  monks  (596).  Ethelhert  provided 
them  with  a  residence  and  support  at  Dorovernum  (Canterbury),  his 
own  capital.  At  Pentecost  of  the  year  succeeding  that  of  their  arrival, 
the  king  was  baptized,  and  10,000  of  his  subjects  followed  his  example. 
Augustine  wrote  to  Gregory  for  further  instructions,  for  relics,  books, 
etc.  The  Pope  compfied  with  his  request,  and  at  the  same  time  sent 
him  the  Pallium,  assigning  to  him  the  dignity  of  Archbishop  of  the 
Saxon  and  British  Church.  Augustine  now  called  upon  the  Britons  to 
submit  to  his  authority,  and  to  join  him  in  labouring  for  the  conversion 
of  the  Saxons.  But  the  Britons  rejected  these  overtures.  A  personal 
interview  with  their  leaders,  held  under  the  oak  of  Augustine,  led  to 
no  better  result.  A  second  conference  terminated  in  the  same  manner, 
chiefly  owing  to  the  prelatical  arrogance  of  Augustine,  who  would  not 
rise  when  the  Britons  made  their  appearance.  The  latter  were  at  that 
time  disposed  to  yield ;  but,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  hermit,  they  had 
fixed  on  this  mark  of  respect  as  an  omen.  Its  absence  now  decided 
them.  On  the  death  of  Augustine,  in  G05,  the  Pope  appointed  Lauren- 
tius,  the  assistant  of  the  British  prelate,  his  successor.  But  Eadbald, 
the  heathen  son  and  successor  of  Ethelhert,  persecuted  the  missionaries 
so  much,  that  they  even  resolved  to  quit  the  field  (616).  Laurentius 
alone  delayed  his  departure,  to  make  a  last  attempt  to  convert  Eadbald 
himself.  lie  was  successful:  the  king  was  baptized,  and  the  fugitive 
priests  returned  to  their  former  duties.  —  Augustine  had  introduced 
Christianity  in  Essex ;  but  a  change  of  government  was  followed  by  a 
restoration  of  heathenism.  Soon  afterwards,  Christianity  was  esta- 
blished in  Northvmbria,  the  most  powerful  state  in  the  Heptarchy. 
King  Edwin  (or  Eadwine),  the  founder  of  Edinburgh,  espoused  Ethel- 
berga,  the  daughter  of  Bertha,  Queen  of  Kent.  According  to  agree- 
ment, the  young  princess  was  accompanied  to  her  new  residence  by 
Paidinus,  a  monk  (625).  By  their  combined  influence  the  king,  and 
through  him  the  nobility  and  priesthood,  were  induced  to  adopt  Chris- 
tianity. At  a  popular  assembly,  Paulinus  demonstrated  the  truth  of 
Christianity  ;  while  Coiji,  their  high-priest,  defied  the  national  gods 
by  hurling  a  spear  into  the  nearest  temple.  The  people  regarded  his 
daring  as  madness,  and  momentarily  expected  to  see  a  manifestation 
of  Wodan's  vengeance.  But  when  the  heavens  remained  mute,  the 
people,  in  obedience  to  the  order  of  Coifi,  set  fire  to  their  principal 
temple  (627).    Paulinus  became  Bishop  of  Eboraceum  (York),  and  the 


VICTORY    OF    THE    ROiAIISH     CONFESSION.        301 

Pope  sent  him  the  Pallium.  But  in  633  Edwin  fell  in  battle  against 
Penda,  the  heathen  King  of  Mercia ;  Paulinus  had  to  flee,  and  the 
Church  of  Northumbria  was  almost  annihilated. 

5.  British  Mission  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  —  Osicald,  the  son  of  a 
former  king  of  Northumbria  whom  Edwin  had  expelled,  restored  to 
that  country  its  independence.  This  youth  had,  when  a  fugitive,  found 
an  asylum  in  lona,  where  he  was  educated  a  Christian.  In  order  again 
to  raise  the  Church  of  his  country,  the  monks  of  lona  sent  one  of  their 
own  number,  the  excellent  and  amiable  Aidan,  to  the  court  of  North- 
umbria. Oswald  himself  acted  as  his  interpreter,  till  he  had  acquired 
the  Saxon  tongue.  The  success  of  his  labours  was  truly  unparalleled. 
Oswald  founded  an  episcopal  see  in  the  island  of  Lindisfarno  ;  and, 
aided  by  other  missionaries  fi'om  lona,  Bishop  Aidan  converted,  in  a 
few  years,  the  whole  north  of  England  to  Christianity.  Osicahl  fell  in 
battle  against  Penda  (642).  He  was  succeeded  in  his  own  government, 
and  as  Bretwalda,  by  Oswg,  his  brother.  Irish  missionaries  now  joined 
the  labourers  from  lona,  emulating  their  services  ;  and  in  6G0  all  parts 
of  the  Heptarchy  had  adopted  Christianity,  and  —  with  the  exception 
of  Kent,  which  remained  faithful  to  Rome  —  adhered  to  the  ancient 
British  Confession. 

6.  Victor]/  of  the  Eomish  over  the  British  Confession. —  Osivg  per- 
ceived the  danger  accruing  to  the  State  from  religious  division  and 
ecclesiastical  estrangements  among  the  people.  He  succeeded  in  con- 
vincing the  other  kings  of  the  necessity  of  an  ecclesiastical  union.  The 
only  question  now  was,  which  of  the  confessions  should  give  way.  At 
last  the  decision  fell  in  favour  of  Romish  supremacy  —  a  result  to 
■which,  no  doubt,  Oswy  himself  mainly  contributed.  Eanfieda,  his 
■wife,  a  daughter  of  Edwin,  was  a  zealous  partisan  of  Rome.  She  was 
seconded  in  her  efforts  by  Wilfrid,  a  man  of  great  energy,  prudence, 
and  perseverence.  By  birth  a  Northumbrian,  and  educated  in  the 
monastery  of  Lindisfarne,  he  had  visited  Rome;  on  his  return  he  em- 
ployed the  whole  force  of  his  eloquence,  and  every  artifice  which 
intrigue  could  suggest,  to  sulyect  all  England  to  the  Papacy.  These 
two  influenced  the  Bretwalda,  and  the  latter  again  the  other  kings. 
Added  to  this  were  other  and  more  general  reasons  for  the  decision  of 
the  monarch — such  as  a  preference  for  what  was  foreign,  the  splendour 
and  the  power  of  the  Romish  Church,  and,  above  all,  the  old  national 
dislike  of  the  .Saxons  towards  everything  British.  When  the  secret 
negotiations  had  issued  in  the  result  desired,  Oswy  convened  a  General 
Synod  in  the  nunnery  of  Sireaneshalch  or  Whitby  (Synodus  Pharensis) 
in  664.  There  all  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  leaders  of  the  Heptarchy 
assembled.  The  Romish  party  was  represented  by  Wilfrid;  th« 
British,  by  Colman,  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne.  The  paschal  question  was 
the  first  topic  of  discussion.     Wilfrid  appealed  to  the  authority  of  Peter, 

26 


302        SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

to  whom  the  Lord  had  said  :  "  Thou  art  Poter,"  etc.  Upon  this,  Oswy 
turned  to  Cohnan  Avith  the  inquiry,  wliother  the  Lord  had  really 
addressed  these  words  to  Peter.  Colman,  of  course,  admitted  it;  when 
Oswy  declared  that  he  would  own  the  authority  of  him  who  had  the 
power  of  openiiif!;  and  shuttinn;  the  gates  of  heaven.  This  finished  the 
discussion.  In  his  capacity  of  Bretwalda,  Oswy  carried  out  the  decrees 
of  the  Synod  with  energy  and  resolutiim.  Within  a  few  weeks  the 
razor  completed  the  conversion  of  the  whole  Ileptarcliy  to  the  Romish 
C(mfession.  —  Matters  having  proceeded  thus  far,  the  British  Confes- 
sion had  soon  to  bo  abandoned,  even  in  the  districts  whence  it  had 
originally  spread.  Political  reasons  obliged  the  Irish  and  Scotch  kings 
to  adopt  the  confession  of  their  dangerous  neighl^ours,  in  order  both  to 
deprive  them  of  a  specious  pretext  for  making  invasions,  and  to  procure 
the  assistance  of  the  l*opo  and  the  sympathi(;s  of  continental  Christen- 
dom. Ireland  submitted  in  701,  and  Scotland  f(dlowed  nine  years 
afterwards.  The  monks  of  lona  alone  held  out  till  710,  when  this  their 
last  stronghold  also  fell.  —  (The  Principal  Sources  for  the  British  and 
Anglo-Saxon  Eccles.  Hist,  of  that  period  are:  Gildas,  liber  querulus  de 
cxcidio  Brittanniic.  Neimiiis,  liist.  Britonum,  and  especially  Beda 
vencrab.  hist,  eccles.  Angl.) 

§78.  CONVERSION  OF  GERMANY. 

CoMP.  F.  W.  Retlhcrg,  K.-G.  Deutschland's.  Vols.  I.  and  II.—  C.  J. 
Ilefele,  Gesch.  d.  Einfiihr.  d.  Christ,  im  sUdwcstl.  Deutschl.  (Hist,  of 
the  Introd.  of  Christian,  in  South-West.  Germ.).  Tlib.  1837.  —  K. 
Jfiemer,  d.  Einfuhr.  d.  Christonth.  in  d.  Deutsch.  Landcn.  Schaffh. 
1858.  —  Ph.  Jfeber,  die  vorkaroling.  Glaubenshelden.  an  Rhein  u.  deren. 
Zeit.  Frkf.  1858.  —  G.  T.  Uudhart,  iiltest.  Gesch.  Baierns  (Old  Hist,  of 
Bavar.).  Ilamb.  1841. — A.  F.  Ozanam,  Begrlind.  d.  Christ,  in  Deutsch. 
(Tiitrod.  of  Christ,  into  Germ.).  From  the  French,  Manic.  1845.  —  A. 
Sci/er.s-,  Bonifacius,  d.  Ap.  der  Deutschen.  Mayence  1845.  —  F.  F. 
Gclplce,  K.-G.  d.  Schweiz.  Bd.  I.  Bern.  1850.  —  TJon^/aeu"  Epistolro  (op. 
ed.  J.  A.  Giles,  Oxford  184()),  Vita  in  Perlz  (T.  II.')  and  in  the  Acta 
SS.  —  Scrrarius,  Moguntiac.  rerum  1.  v.  —  Sai/iUarius,  Antiq.  Gentil. 
ct  Christ.  Thuring. 

During  the  domination  of  the  Romans,  tlic  countries  along  the 
■Rhine  and  Danube  had  been  fully  evangelized ;  but  of  this 
scarcely  a  trace  was  left  in  the  succeeding  period.  The  bar- 
barians who  invaded  these  districts,  destroyed  the  monasteries 
and  churches,  and  instead  of  Christian  rites,  introduced  their  own 
forms  of  heatlienism.  By  the  end  of  the  sixtli  century  the 
greater  ])art  of  Germany  was  subject  to  the  rule  of  the  Franks, 
and  bore  the  name  of  Western  Franconia  (Neustria),  ia  contra- 


CONVERSION    OP    GERMANY.  303 

distinction  to  Austrasia  or  Eastern  Fruiiconia.  Sonth-Wcstern 
and  South-Eastern  Germany  (Alemannia,  Bavaria,  Tlmringia) 
were  governed  by  native  princes  under  Frankish  sonzerainty  ; 
while  North-Western  Germany  (the  Frisians  and  Saxons)  still 
maintained  its  national  independence.  Tlie  flrst  successful 
endeavours  to  restore  Christianity  in  Austrasia  were  made  about 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century.  The  missionaries  engaged  in 
this  work  were  partly  of  Frantiah,  partly  of  Scotch  (either  Irish 
or  British),  and  partly  of  Anglo-Saxon  descent.  At  that  time 
the  n.ionasterics  of  Scotland  and  Ireland  were  crowded  with  men 
whose  natural  love  of  travel  was  sanctified  by  an  ardent  desire  to 
preach  the  Gospel,  and  to  extend  the  kingdom  of  Christ.  These 
feelings  derived  an  additional  stimulus  from  the  circumstance, 
that  the  distinctive  confession  to  which  they  clung  with  so  deep 
attachment  had  just  been  suppressed  (§  7*7,  6).  Their  own 
country  seemed  now  dreary,  while  on  the  Continent  they  saw  a 
prospect  of  regaining  what  had  been  lost  at  home.  Under  such 
impulses,  a  large  number  of  the  inmates  of  the  Irish  and  Scotch 
monasteries  went  forth  as  missionaries  to  pagan  G(!rmany. 
But  thither  also  the  Anglo-Saxons,  who  had  the  same  love  for 
travel,  the  same  missionary  zeal,  and  the  same  attachment  to 
their  own  distinctive  confession  (the  Romish),  followed  thcin. 
Thus  the  former  contest  was  renewed  on  German  soil :  there  also 
to  end  in  the  suppression  of  the  British  Confession.  Almost 
everywhere  do  we  discover  traces  of  these  Scotch  missionaries  ; 
but,  unfortunately,  the  particulars  left  us,  as  to  the  mode  in 
which  they  carried  on  their  labours,  as  to  their  contests  with  the 
representatives  of  the  Romish  Church,  are  exceedingly  scanty. 
The  practical  turn,  so  characteristic  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race, 
and  the  connection  of  these  missionaries  with  the  imposing 
spiritual  power  wielded  by  the  See  of  Rome,  no  doubt  con- 
tributed not  a  little  towards  securing  them  the  victory  over  their 
Scotch  brethren.  For  the  Frankish  missionaries  also  laboured 
quite  indei)endently  of  Rome,  so  that  the  connection  between 
Germany  and  the  Church  of  Rome  was  maiidy  due  to  the  exer- 
tions of  the  Anglo-Saxon  preachers.  —  These  missions  succeeded 
most  rapidly  in  the  districts  where  the  Gospel  had  been  preached 
at  a  former  period,  chiefly  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  and  of 
the  Danube.  Much  more  formidable  were  the  difricnltics  en- 
countered in  districts  where  heathenism  resembled  an  unexplored 
primitive  forest  —  as  in  Frisia,  Saxony,  Ilesse,  and  Thuringia. 


304      SECTION    II. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.D.). 

The  protection  which  the  Frankish  monarchs  extended  to 
missionary  hibours  in  Germany,  sprung  chiefly  from  interested 
motives — an  interference  which  operated  rather  against  than  in 
favour  of  the  work.  It  appeared  as  if,  on  the  one  hand,  heathen- 
ism and  national  independence,  and  on  the  other,  Christianity 
and  Frankish  domination,  were  inseparably  connected.  If  the 
sword  of  the  Franks  opened  the  way  for  the  Gospel,  the  labours 
of  the  missionaries  were,  in  return,  to  be  made  subservient  for 
the  political  subjugation  of  these  countries.  However  unwilling 
the  missionaries  were  to  become  parties  to  this  mixing  up  of 
religious  and  political  objects,  it  was  frequently  beyond  their 
power  to  resist  it. 

1.  The  Ahmanni  were  a  powerful  race,  inhabiting  the  south-western 
PART  OF  Germany.  Only  scanty  traces  of  former  Christian  institutions 
remained  in  those  districts.  The  victory  of  Tulpiac  (49G),  which 
decided  Clevis  in  favour  of  Christianity,  at  the  same  time  opened  the 
country  of  the  vanquished  Alemanni  to  the  Gospel.  But  as  the  Franks 
adopted  no  violent  measures  for  its  propagation,  its  progress  was  very 
slow.  The  civil  code  of  the  Alemanni,  as  settled  by  Dagohert  I.  in 
680,  proceeds,  indeed,  on  the  supposition  that  the  country  had  become 
entirely  christianized ;  but  at  the  time  this  must  have  only  been  by 
way  of  anticipation.  St.  Fridolin,  who  founded  the  monastery  of 
Seckingeii  upon  an  island  on  the  Rhine  above  Basle,  is  commonly 
represented  as  the  Apostle  of  Alemannia  (about  510).  He  was  a 
native  of  Ireland  ;  but  the  accounts  of  his  activity  are  quite  legendary 
and  unreliable.  More  accurate  and  satisfactory  are  the  details  given 
about  St.  Columban,  who  arrived  in  the  year  589,  accompanied  by 
twelve  zealous  missionaries,  from  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Bangor 
in  Ireland.  lie  founded  the  well-known  Luxovium  (Luxeuil).  The 
missionaries  reclaimed  the  wastes  all  around,  and  endeavoured  to 
restore  Christian  discipline  and  order  among  a  population  which  had 
been  fearfully  neglected.  But  their  rigid  adherence  to  the  British 
practice  of  calculating  Easter  (?  77,  1)  raised  prejudices  against  them; 
the  clergy  of  Burgundy  felt  their  strict  discipline  a  most  unpleasant 
innovation  ;  Avliile  Brunehilda,  incensed  that  their  influence  over  the 
youthful  Theodoric  II.,  her  grandchild,  endangered  her  ambitious 
schemes,  vowed  their  destruction.  All  these  causes  led  to  their  expul- 
sion, after  they  had  laboured  for  twenty  years  in  the  country.  The 
exiles  betook  themselves  to  Switzerland,  and  settled  at  Tiiggen,  on  the 
Lake  of  Zurich.  But  the  fanatical  zeal  with  which  they  attacked 
heathenism  excited  the  hostility  of  the  natives,  who  ill-used  and  drove 
them  away.  Their  next  field  was  Bregenz.  Here  they  laboured  for 
three  years  very  successfully  —  a  result  principally  achieved  through 
the  preaching  of  St.  Gallus,  wdio  had  acquired  the  language  of  the 


CONVERSION    OF    GERMANY.  805 

country.  But  fresh  persecutions  induced  Columban  to  pass  into  Italy, 
where,  under  the  in-otection  of  Agikilf  (§  70,  8),  he  founded  the  cele- 
brated monastery  of  Bohbio,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  Arian  con- 
troversy. Gallus,  vrho  at  the  time  his  colleagues  left  was  ill,  remained 
iu  Switzerland,  resolved  to  continue  the  work  despite  the  unfavourable 
circumstances  which  had  arisen.  In  a  sequestered  and  wild  valley, 
and  on  a  spot  where  a  bush  had  caught  hold  of  his  garment  Avhile 
engaged  in  pi-ayer,  he  built  a  cell  whicii  afterAvards  became  the  abbacy 
of  St.  Gall.  His  labours  were  richly  blessed.  He  died  in  64G,  at  the 
advanced  age  of  95.  Gallus  does  not  appear  to  have  been  so  tenacious 
as  Columban  in  contending  for  the  British  Confession.  Magnoald,  the 
pupil  of  St.  Gallus,  carried  on  his  Avork,  and  founded  the  monastery 
of  Fiisseii  in  Suabia.  About  the  same  time  Trudpert,  an  hermite 
(said  to  have  been  of  Irish  descent),  laboured  in  the  Brcisgau.  He 
laid  the  foundation  of  what  afterwards  became  the  abbacy  of  St. 
Trudpert,  at  the  foot  of  the  Black  Forest,  but  was  ultimately  murdered 
by  a  servant  of  his  own  (^943).  Half  a  century  later,  Pirminius,  a 
Prankish  ecclesiastic,  carried  the  Gospel  along  the  shores  of  the  Lake 
of  Constance.  Protected  in  his  labours  by  Charles  Martel,  he  founded 
the  monastery  of  Reichenau ;  but  only  three  years  afterwards  he  was 
expelled  in  consequence  of  a  national  rising  of  the  Alemanni  against 
the  Prankish  rule.  He  now  descended  the  Rhine,  and  founded  a 
number  of  monasteries,  —  among  them  Hornhach,  in  the  diocese  of 
Mctz,  where  he  died  in  753.  When  about  that  time  St.  Boniface  visited 
Alemannia,  he  found  the  whole  country  nominally  Christian  and  the 
Church  regularly  organized. 

2.  Souih-Eastern  Germany. — No  notices  have  been  left  of  the  religious 
history  of  the  countries  along  the  Danube  during  the  period  succeeding 
the  labours  of  St.  Severinits  (^  76,  G).  A  century  later  these  districts 
were  peopled  by  the  Bavarians  (the  Boji),  whose  native  rulers  were 
subject  to  the  souverainty  of  the  Fran-kish  monarchs.  At  that  time 
only  scanty  traces  of  the  former  profession  of  Christianity  remained  in 
the  country.  In  615  the  Prankish  abbot,  Eustasius  of  Luxeuil,  the 
successor  of  Columban,  Avent  as  missionary  among  the  Bavarians.  He 
had  to  contend  Avith  Bonosian  and  Photinian  errors  —  probably  in  con- 
sequence of  the  Arianism  Avhich  the  Goths  had  spread  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood. St.  Eaimeran,  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  laboured  about  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century  in  Regensburg,  at  the  court  of  Theodo  /.,  Duke 
of  BaA^aria.  He  continued  only  three  years,  when  he  suddenly  left  for 
Italy.  By  the  way  he  Avas  killed  (652)  by  the  brother  of  the  Princess 
Ota,  on  a  charge  of  having  seduced  her;  that  princess  having,  at  his 
own  suggestion,  named  him  as  her  seducer,  in  order  to  shield  the 
guilty  person  from  vengeance.  After  that  the  Church  declined,  owing 
to  the  weakness  of  the  Merovingian  monarchs.  But  Avhen,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  victory  of  Testry  in  687,  Pepin  of  Heristal  became  the 
26*  u 


306      SECTION   II. —  FIRST    PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

hereditary  administrator  of  the  realm,  both  the  Frankish  power  and 
the  Church  were  restored.  For  the  latter  purpose,  Duke  Theodo  IT. 
invited  in  GOG  Bishop  Ruodpert  (Rupert),  Avho  proved  indeed  the 
Apostle  of  Bavaria.  He  baptized  the  duke  and  his  court,  founded 
numerous  churches  and  monasteries,  and  made  Christianity  the  religion 
of  almost  the  whole  country.  The  see  of  Sahbiirg,  which  he  had 
founded,  served  as  a  centre  for  his  operations.  In  716  he  returned  to 
his  former  see  of  Worms,  where  he  died.  He  was  succeeded  by 
CoRBiNiAN,  a  Frankish  bishop  (without  a  fixed  see  —  or  "regionary 
bishop"),  who  in  717  founded  the  episcopal  see  of  Freisingen.  This 
prelate  is  described  as  proud,  unyielding,  and  severe  in  the  exercise  of 
discipline.  He  swept  away  every  remaining  trace  of  heathen  super- 
stition, founded  churches  and  monasteries,  and,  according  to  legend,  per- 
formed many  miracles.  (06.730.) — Among  the  Thuringians,  heathen- 
ism continued  unopposed  till  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  when 
Kyllena  or  Kilian,  an  Irish  missionary,  commenced  his  evangelistic 
labours  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Wlirzburg.  His  zeal  was  rewarded 
with  the  martyr's  crown,  and  his  work  brought  to  a  successful  issue 
under  the  ministry  of  ^S"^.  Boniface. 

3.  Korth-Western  Germany.  —  In  the  country  around  the  Middle 
Rhine  the  ancient  Christian  sees  had  survived,  although,  from  the 
prevalence  of  heathenism  in  their  immediate  vicinity,  the  character 
and  influence  of  the  clergy  had  greatly  declined.  Despite  their  oppo- 
sition, the  labours  of  Goar,  a  hermit,  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century,  proved  to  a  large  extent  successful.  The  pretty  little  town 
of  St.  Goar  rose  where  his  cell  had  stood.  About  the  same  time  a 
Langobard  Stylite,  Wulflaich,  braved  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and 
preached  to  the  heathen  from  the  top  of  his  column ;  but  the  neigh- 
bouring bishops  disapproved  of  his  mad  asceticism,  and  had  the  column 
demolished.  —  Frankish  missionaries  —  especially  St.  Amandus  (the 
Apostle  of  Belgium)  —  laboured  among  the  Frisians,  south  of  the 
Scheld,  since  the  commencement  of  the  seventh  century.  In  647 
Amandus  became  Bishop  of  Malines,  and  died  in  679  in  the  monastery 
of  Elnon  near  Tournay  (afterwards  called  St.  Arnand).  Simultaneously, 
St.  Eligius,  formerly  a  goldsmith,  and  from  G41  Bishop  of  Noyon, 
engaged  in  the  same  work. —  An  Anglo-Saxon,  Wilfrid  (^  77,  6),  was 
the  first  to  carry  the  Gospel  to  the  Frisians  north  of  the  Scheld.  He 
had  been  elected  Archbishop  of  York,  but  was  expelled  from  his  see 
{I  83,  1),  and  started  for  Rome  to  seek  protection.  Happily  a  storm 
drove  him  to  the  coast  of  Frisia,  instead  of  allowing  him  to  land  in 
France,  where  hired  assassins  lay  in  wait  for  him.  He  spent  the 
winter  in  Frisia  (G77-678),  preached  daily,  and  baptized  Aldgild,  the 
reigning  duke,  and  thousands  of  his  subjects.  But  Radbod  [ob.  719), 
the  successor  of  Aldgild,  who  was  continually  engaged  in  contests  with 
Pepin  and  Charles  Martel,  hated  and  persecuted  Christianity,  as  being 
the  religion  of  the  Franks.     The   seed  sown  by  Wilfrid  seemed  in 


CONVERSION    OF    GERMANY.  307 

danger  of  being  destroyed,  when  the  Tictory  of  Pepin  at  Dorstedt  (in 
689)  obliged  the  persecutor  to  relent,  at  least  for  a  time.  Wulfram 
of  Sens  immediately  recommenced  missionary  operations  among  the 
people.  Legend  has  it,  that  lladbod  himself  had  expressed  his  readi- 
ness to  be  baptized :  but  that  when  entering  the  water  he  drew  back, 
declaring  that  he  preferred  being  consigned  to  hell  in  company  with 
his  glorious  ancestors,  than  going  to  heaven  along  with  a  crowd  of 
wretched  people.  The  story,  however,  does  not  bear  the  test  of 
historical  criticism.  —  But  the  evangelization  of  all  Frisia  was  to  be 
accomplished  by  another  Anglo-Saxon.  Wii.libkord,  assisted  by  twelve 
other  missionaries,  devoted  himself  in  090  to  this  enterprise.  Twice 
he  journeyed  to  Rome  to  submit  his  work  to  the  direction  of  the  Pope, 
who  changed  his  name  to  that  of  Clement,  and  ordained  him  Bishop 
of  the  Frisians.  Pepin  assigned  to  him  the  castle  of  Utrecht  as  his 
episcopal  see.  Thence  his  labours  extended  not  only  over  the  domains 
of  Radbod,  but  even  beyond  the  Danish  frontier.  When  on  a  visit  on 
the  island  of  Heligoland,  he  ventured  to  baptize  three  persons  in  a 
well  which  was  regarded  as  sacred.  Radbod  was  about  to  immolate 
the  bishop  and  his  converts  to  the  gods.  Thrice  he  consulted  the 
sacred  lot,  but  each  time  the  decision  was  in  favour  of  the  Christians. 
Willibrord  continued  his  labours  among  the  Frisians  with  varying 
success  for  fifty  years,  and  died  in  739,  in  the  81st  year  of  his  life.  He 
was  succeeded  in  the  administi'ation  of  the  See  of  Utrecht  by  Gregory, 
a  noble  Frank  of  Merovingian  descent,  who  was  the  favourite  pupil 
of  St.  Boniface.  But  Gregory  was  not  consecrated  a  bishop,  as  the 
See  of  Cologne  laid  claim  to  jurisdiction  over  the  Frisian  Church. 
When  in  734  Charles  Martel  completely  subjugated  the  Frisians,  the 
work  of  evangelization  proceeded  more  rapidly.  Among  the  mission- 
aries who  laboured  in  Frisia,  Willehad,  an  Anglo-Saxon,  whom  Charle- 
magne afterwards  invested  with  the  bishopric  of  Bremen,  seems  to 
have  been  the  most  successful.  St.  Liud</er,  a  native  of  Frisia,  and 
afterwards  Bishop  of  Munster,  completed  what  his  predecessors  had 
so  worthily  begun. 

4.  Labours  of  St.  Boniface,  the  Apostle  of  Gerinany.  —  Winfrid,  a 
native  of  Kirton  in  Wessex  (about  G80),  had,  by  piety,  devotedness, 
and  ability,  risen  to  distinction  in  his  own  church  and  country.  But 
his  sympathies  were  wider  than  his  sphere.  Impelled  by  a  sense  of 
the  love  of  Christ,  he  resolved  to  devote  himself  to  missionary  work 
among  the  heathen  of  Germany.  He  arrived  in  Frisia  (in  716)  at  a 
moment  most  unfavourable  for  his  enterprise.  Eadbod  was  just  en- 
gaged in  war  with  Charles  Martel,  and  had  wreaked  his  enmity  on 
Christian  churches  and  monasteries.  Winfrid  was  obliged  to  return 
without  having  accomplished  anything.  But  such  discouragements 
could  not  cool  his  missionary  ardour.  In  the  spring  of  718  he  again 
crossed  the  Channel.  He  went  first  to  Rome,  where  Gregory  II.  form- 
ally set  him  apart  for  missionary  Avork  in  Germanv.  In  Thuringia  and 
26 


o08      SECTION   II. —  FIRST    PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9   A.  D.). 

Franconia,  the  field  for  -wliich  he  had  been  designated,  he  found  little 
encouragement.  Accordingly,  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  Radbod,  he 
returned  to  Frisia,  where  for  three  years  he  shared  the  labours  of 
Willibrord.  This  prelate,  anxious  to  secure  so  efficient  a  missionary, 
offered  him  the  succession  to  the  See  of  Utrecht.  But  such  prospects 
only  served  to  remind  Winfrid  of  the  work  for  which  he  had  been  set 
apart.  Accordingly,  in  722  he  went  to  Upper  Hesse,  where  he  founded 
the  monastery  of  Amonaberg,  and  within  a  short  period  baptized  thou- 
sands of  heathens.  Summoned  by  the  Pope  to  Rome  (in  723),  he  was 
consecrated  "Regionary"  Bishop  of  Germany  by  the  name  of  Boiii- 
facius  (episcopus  regionarius,  i.e.,  without  a  definite  diocese),  and, 
after  having  taken  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  See  of  Rome,  returned 
to  his  post  armed  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  Charles  Martel. 
Thus  furnished  with  spiritual  armoury  from  Rome,  and  enjoying  the 
more  doubtful  advantage  of  Frankish  protection,  he  resumed  his  labours 
in  Hesse.  The  fall  of  the  ancient  sacred  oak  at  Geismar,  near  Fritzlar, 
also  marked  that  of  heathenism  in  Central  Germany.  Surrounded  by 
a  vast  concourse  of  heathens,  who  gazed  in  breathless  expectation, 
Boniface  himself  had  laid  the  axe  to  that  sacred  tree ;  its  wood  now 
furnished  material  for  a  Christian  chapel.  After  that  event  his  preach- 
ing was  attended  with  unparalleled  success  ;  and  within  the  space  of 
a  year,  Christianity  had  become  the  religion  of  almost  all  Hesse.  In 
725  he  went  to  Thuringia,  where  British  missionaries,  who  were  unwil- 
ling to  submit  to  Papal  supremacy,  greatly  perplexed  him.  He  then 
sent  for  additional  labourers  to  England,  and  founded  the  monastery  of 
Ordorp,  near  Arnstadt,  on  the  Ohra,  for  the  education  of  a  native  min- 
istry. Gregory  II.  died  in  731 ;  but  Gregory  III.,  whom  Boniface  kept 
informed  of  the  progress  of  the  work,  sent  him  the  Pallium,  and  en- 
trusted him  with  the  task  of  founding  episcopal  sees  in  Germany  and 
ordaining  bishops.  Having  erected  the  abbacy  of  Fritzlar,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Bavaria,  where  he  was  engaged  in  hot  controversy  with  some 
representatives  of  the  ancient  British  Confession.  Boniface  returned 
to  Hesse,  accompanied  by  Slurm,  a  zealous  Bavarian  youth,  whom  he 
educated  at  Fritzlar  for  the  clerical  profession.  In  738  he  went  a  third 
time  to  Rome,  probably  to  consult  the  Pope  about  the  final  organization 
of  the  German  Church.  There  he  met  with  the  most  respectful  recep- 
ti(m,  and  remained  a  whole  year.  On  his  return,  he  again  visited 
Bavaria,  expelled  his  former  British  opponents,  deposed  some  refractory 
Frankish  bishops,  and  divided  the  Church  of  Bavaria  into  four  dioceses. 
He  next  returned  to  Thuringia,  whence  also  he  drove  the  British  mis- 
sionai-ies,  and  where  he  instituted  four  dioceses.  During  the  lifetime 
of  Charles  Martel,  Boniface  had  Ijeen  prevented  from  exercising  any 
authority  over  the  churches  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine.  But  after 
the  death  of  that  monarch  (in  741),  his  sons,  Carloman  in  Austrasia, 
and  Pepin  the  Short  in  Neustria,  requested  his  aid  in  reorganizing  the 
Church  in  their  dominions,  which  had  sadlv  declined.     The  Avork  of 


CONVERSION    OF    GERMANY.  309 

reform  commenced  in  Austrasia.     In  742  Boniface  presided  over  the 
first  Austrasian  Synod  (Concilium  Germanicum)  Avhich  passed  strin- 
gent measures  for  the  restoration  of  discipline,  and  the  removal  of  the 
heretical,  the  married  and  the  foreign  (British)  clergy.     At  another 
synod  held  at  Liptince  [Ledines,  near  Cambray)  in  743,  the  bishops 
present  promised  unconditional  obedience  to  the  See  of  Rome.     Carlo- 
rnan,  who  was  present  at  both  these  synods,  gave  legal  sanction  to  their 
decrees.     In  742  Boniface  founded  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Fnlda, 
of  which  Sturm  was  the  first  al)bot — an  institution  destined  to  become 
the  watch-tower  and  training-school  of  German  monasticism.     About 
the  same  period  he  engaged  in  keen  controversy  with  two  noted  here- 
tics—  Adalbert,  a  Frank,  and  Clement,  a  Scot;  as  also  M'ith  Yirgilius, 
an  Irishman.     In  744,  in  his  capacity  of  Papal  Vicar,  he  entered  into 
negotiations  for  reorganizing  the  Church  of  Ncustria.     The  authority 
of  the  metropolitans,  and  the  exercise  of  discipline,  were  restored  at 
the  Synod  of  Soissons  (in  744).     At  another  synod,  held  the  following 
year  (at  Mayeuce?),   Gewilib,  the  unworthy  occupant  of  the  See  of 
Mayence,  who  was  convicted  of  having  hired  assassins,  was  deposed, 
and  his  see  assigned  to  Boniface  as  Metropolitan  of  Germany  (though, 
he  would  rather  have  chosen  that  of  Cologne).     Carloman,  tormented 
by  a  guilty  conscience,  retired  in  747  into  a  monastery,  leaving  his 
brother  Pepin  sole  ruler.     Only  a  few  years  later,  Pepin,  with  the  ex- 
press sanction  of  the  Pope  (§  82,  1),  put  an  end  to  the  figment  of 
Merovingian  rule  (in  751).     The  supposition  that  Boniface  acted  as 
negotiator  between  the  Pontifi"  and  the  Major-Domus  in  this  transac- 
tion, is  entirely  unfounded.    On  the  contrary,  we  have  reason  to  believe 
that  the  prelate  had  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  opposed  the  scheme, 
under  the  influence  of  certain  notions  about  the  Divine  right  of  the 
Merovingians.     Amidst  many  cares  and  troubles,  the  Apostle  of  Ger- 
many untiringly  prosecuted  the  great  mission  of  his  life.     But  as  he 
grew  in  years,  he  longed  to  devolve   some  of  his  onerous  duties  on 
younger  shoulders.     Gregory  III.  had,  indeed,  promised  to  alloAV  him 
to  name  his  own  successor  ;   but  Pope  Zacliarias  contemplated  with 
apprehension  the  appointment  of  a  German  primate  who  might  prove 
less  submissive  than  Boniface.     At  last,  however,  he  yielded  to  the 
urgent  entreaties  of  the  aged  Apostle.     In  the  spring  of  754  Boniface 
conferred  the  archiepiscopal  office  on  Lulliis,  his  favourite  pupil,  and 
then  sailed  down  the  Rhine  to  spend  his  last  days  in  evangelizing  those 
heathen  Frisians  to  whom  his  youthful  energies  had  been  devoted.     In 
anticipation  of  his  approaching  end,  he  took  along  his  shroud  (755). 
His  tent  was  pitched  in  the   neighbourhood  of  the  modern  Doccum, 
whence  he  itinerated  through  Frisia,  baptizing  thousands  of  heathens. 
On  the  5th  June  755,  he  had  appointed  a  number  of  his  converts  to 
meet  him  in  order  to  receive  confirmation.     But  early  on  the  morning 
of  that  day  ho  was  attacked  by  a  band  of  heathen.     Holding  over  his 
head  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  Boniface  received  the  mortal  blow.     His 


310      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST    PERIOD   (CENT.   4—9   A.D.). 

fifty-two  co-labourers  shared  the  same  fate.     The  bones  of  the  martyr- 
bishop  were  deposited  in  Fulda. 

5.  Conversion  of  tlie  Saxons. — Two  Anglo-Saxon  monks,  both  of  the 
name  of  Eivald  (Black  and  White  Ewald),  were  the  first  missionaries 
among  the  Saxons,  who,  from  the  north-western  coasts  of  Germany, 
had  migrated  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Rhine.  These  preachers 
were  hospitably  received  b^'^  a  Saxon  peasant ;  but  no  sooner  had  he 
learned  their  object,  than  he  and  his  servants  fell  upon  them  and  cru- 
elly murdered  them  (about  G91).  Boniface  had  never  lost  sight  of  the 
Saxons ;  and  the  choice  of  Fulda,  close  by  the  Saxon  boundary,  as  the 
site  of  a  monastery,  was  no  doubt  determined  partly  with  the  view  of 
making  it  the  basis  of  spiritual  operations  among  the  neighbouring 
heathen.  Still,  for  thirty  years  this  mission  remained  only  an  object 
of  hope,  till  the  work  was  done  by  the  sword  of  the  greatest  of  Frank- 
ish  monarchs.  Charlemagne  considered  the  subjugation  of  the  hostile 
and  powerful  Saxon  nation  as  a  political  necessity.  But  their  pei-ma- 
nent  political  subjection  could  not  be  secured  without  their  conversion 
to  Christianity,  nor  the  latter  be  accomplished  without  the  former,  as 
the  Saxons  hated  the  religion  of  the  Franks  not  less  than  the  Franks 
themselves.  Alcuin,  indeed,  plead  nobly  and  Ijoldly  with  his  royal 
friend  against  recourse  to  violent  measures  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  conversion  of  the  Saxons  ;  but  political  considerations  proved  more 
powerful  than  the  arguments  of  one  whose  counsels  otherwise  fre- 
quently prevailed.  The  wars  against  the  Saxons  lasted  for  thirty-three 
years  (772-804).-  Even  in  the  first  campaign  Eresburg,  the  great  strong- 
hold of  the  Saxons,  was  taken,  and  their  most  sacred  idol,  the  Irmin- 
colnmn  (on  which  the  universe  was  supposed  to  rest),  destroyed. 
Frankish  priests  followed  in  the  train  of  the  Frankish  army,  and  im- 
mediately Christianized  the  conquered  districts.  But  scarcely  had  the 
armies  of  Charles  withdrawn,  when  the  Saxons  again  swept  away 
every  trace  of  the  hated  religion.  At  last,  however,  they  were  obliged, 
at  the  Diet  of  Paderborn  in  777,  to  take  an  oath  of  fealty  to  the  Frank- 
ish monarch,  on  pain  of  losing  life  and  property.  But  Widnkind  (Wit- 
tekind),  the  most  powerful  of  their  leaders,  had  not  attended  this  diet, 
and  again  raised  the  standard  of  revolt.  The  Frankish  army  was 
completely  defeated,  every  Christian  minister  killed,  and  every  church 
destroyed.  Charles  took  fearful  vengeance.  At  Verden  he  ordered 
4500  Saxons  to  be  beheaded  in  one  day.  Still,  another  rebellion  broke 
out ;  and  at  a  second  diet,  held  at  Paderborn  in  785,  most  stringent 
laws  were  enacted,  which  punished  with  death  tlie  slightest  opposition 
to  the  ordinances  of  the  Church.  Widukind  and  Albion,  the  tAvo  prin- 
cipal Saxon  chiefs,  saw  the  uselcssness  of  further  resistance.  They 
were  baptized  in  785,  after  which  they  continued  faithful  both  to  the 
king  and  to  the  Church.  But  the  people  in  general  Avere  far  from 
quiet.  In  804  Charles  expelled  10,000  Saxon  families  from  their  homes, 
and  gave  their  lands  to  his  allies,  the  Obotrites.     This  measure  at  last 


THE    SLAVONIANS    IN     GERMANY.  311 

secured  peace.  Charles  had  founded  eight  sees  in  Saxony.  Under 
their  fostering  care,  Christianity  now  spread  among  the  Saxons,  who 
by  and  by  learned  to  hold  its  truths  with  the  same  warmth  and  devout- 
ness  as  the  other  German  races.  Of  this  the  popular  Ejjos,  entitled 
"  The  Saviour"  (§  88,  2),  affords  sufficient  evidence. 


§  79.   THE    SLAVONIANS  WITHIN   THE  BOUNDARIES   OF 
GERMANY. 

CoMP.  ScJiafarilc,  Dohroiosl<y,  Philaret  and  Ginzel  [I  72). — J.  Palachj, 
Gesch.  V.  Bohmen.     Vol.  I.     Prague  1836. 

In  their  progress,  the  Huns  had  driven  the  Slavonians  south- 
wards as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  and  westwards  to  those 
of  the  Vistula.  When,  in  the  sixth  century,  the  Avari,  a  Mon- 
gol race,  took  possession  of  Dacia,  Pannonia,  and  Dalmatia,  the 
Slavonians  were  obliged  to  retreat  still  further  westwards.  Dur- 
ing this  period  no  attempts  seem  to  have  been  made  to  carry  the 
Gospel  to  the  Slavonians  in  the  north-eastern  parts  of  Germany, 
although  the  See  of  Salzburg  made  great  efforts  to  convert  both 
the  Slavonians  in  the  south  and  the  Avari.  But  these  labours 
were  not  attended  with  great  success  till  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century.  In  748  Boruth,  the  prince  of  the  Carantani  (in  our 
modern  Carinthia),  invoked  the  assistance  of  Thassilo  II.,  Duke 
of  Bavaria,  against  the  oppression  of  the  Avari.  His  nephew 
Ceitumar  was  educated  in  Bavaria  in  the  Christian  religion. 
When  in  753  he  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  he  introduced 
Christianity  into  his  dominions.  After  the  fall  of  Thassilo, 
Carinthia  became  also  subject  to  Frankish  rule  (in  788),  and 
Charlemagne  extended  his  conquests  likewise  to  the  countries 
of  the  Avari  and  the  Moravians.  Commissioned  by  that  mon- 
arch, Arno  was  zealously  engaged  in  Christianizing  these  tribes ; 
and  with  this  object  in  view,  his  diocese  of  Salzburg  was  ele- 
vated to  the  rank  of  a  metropolitan  see.  In  796  Tudun,  prince 
of  the  Avari,  was  baptized  at  Aix-la-chapelle  amid  a  large  con- 
course of  people  ;  and  in  797  the  whole  nation  pledged  itself  to 
become  Christianized,  and  desired  Christian  teachers.  In  the 
ninth  century  the  name  Avari  disappears  from  historj^  In  855 
the  Grand  Duke  Raislav  freed  Moravia  from  Frankish  domina- 
tion, when  the  jurisdiction  of  the  German  bishops  entirely  ceased. 
The  new  ruler  of  Moravia  applied  to  the  Byzantine  Emperor  for 
Slavonic  missionaries.  The  brothers  Cyrill  and  Methodius, 
26* 


312      SECTION   II. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.D.). 

who  had  already  distinguished  themselves  in  a  kindred  depart- 
ment of  missionary  labour  (§  72,  2,  3),  were  dispatched  on  this 
errand  (863).  They  immediately  introduced  Slavonian  worship 
and  liturgy ;  and  by  preaching  in  the  vernacular,  readily  gained 
access  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  But  political  considerations 
obliged  the  missionaries  to  join  the  Romish  Church.  The  only 
remnant  of  former  independence  left,  was  the  permission  to 
continue  the  use  of  the  Slavonic  liturgy.  Through  the  friendly 
intercourse  subsisting  between  the  Moravians  and  the  Czechs  in 
Bohemia,  the  way  was  also  opened  for  the  evangelization  of  that 
country. 

1.  The  Moravian  Church.  —  Although  great  success  attended  the 
preaching  of  Cyrill  and  Methodius  in  Moravia,  the  political  compli- 
cations of  that  period  rendered  their  position  one  of  great  difficultj^. 
Indeed,  only  under  the  protection  of  the  Papacy  could  they  hope  to 
maintain  their  ground.  Accordingly,  they  gladly  accepted  an  invita- 
tion from  Pope  Nicholas  I.  (867)  to  visit  Rome.  On  their  arrival,  they 
found  the  Chair  of  Peter  occuj^ied  by  Hadrian  II.  Cyrilliis  remained  at 
Rome,  where  he  soon  afterwards  died.  Methodius  made  formal  sub- 
mission to  the  Papacy,  and  was  consecrated  Archbishop  of  Moravia. 
But  the  German  Bishops,  in  their  envy  of  the  honours  bestowed  on  a 
hated  rival,  impugned  the  fealty  of  Methodius,  cliargcd  him  with 
heresy,  and  inveighed  against  the  Slavonic  liturgy  whifli  he  had  in- 
troduced. It  was  not  difficult  to  arouse  the  suspicion  of  Pope  John 
VIIL,  and  Methodius  was  summoned  to  Rome  in  no  gentle  terms 
(879).  The  evangelist  obeyed  ;  he  completely  refuted  these  calumnies, 
and  returned  to  his  diocese  uot  only  with  his  former  title,  but  also  with 
the  express  permission  to  continue  the  Slavonic  liturgy  —  only  that,  by 
way  of  special  distinction,  the  Gospel  was  to  be  read  first  in  Latin  and 
then  in  Slavonic.  Nothing  daunted,  the  German  bishops  continued 
by  their  intrigues  to  embitter  the  last  days  of  the  devoted  missionary 
{ob.  885.)  After  his  death  the  Moravian  priests  were  the  objects  of  a 
general  persecution,  and  the  archiepiscopal  See  of  Moravia  remained 
vacant  for  fourteen  years,  till  John  IX.  restored  it  in  899.  But  in  908 
the  independence  of  Moravia  ceased,  and  the  country  was  divided  be- 
tween the  Bohemians  and  the  Magyars. 

2.  Introduction  of  Christianity  into  Boheviia.  —  On  New  Year's  day 
845  fourteen  Czech  nobles  appeared  at  the  court  of  Louis  the  Ger- 
manic in  Regensburg,  and  along  with  their  suite  requested  baptism. 
The  motives  and  consequences  of  this  step  have  not  been  recorded. 
When  Ratislav  elevated  Moravia  to  the  rank  and  power  of  an  inde- 
pendent realm,  the  Bohemians  entered  into  close  alliance  with  the 
Moravians.  Scatopluk,  the  successor  of  Ratislav,  married  a  daughter 
of  Borzivoi,  the  ruler  of  Bohemia  (871).     After  that,  the  labours  of 


THE     SCANDINAVIAN     NATIONS.  313 

Methodius  were  extended  to  Bohemia  also,  and  their  success  was 
marked.  Borzivoi  himself,  and  his  wife  St-LudmiUa,  were  baptized  by 
him  so  early  as  in  871.  The  sons  of  Borzivoi,  Tpitihnev  [ob.  912)  and 
Vratislav  [oh.  92G),  equally  promoted  the  spread  and  establishment  of 
the  Church  in  Bohemia,  a  work  in  which  they  were  zealously  aided  by 
their  pious  mother.     (Comp.  §  93,  2.) 

g  80    THE  SCANDINAVIAN  NATIONS. 

CoMP.  F.  E.  Dahlmann,  Gesch,  v.  Dilnem.  Vol.  I.  Hamb.  1840.  — 
E.  G.  Geijer,  Gesch.  v.  Schweden.  Vol.  I.  Hamb.  1833. —  Fr.  Milnter, 
K.-G.  V.  Danem.  u.  Norw.  (Ch.  Hist,  of  Donm.  and  Norway).  Vol.  I. 
Leipz.  1823.  —  K.  Maurer,  d.  Bekehr.  d.  norw.  Stammes  zum  Christth. 
(Conv.  of  the  Norw.  Race  to  Christian.)  Vol.  II.  Munich  185G.  — The 
biographies  of  St.  Ansgar  by  Krnse  (Altona  1813),  by  F.  A.  Krumma- 
cher  (Brem.  1828),  by  ReuterdaU  (Berlin  1837),  by  Krafft  (in  Latin, 
Hamb.  1840),  by  Daniel  (Halle  1842),  and  by  Klippel  (Bremen  1845). 

At  an  early  period  the  attention  of  the  missionaries  who 
laboured  among  the  Frisians  and  Saxons  was  directed  to  the 
neighbouring  provinces  of  Jutland  and  Denmark.  Already  in 
696  Willibrord  (§  78,  3)  carried  the  Gospel  beyond  the  Eider ; 
and  Charlemagne  perceived  the  necessity  of  extending  his  own 
and  the  Church's  conquests  over  the  peninsula  of  Jutland,  and 
to  the  sea-shore,  in  order  firmly  to  secure  his  rule  over  the 
Saxons  and  Frisians.  But  circumstances  prevented  this  monarch 
from  carrying  this  plan  into  execution.  More  favourable  pros- 
pects opened  under  the  reign  oi  Louis  the  Pious.  King  Harold, 
who  had  been  expelled  from  Denmark,  repaired  for  protection  to 
the  Frankish  court.  By  the  aid  of  Louis,  he  again  obtained  a 
footing  in  Jutland.  Ebho,  Archbishop  of  Mayence,  followed  in 
his  train  as  missionary  to  Denmark  (828).  Under  the  protec- 
tion of  Harold,  Ebbo  baptized  many  Danes  ;  but  he  was  obliged 
to  retire  after  a  stay  of  only  one  year.  Harold  himself  was  also 
hardly  beset.  Accordingly,  he  resolved  to  throw  oif  the  heathen- 
ism of  his  country,  and  to  ally  himself  completely  with  Germany. 
For  this  purpose  he  embarked  in  826,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  children,  and  a  large  suite,  and  was  baptized  with  great 
pomp  in  the  Church  at  Mayence,  where  Louis  at  the  time  held 
his  court.  On  his  return  he  was  accompanied  by  Ansgar,  a 
young  monk  from  the  convent  of  Corvey  on  the  Wesei",  to  whom 
Louis  entrusted  the  difficult  and  dangerous  task  of  gaining 
Scandinavia  for  the  Church.  Ansgar  may  be  styled  the  Apostle 
27 


314      SECTION   II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.    4—9    A.  D.). 

of  the  North.  He  devoted  his  whole  life  to  the  great  work,  and 
succeeded,  —  at  least  so  far  as  indomitable  perseverence,  de- 
votedness,  and  self-denial  among  innumerable  difficulties  and 
trials  could  secure  such  an  object. 

1.  Ansgar,  the  son  of  Frankish  parents,  was  educated  in  the 
monastery  of  Corvey  in  Picardy,  whence  he  was  removed  to  the  con- 
vent of  New  Corvey,  when  the  latter  was  founded.  Even  while  a 
child  he  had  visions  and  dreams,  in  which  missionary  activity  and  the 
martyr's  crown  were  held  out  to  him.  His  first  missionary  journey 
(82G)  jiromised  little  success.  Harold  settled  on  the  borders  of  .Jutland, 
without  venturing  to  advance  into  the  interior.  This  circumstance 
necessarily  restrained  the  zeal  of  Ansgar.  Still  he  founded  a  school, 
and  bought  a  number  of  young  Danish  serfs  in  order  to  educate  them 
for  the  ministry  among  their  countrymen.  But  in  the  following  year 
Harold  was  again  expelled,  and  Ansgar  also  had  to  retire  (827).  Two 
years  afterwards  Louis  obtained  tidings  that  in  Sweden  there  Avere  a 
number  of  Christians,  and  that  the  king  himself  and  all  his  people  were 
desirous  of  obtaining  Christian  instruction.  In  company  with  several 
other  priests,  Ansgar  now  undertook  a  mission  to  that  country  in  830. 
On  their  journey  the  missionaries  were  plundered  by  pirates ;  his 
associates  advised  to  return  home,  but  the  courage  of  Ansgar  was  not 
shaken.  After  untold  difficulties  they  at  last  landed  at  Birka,  and 
were  well  received  by  BJoni,  king  of  Sweden.  A  small  number  of 
Christian  captives  received  them  with  joy,  and  gathered  around  them 
for  worship :  young  serfs  were  bought,  a  school  was  erected,  and  the 
Gospel  preached  to  the  people.  Several  Swedes  were  baptized, — ■ 
among  them  Uerigar,  the  Governor  of  Birka,  on  whose  property  the 
first  Christian  church  was  built.  After  the  lapse  of  a  year  and  a  half 
Ansgar  returned  to  the  Frankish  court,  in  order  to  have  the  mission 
placed  in  a  position  which  would  promise  greater  stability.  Lonis  the 
Pious  yielded  to  his  representations,  and  founded  at  Hamburg,  on  the 
borders  of  Denmark,  an  archiepiscopal  see  for  Scandinavia.  He  de- 
signated Ansgar  as  its  first  occupant,  and  assigned  the  revenues  of  the 
rich  abbey  of  TurhoJt  for  his  support  and  for  that  of  the  mission  (833). 
Ansgar  repaired  to  Rome,  and  obtained  from  Gregory  IV.  a  bull  con- 
firming his  appointment,  and  nominating  him  Vicar  Apostolic  for  the 
North.  He  next  built  a  cathedral  and  a  convent  at  Hamburg,  pur- 
chased additional  Danish  youths  to  educate  them  for  the  ministry,  and 
sent  fresh  labourers  to  Sweden.  But  adversities  of  every  kind  now 
overtook  the  Archbishop.  In  840  the  Normans  invaded  Hamburg,  and 
destroyed  both  the  town,  the  church,  the  monastery,  and  the  library. 
With  difficulty  Ansgar  and  his  monks  escaped  with  their  lives.  Soon 
afterwards  the  Swedish  missionaries  were  expelled  by  the  pagans  of 
that  country,  and  for  fifteen  years  evangelistic  labours  had  in  great 
measure  to  be  suspended.     But  even  this  was  not  the  limit  of  his  trials. 


THE    SCANDINAVIAN     NATIONS.  315 

When  Charles  the  Bald  obtained  Flanders  (in  843)  in  virtue  of  the 
treaty  of  Verdun,  that  callous  monarch  immediately  claimed  the  abbey 
of  Turholt  —  to  bestow  it  on  one  of  his  worthless  favourites.  Ansgar 
was  now  entirely  destitute  of  all  means  of  subsistence;  his  clergy, 
whom  he  could  no  longer  support,  left  him,  and  his  educational 
establishment  was  closed.  Ilis  neighbour  Leuieric,  Bishop  of  Bremen, 
with  whom  he  sought  a  refuge,  and  who  had  long  envied  his  position, 
turned  him  from  his  door.  At  last  he  found  an  asylum  with  a  noble 
Avidow,  who  assigned  a  farmhouse  on  her  j^roperty  at  Ramslo,  near 
Hamburg,  for  his  residence.  In  847  Leuteric  of  Bremen  died  ;  and 
Louis  ihe  Germanic  resolved  to  conjoin  the  See  of  Bremen  with  that  of 
Hamburg,  in  order  again  to  secure  the  means  of  subsistence  to  the 
tried  Apostle  of  the  North.  Against  this  arrangement  the  Bishops  of 
Verden  and  Cologne,  from  interested  motives,  raised  objections  ;  but 
their  opposition  was  stopped  by  Pope  Nicholas  I.  (858).  Meantime 
Ansgar  had  laboured  indefatigably  in  connection  with  the  Scandinavian 
mission,  notwithstanding  the  straits  to  which  himself  was  reduced. 
Denmark  was  at  that  time  under  the  rule  of  Eric  (Iloric),  to  whose 
court  Ansgar  frequently  repaired  as  ambassador  of  the  German  king. 
He  succeeded  in  gaining  his  favour,  and  was  allowed  to  build  a  church 
at  Schleswig,  and  to  organize  a  mission  which  extended  over  the  whole 
of  the  country.  Although  Eric  himself  ventured  not  openly  to  profess 
Christianity,  the  fanaticism  of  the  pagans  broke  out  in  open  revolt. 
Eric  was  dethroned,  and  fell  in  battle  (854).  The  victorious  rebels 
appointed  a  boy,  Eric  IL,  his  successor;  but  the  government  was  in 
reality  administered  by  a  chief  named  Jovi,  a  furious  enemy  of  the 
Gospel,  who  expelled  the  Christian  priests,  and  declared  the  profession 
of  Christianity  a  capital  offence.  In  855  Eric  shook  off  the  tutelage  of 
Jovi,  and  extended  toleration  to  Christians.  Missionary  labours  were 
now  resumed  with  fresh  ardour  and  great  success.  —  All  attempts  to 
re-establish  the  mission  in  Sweden  had  failed,  when  Ansgar  in  852 
resolved  himself  to  undertake  this  work.  By  rich  presents  and  a 
splendid  entertainment  he  secured  the  favour  of  Olof,  king  of  Sweden. 
The  question  of  tolerating  Christianity  was  submitted  in  popular 
assembly  to  the  decision  of  the  heathen  lots,  which  fell  in  favour  of 
the  Gospel.  After  that,  the  labours  of  the  missionaries  continued  un- 
distui-bed  in  Sweden  till  the  death  of  Ansgar  in  865.  The  most  ardent 
hope  of  his  life  —  to  obtain  the  martyr's  croAvn  —  was  indeed  disap- 
pointed ;  but  a  life  so  full  of  labours,  sufferings,  trials,  devotedness, 
perseverance,  and  self-denial,  is  surely  greater  than  even  a  martyr's 
crown. — He  was  succeeded  in  the  See  of  Hamburg-Bremen  by  Rimherl, 
his  favourite  pupil,  the  companion  of  almost  all  his  missionary  journeys, 
and  his  biographer.  It  was  Rimbert's  ambition  to  follow  in  the  wake 
of  his  great  predecessor,  and  the  Scandinavian  mission  formed  the 
object  of  his  deep  solicitude.  But  the  irruptions  of  the  Danish  and 
>^)rman  pirates  sadly  interfered  with  the  peaceful  work  of  the  Gospel. 


316       SECTION    II.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.  D.)  . 

These  troubles  increased  after  the  death  of  Rimbert  to  such  an  extent, 
that  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  could  again  bring  forward  his  claims 
on  the  See  of  Bremen,  —  this  time  \rith  the  plea,  that  the  purpose  for 
which  the  see  of  Hamburg  had  been  founded  was  wholly  frustrated. 
—  {Piivclpal  Soin-ce:  Adam  Bremensis,  Gesta  Ilamburgensis  eccl.  Epis^ 
coporum  (to  the  year  107G). 

?  81.   CHRISTIANITY  AND  ISLAMISM. 

CoMP.  J.  AscJibach,  Gesch.  d.  Ommaijaden  in  Sp.  (Hist,  of  the  Om- 
miades  in  Spain).  Frkf.  1829.  2  Vols."  — i^.  W.  Lemke,  Gesch.  v.  Sp., 
continued  by  H.  Tclidfer.  Vols.  I.  II.  Hamb.  1831 —  44,  —  ConcZe'a 
History  of  the  Arabs  in  Spain,  transl.  by  Mrs  Foster.  3  Vols  London 
1854  (Bohn's  Libr.).  —  M.  Amari,  Storia  dei  Musulmanni  di  Sicilia. 
Firenze.  1854. 

Since  the  year  665  the  Saracens,  and  their  allies  the  Moors 
(or  inhabitants  of  Barbary),  who  had  become  converts  to 
Mohammedanism,  gradually  extended  their  conquests  in  North- 
ern ArRiCx\,  till  the  rule  of  Byzantinm  (§  76,  3)  had  finally  to 
give  way  before  theirs.  From  Africa  they  passed,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  a  traitor,  in  711  to  Spain,  where  they  swept  away  the 
Gothic  domination.  In  less  than  five  years  the  entire  peninsula, 
with  the  exception  of  the  mountainous  districts  in  the  north,  was 
in  their  possession.  The  fruitful  plains  north  of  the  Pyrenees 
next  excited  their  cupidity  ;  but  the  bloody  defeat  which  Charles 
Martel  inflicted  on  the  invaders  at  Poitiers  in  732,  effectually 
checked  such  attempts.  In  this  battle  the  Franks  at  the  same 
time  saved  Europe  and  preserved  its  Christianity.  In  752  the 
dynasty  of  the  Oramiades  at  Damascus,  whose  sway  extended 
also  over  Moorish  Spain,  was  supplanted  by  that  of  the  Abassi- 
des.  But  Abderrhaman  I.,  a  scion  of  the  dethroned  family, 
escaped  to  Spain,  where  he  founded  the  independent  caliphate  of 
Cordova,  which  soon  became  distinguished  for  the  brilliant  cul 
ture  which  it  encouraged.  The  dominion  of  the  Arabs  in  Spain 
was,  however,  threatened  from  two  sides.  When  Roderic  suc- 
cumbed before  the  Saracens  (721,),  Pelayo,  a  relative  of  the 
Gothic  monarch,  retired  with  a  small  but  heroic  band  to  the 
inaccessible  mountain  fastnesses  of  Asturia.  There,  and  in  the 
mountains  by  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  where  Alfonso,  his  son-in-law, 
held  command,  national,  independence  and  Christianity  were  still 
preserved.  At  a  later  period  Alfonso  reigned  over  these  two 
districts,  conquered  Galicia  and  Castile,  and  restored  in  his  do- 


CHRISTIANITY    AND    ISLAM  ISM.  317 

minions  the  supremacy  of  Christianity.  The  people  honoured 
his  memory  by  giving  him  the  title  of  Catholic.  By  continued 
expeditions  against  the  infidels,  his  successors  enlarged  their 
possessions  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Duero.  Among  them 
Alfonso  II.,  the  Chaste  {oh.  850),  who  fixed  his  residence  at 
Ofiedo,  was  specially  distinguished  both  for  his  bravery  and  his 
love  of  literature.  — In  the  eastern  part  of  Spain  also  the  arras 
of  the  Christians  drove  the  Moslems  from  their  strong  places.  ■ 
In  778  Charlemagne  conquered  the  country  to  the  banks  of  the 
Ebro.  The  revolt  of  the  Saxons  prevented  him  from  penetra- 
ting farther,  and  his  most  distinguished  warriors  were  murdered 
in  the  Pyrenees  by  the  lawless  Basques.  But  in  two  other  cam- 
paigns (in  800  and  801)  he  again  subjected  the  country,  as  far 
as  the  Ebro,  to  the  Frankish  sceptre. — In  Sicily  also  the 
Moslems  gained  a  footing.  In  827  a  Byzantine  colonel  fled  to 
Africa,  from  the  punishment  he  had  incurred,  whence  he  re- 
turned at  the  head  of  10,000  Saracens,  who  ravaged  Sicily. 
Other  succours  followed,  and  in  a  few  years  all  Sicily  was  sub- 
ject to  the  Arabs,  wlio  every  year  made  predatory  incursions  on 
the  coast  of  Italy,  and  on  one  occasion  penetrated  even  to  the 
gates  of  Rome.  In  880  they  formed  a  settlement  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Garigliauo,  levying  heavy  contributions  on  the 
whole  of  Central  Italy,  until  finally  in  916  John  X.  succeeded  in 
expelling  them.  In  889  Spanish-Moorish  pirates  landed  on  the 
coast  of  Provence,  occupied  the  castle  Fraxinetum,  and  pillaged 
the  regions  of  the  Alps  and  northern  Italy  for  a  whole  century. 
The  effects  of  their  rapacity,  however,  were  most  severely  felt  in 
Southern  Italy.  This  state  of  matters  continued  for  three  and 
a  half  centuries,  till  in  1091  the  Normans  finally  expelled  the 
Saracens  from  Sicily.     (Comp.  §  95,  1.) 

1.  The  Spanish  Chrisfions,  who  were  subject  to  the  rule  of  the 
Ommiades,  were  called  Mozarabs  (Arabi  ^Nlustaraba,  i.  e.,  arabized 
Arabs,  in  contradistinction  to  the  Arabi  Araba,  or  Arabs  properly  so 
called).  In  some  respects,  they  enjoyed  greater  liberty  than  the 
Eastern  Christians  under  Saracen  rule.  Many  Christian  youths  of  the 
best  families  attended  the  flourishing  schools  planted  by  the  Moors, 
were  enthusiastic  in  their  admiration  of  the  Arab  language  and  litera- 
ture, and  anxious  to  be  employed  at  court,  or  as  public  servants.  In 
opposition  to  this  anti-christian  and  anti-national  movem.ent,  others,  in 
an  excess  of  fanatical  bigotry,  rushed  forward  to  martyrdom,  and 
indulged  in  gratuitous  and  unprovoked  insults  on  the  Mohammedan 


818      SECTION    II. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.  D.). 

rule  and  religion.  This  species  of  Christian  fanaticism  awakened 
kindred  feelings  in  the  Moslems,  and  led  to  bloody  persecutions  (850- 
59).  Perfedus,  a  monk,  was  the  first  of  these  martyrs.  When  asked 
what  he  thought  of  Mohammed,  he  denounced  him  as  a  false  prophet, 
for  which  he  was  executed.  Ahderrhaman  IL,  who  at  the  time  was 
Caliph,  was  not  a  fanatic.  In  his  anxiety  to  put  an  end  to  such  scenes, 
he  prevailed  on  Recafrid,  the  Metropolitan  of  Seville,  to  issue  an  ordi- 
nance, which  interdicted  all  insults  against  the  Moslem  Prophet.  But 
this  measure  only  served  to  increase  the  fanaticism  of  the  extreme 
party,  which  was  headed  by  Eulogius  (a  presbyter,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop) of  Cordova,  and  by  Paulus  Alvarus.  Eulogius  himself  kept 
concealed  a  converted  Moorish  girl,  and  on  that  account  was  executed 
along  with  her  (in  859).     He  was  the  last  victim  of  this  persecution. 


II.  INDEPENDENT  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  GERMANIC  CHURCH. 

I  82.   THE   PAPACY  AND   THE   CAROLINGIANS. 

CoMP.  the  works  cited  at  ^42.  —  J.  EJlendorf,  d.  Karolinger  u.  d. 
Hierarchie  ihrer  Zeit.  Essen  1838.  2  Vols.  —  S.  Sugeuheim,  Gesch.  d. 
Entsteh.  u.  Ausb.  d.  Kirchenstaates  (Hist,  of  the  Rise  and  Growth  of 
the  States  of  the  Church).  Leipz.  1851. —  C.  Hoffler,  d.  deutschen  Papste. 
Regensb.  1839.  —  Scuddamore,  Rome  and  England.   London  1855. 

The  conversion  of  the  Germanic  races  had  been  in  great 
measure  accomplished  without  direct  aid  from  Eome.  Hence 
even  the  Catholic  Germanic  churches  paid  at  first  little  homage 
to  the  See  of  Peter.  This  remark  applies  especially  to  the 
Gothic  Church  in  Spain.  Estranged  from  Rome  even  in  peace- 
ful times,  the  Saracen  invasion  of  111  necessarily  cut  it  off  from 
all  intercourse  with  the  Papacy.  But  the  independent  Christian 
provinces  of  Spain  also  remained,  up  to  the  eleventh  century, 
unconnected  with  Rome.  The  growth  or  decay  of  the  Frankish. 
churches,  both  in  Gaul  and  in  Austrasia,  under  the  reign  of  the 
Merovingians,  depended  likewise  solely  on  internal  causes.  It 
was  otherwise  in  Britain,  where  the  intercourse  with  the  mother- 
church  in  Rome  was  close  and  continuous.  From  the  first,  the 
principle  of  papal  supremacy  had  been  admitted,  nor  was  it 
contravened  except  in  rare  instances.  Innumerable  pilgrimages 
of  Anglo-Saxons,  of  all  ranks,  to  the  graves  of  the  Princes  of 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE     CAROLINGIANS.        319 

the  Apostles,  botli  indicated  and  fostered  the  national  attach- 
ment to  the  See  of  Peter.  In  the  eighth  century,  the  concourse 
of  so  many  English  pilgrims  in  the  Eternal  City  led  to  the 
establishment  of  a  great  home  or  inn  for  them  at  Rome,  called 
the  Schola  Saxonica.  The  "PeferVs  pe?ice,"  which  afterwards 
became  a  regular  tribute  paid  by  the  English  nation  to  the 
Papal  See,  was  first  levied  for  the  maintenance  of  this  institu- 
tion. The  Anglo-Saxons  —  especially  St.  Bonifacius  —  not  only 
handed  to  Rome  the  fruits  of  their  missionary  labours  gathered 
in  heathen  lands,  but  reorganized  after  the  Romish  fashion  the 
national  churches  already  existing  in  the  various  Prankish  pro- 
vinces, and  reduced  them  to  submissioli  to  the  Papal  See.  At  a 
somewhat  later  period  the  intercourse  between  the  popes  and 
the  Carolingian  rulers  became  so  close,  as  to  constitute  almost 
the  entire  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  Curia. 

1.  Origin  of  the  States  of  the  Church.  —  By  legacies  and  donations 
the  Roman  See  had  gradually  acquired  very  extensive  landed  property 
(Patrimonium  S.  Petri),  Avhich  supplied  the  means  of  relieving  the 
inhabitants  of  Italy  during  the  troubles  connected  with  the  irruption 
of  the  barbarians.  This,  however,  did  not  imply  any  exercise  of 
sovereign  rights,  which,  indeed,  were  never  claimed.  After  the  restora- 
tion of  Byzantine  rule,  which  was  represented  in  Italy  by  an  exarch 
(§  76,  7),  the  political  power  of  the  popes  rapidly  increased.  Indeed, 
the  continuance  of  the  Exarchate  often  depended  on  the  good-will  of 
the  pontiffs,  to  whom  the  prospect  of  becoming  the  court-patriiirchs  of 
a  new  Longobard-Roman  dynasty  would,  of  course,  appear  far  from 
attractive.  Still,  they  were  not  able  to  prevent  the  Longolmrds  from 
conquering  district  after  district,  belonging  to  the  Exarchate.  At  last 
Gregory  III.  applied  to  Charles  Martel  for  help  against  Luitprand  (in 
738).  The  Frankish  ruler  despatched  two  clerics  to  Italy  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiating  a  peace.  Pope  Zacharias,  in  virtue  of  his 
apostolic  authority,  sanctioned  the  removal  of  Childeric  III.  (the  Mero- 
vingian puppet-king),  when  Pepin  the  Short  added  the  royal  title  to 
the  royal  power,  Avhich  he  had  long  possessed  (752).  Meantime,  the 
Lombards,  under  Aistidf  had  taken  Ravenna,  and  demanded  the  sub- 
mission of  Rome.  Pope  Stephen  II.  now  earnestly  appealed  to  the 
Franks  for  help.  At  the  invitation  of  Pepin  he  even  went  to  France, 
and  anointed  that  monarch  and  his  sons  ;  in  return  for  which  Pepin 
made  formal  promise  of  taking  the  Exarchate  from  the  Lombards,  and 
handing  it  to  the  Pope  (754).  The  Frankish  ruler  redeemed  his 
pledge  ;  and  in  two  campaigns  cleared  the  Exarchate  from  Its  occu- 
pants, and  formally  gave  it  to  St.  Peter.  The  grateful  Pontiff  bestowed 
upon  Pepin,  as  patron  of  the  Romisli  Church,  the  insignia  of  Patrician 
27 


320      SECTION   II.  — FIRST   PERIOD   (CENT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

of  Rome.  When  ambassadors  from  Byzantium  claimed  for  their 
Emperor  these  provinces,  Pepin  only  replied  that  the  Franks  had  shed 
their  blood  for  St.  Peter,  and  not  for  the  Greeks  (755).  But  the 
Lombards  continued  to  molest  the  Papal  See,  till,  at  the  request  of 
Pope  Hadrian  I.,  Charlemagne  again  interfered  (7G8-814),  took  Pavia, 
put  King  Desiderivs  into  the  convent  of  Corvey,  and  annexed  Lom- 
bardy  to  the  Prankish  Empire.  On  this  occasion  Charles  confirmed 
and  increased  what  his  father  had  given  to  the  Papal  See,  and  depo- 
sited a  formal  document  to  that  effect  at  the  grave  of  the  Prince  of  the 
Apostles  (774).  Unfortunately,  this  and  the  other  documents  in  this 
transaction  have  gone  amissing  —  probably  intentionally  ;  but  there  is 
sufficient  evidence  that  the  donation  of  Charlemagne  did  not  by  any 
means  imply  that  the  popes  were  to  exercise  absolute  and  independent 
sway.  The  Prankish  monarch  himself  retained  the  rights  of  supreme 
lordship,  and  the  Pope  with  all  the  citizens  had  to  take  an  oath  of 
fealty  to  him.  In  fact,  the  Pope  was  a  Prankish  vassal,  and  the  States 
of  the  Church  only  formed  the  largest  "immunity"  of  that  period. 
The  Pope  had  all  inferior  jurisdiction,  and  nominated  the  Government 
officials ;  but  the  latter  were  superintended  and  controlled  by  Prankish 
Deputies  (missi  dominici),  who  were  chai-ged  to  hear  appeals,  to  receive 
complaints,  and  to  adjudicate  on  them.  These  rights  of  souzerainty 
were  claimed  even  by  the  successors  of  Charlemagne,  however  well 
the  popes  knew  to  avail  themselves  of  the  weakness  of  these  sovereigns. 
The  popes,  indeed,  resisted  as  opportunity  offered  ;  and  the  fable  about 
&,  Donatio  Constantini,  according  to  which  the  Franks  had  only  restored 
to  St.  Peter  what  he  had  possessed  since  the  reign  of  Constantine, 
dates  even  from  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  (The  story  bore  that  Con- 
stantine had  removed  his  residence  to  Byzantium  for  the  express 
purpose  of  securing  to  the  Pope  the  undisturbed  sovereignty  over 
Italy.)  In  the  forged  Decretals  of  Isidore  (§  87,  2),  a  copy  of  the 
pretended  authentic  document,  in  which  the  donation  had  been  con- 
veyed, was  inserted.  Laur.  Valla  (de  falso  credita  et  ementita  Con- 
stantini donatione,  —  edited  by  Ulric  w;i  Huifen  in  1518,  after  the 
author's  forced  retractation)  was  the  first,  on  critical  grounds,  to  prove 
the  spuriousness  of  this  document,  although  it  had  previously  been 
questioned  by  individuals.  —  (Comp.  E.  Munch,  lib.  d.  Schenk.  Konst. 
(on  the  Donation  of  Const.),  in  his  "  Miscell.  Works,"  Ludw.  1828.  Vol. 
II.— J.  ^.  Theiner,  de  P.  Isid.  cann.  Col.  Vrat.  \%21 .— F.  A.  Kiinst,  de 
font,  et  cons,  pseudois.  Col.  Goelt.  1832.  For  the  genuineness :  Mar- 
chetti,  Saggio  crit.  sopra  la  storia  di  Fleuri.  Rom.  1781 ;  comp.  also 
Wasserschleben,  Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  fal.  Deer.  (Contrib.  to  the  Hist,  of 
the  False  Deer.).  Breslau  1844.) 

2.  The  Carolingian  Dynasty.  —  Pope  Hadrian  I.  was  succeeded  by 
Leo  III.  (794-816),  whose  election  gave  great  offence  to  a  powerful 
party.  A  tumult  was  raised  (799),  but  the  Pope  escaped  to  the  court 
of  Charlemagne,  whom  he  assured  that  his  enemies  had  deprived  him 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    C  A  R  O  L  I  N  G  I  A  NS  .  321 

of  his  eyes  and  tongue,  which,  however,  St.  Peter  had  restored  the 
following  night.  His  opponents,  on  the  other  hand,  charged  him  before 
the  king  with  perjury  and  adultery.^  The  inquiry  instituted  must  have 
brought  ugly  matters  to  light ;  at  any  rate,  Alcuin  immediately  burned 
the  report  which  had  been  handed  to  him.  The  Pope  was  sent  back 
with  all  honours  to  Rome,  and  supported  by  a  Prankish  guard.  The 
following  year  Charles  himself  crossed  the  Alps  with  his  army.  lie 
convoked  a  synod  at  Rome ;  but  the  assembled  bishops  declined  to  act 
as  judges,  on  the  plea  that  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  who  was  the  head 
of  all,  could  not  be  tried  by  his  inferiors.  The  Pope  proved  his  inno- 
cence by  an  oath,  and  afterwards  interceded  for  his  accusers.  At 
Christmas  Charles  attended  service  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter.  Mass 
being  ended,  the  Pope  unexpectedly  placed,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the 
people,  a  splendid  gold  crown  upon  his  head  (800).  The  coronation 
was  represented  as  the  result  of  a  sudden  Divine  inspiration  ;  in  reality 
it  had  been  the  subject  of  protracted  negotiations,  and  the  price  at 
which  the  Pope  purchased  the  protection  of  the  king.  The  empire 
which  Charlemagne  founded  was  meant  to  be  a  vast  theocratic  mon- 
archy, whose  sway  should  extend  over  all  the  globe.  The  Greek  mon- 
archs  had  proved  unworthy  of  this  distinction,  and  God  had  now  trans- 
ferred it  to  the  Prankish  ruler.  In  his  capacity  as  Emperor,  Charles 
was  placed  over  all  Christendom,  and  subject  only  to  God  and  to  Ilis 
law.  He  was  indeed  the  most  obedient  son,  the  most  devoted  servant 
of  the  Church,  in  so  far  as  it  was  the  medium  and  the  channel  of  salva- 
tion ;  but  its  supreme  lord  and  ruler,  in  so  far  as  its  organization  was 
earthly  and  it  required  earthly  direction.  The  provinces  of  State  and 
Church,  though  distinct  and  separate,  were  closely  connected,  and,  so 
to  speak,  combined  in  the  person  of  the  Emperor  as  their  highest  repre- 
sentative. Hence  many  of  the  legislative  ordinances  of  Charles  bore 
directly  upon  ecclesiastical  affairs.  When  making  statutes  aljout  the 
government,  worship,  and  teaching  of  the  Church,  the  Emperor  was 
indeed  wont  to  consult  bishops  and  synods ;  but  he  ratified,  supple- 
mented, or  modified  their  decrees  according  to  his  own  views  of  duty, 
as  he  thought  that  the  responsibility  ultimately  devolved  upon  himself. 
The  Pope  he  regarded  as  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  and  the  visible  head 
of  the  Church,  but  as  subject  to  the  Emperor,  who  was  placed  above 
.  both  State  and  Church.  In  setting  him  apart  to  this  exalted  station, 
the  Pope  had  acted  by  immediate  Divine  direction  and  commission, 
and  not  in  the  exercise  of  his  own  power  or  of  that  inherent  in  the 
Papacy.  Hence  coronation  by  the  Pope  was  a  ceremony  only  once 
enacted,  and  not  to  be  repeated ;  the  office  was  hereditary  in  the  family 
of  Charles,  and  the  Emperor  alone  could  beget  or  nominate  another 
emperor.  Contrary  to  the  Prankish  law  of  succession,  the  empire  was 
to  continue  unbroken  and  undivided,  and  younger  sons  were  only  to 
occupy  the  subordinate  posts  of  viceroys.     Charles  died  in  814.     His 

'  Dean  Milman  thinks  the  latter  charge  refers  to  sinvitual  adultery  or  Simony. 

V 


322      SECTION    II. — FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

son,  Lords  the  Pioiis  (814-840),  was  far  too  weak  to  complete  what  his 
father  had  begun.  Foolish  affection  for  Charles  the  Bald,  his  son  by  a 
second  marriage,  induced  him  to  revoke  the  order  of  succession  which 
himself  had  formerly  proclaimed  (829).  With  the  approval  and  aid  of 
some  of  the  most  influential  Frankish  bishojis,  and  of  Pope  Gregory  IV., 
the  other  sons  of  the  Emperor  now  rose  in  rebellion.  Louis  was  obliged 
to  do  public  penance  at  Compiegne  in  833,  and  kept  in  humiliating 
captivity  by  Lothair,  his  eldest  son.  But  this  circumstance  aroused 
public  sympatliy,  and  Louis  (the  Germanic),  the  Emperor's  younger 
son,  restored  his  parent  ta  liberty.  Against  the  prelates  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  conspiracy,  severe  sentences  were  now  pronounced  at 
the  Synod  of  Tltionville  in  835.  Still  the  sons  of  Louis  were  continually 
in  arms  against  each  other.  Louis  lived  not  to  see  the  end  of  these 
hostilities  (o6.  848).  The  treaty  of  Verdun  in  843  partitioned  theWestr 
ern  Empire  into  three  separate  and  independent  realms.  Lothair,  who 
with  the  imperial  title  obtained  Italy  and  a  narrow  territory  between 
Noustria  and  Austrasia,  died  in  855.  Of  his  three  sons,  Louis  11.  in- 
herited Italy  and  the  imperial  title  ;  Lothair,  the  district  called  after 
him,  Lotharingia  ;  and  Charles  Burgundy  and  the  Provence.  When 
soon  afterwards  the  two  latter  died  without  leaving  issue  (869),  their 
uncles  seized  their  possessions  before  Louis  II.  had  time  to  interpose. 
By  the  treaty  of  Mersen  in  870  Charles  the  Bald  obtained  the  Romanic, 
and  Ij07iis  the  Germanic  the  German  portions  of  their  father's  empire. 
Thus  Avas  the  great  Carolingian  monarchy  divided  into  three  states, 
each  of  distinct  language  and  nationality,  viz.,  Germany,  France,  and 
Italy. 

3.  Tlie  Papacy  till  the  Time  of  Nicholas  I.  —  However  weak  and  de- 
vout, Louis  the  Pious  was  not  prepared,  any  more  than  his  immediate 
successors,  to  surrender  the  supremacy  which  as  Emperor  he  claimed 
over  the  See  and  city  of  St.  Peter.  What  the  popes  felt  most  galling 
was,  that  before  being  consecrated  their  appointment  required  to  be 
ratified  by  the  Emperor.  As  this  had  been  eluded  on  more  than  one 
occasion,  Louis  sent  I^othair,  his  son,  to  Italy,  in  order  to  arrange  the 
matter  once  for  all  with  Pope  l^Jugen  IL  The  so-called  Constiintio  Ro- 
mana  now  agreed  upon  enacted  that  in  future  the  Romans  should  have 
no  voice  in  the  election  of  the  Pope,  and  that  before  the  Pontiff  was 
consecrated  his  appointment  should  be  ratified  by  the  Emperor,  to 
whom  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  was  to  take  an  oath  of  fealty  (824). 
But  although  the  emperors  jealously  watched  over  the  rights  thus 
accorded  them,  pretexts  were  never  awanting  to  evade  the  terms  of 
this  agreement.  —  Between  the  pontificate  o^  Leo  lY.  (o6. 855)  and  that 
of  Benedict  III.,  the  predecessor  of  Nicholas  I.,  the  Papal  See  was, 
according  to  an  old  legend,  occupied  by  a  female  called  Joan.  The 
story  runs,  that  a  girl  from  Mayence  had  in  male  disguise  accompanied 
her  paramour  to  Athens,  where  she  acquired  great  learning ;  that  she 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    C  AR  0  L  I  N  0  I  AN  S  .  323 

had  next  appeared  uuder  the  name  of  Johannes  Augelicus  at  Rome, 
and  been  elected  Pope.  During  a  solemn  procession  she  had  given 
birth  to  a  child,  and  soon  afterwards  died,  having  officiated  for  two 
years,  five  months,  and  four  days,  under  the  name  of  John  VIII.  The 
oldest  testimony  in  favour  of  this  legend  is  that  of  Anastasius,  the 
Roman  librarian,  whose  "liber  pontificalis"  dates  almost  from  that 
period ;  but  according  to  the  statements  of  Roman  Catholic  editors, 
what  passes  as  his  biography  of  Joan  is  awanting  in  most  MSS.  of  this 
work,  and  must  therefore  be  regarded  as  a  spurious  interpolation. 
Marianus  Scotus,  ob.  108G),  is  the  next  witness  in  favour  of  the  story. 
It  is  furher  related,  with  all  its  details,  in  the  Chronicles  of  Martinus 
Polonus  (Grand  Penitentiary  of  Rome,  and  afterwards  Archljishop  of 
Gneseu,  ob.  1278),  and  after  him  unhesitatingly  reiterated  by  all  sub- 
sequent chroniclers  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Pope  JoJin  JlJl.  [ob.  1277) 
acknowledged  Joan  as  one  of  his  predecessors,  and  accordingly  styled 
himself  John  XXI.  In  popular  opinion,  the  seat  of  the  marble  chair 
used  in  the  Lateran  Church  at  the  consecration  of  the  popes  (the  so- 
called  SELLA  siercoraria),  was  supposed  to  be  arranged  with  a  view  to 
render  in  future  the  mistake  of  electing  a  female  pontiff  impossible  ; 
and  a  statue  which,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  was  destroyed  by  order 
of  the  Pope,  was  regarded  as  having  been  a  monument  of  Joan.  But 
the  silence  of  Photins,  who  would  undoubtedly  have  made  his  own  use 
of  such  a  piece  of  scandal,  and  contemporary  evidence  (such  as  the 
Annals  of  Prudentius  of  Troyes,  a  letter  by  Ilincmas  of  Rheims,  a 
diploma  of  Benedict,  and  a  coin  of  Lothair),  which  proves  that  Bene- 
dict III.  immediately  succeeded  Leo  IV.,  render  it  impossible  to  regard 
this  story  as  other  than  a  legend.  No  clue,  however,  has  yet  been 
found  to  its  origin,  unless,  indeed,  it  was  meant  as  a  satire  on  the  dis- 
soluteness of  such  infamous  pontiffs  as  John  X.,  XI.,  and  XII.  —  only 
that  in  that  case  we  should  have  expected  a  female  Pope  to  have  been 
introduced  in  the  tenth  and  not  in  the  ninth  century.  —  A  Calvinistic 
divine,  David  Blondel,  was  the  first  to  show  that  the  story  could  not 
stand  the  test  of  sound  criticism,  and  was  utterly  unworthy  of  credence 
(Amst.  1049).  Since  then,  however,  its  authenticity  has  again  been 
defended  by  Spanheim  (0pp.  II.  577),  and  latterly  by  N.  Chr.  Kist 
("Ilist.theol.Zoitschr."  for  1844.  II.).  Hase  (Ch.IIist.,  8th  ed.,p.204) 
regards  it  as  at  least  conceivaljle  that  a  church  which  has  represented 
as  matter  of  history  what  has  never  taken  place,  may  similarly  have 
blotted  out  what  really  took  place,  at  least  so  long  as  the  knowledge 
of  it  seemed  dangerous  to  the  interests  of  the  Papacy. 

4.  NicJiolas  I.  and  Hadrian  II.  (858-67-72).  — Of  the  pontiffs  who 
occupied  the  papal  chair  between  the  time  of  Gregory  I.  and  that  of 
Gregory  VII.,  Nicholas  I.  was  by  far  the  ablest.  A  man  of  unbend- 
ing will,  of  keen  penetration,  and  of  a  bold  spirit,  he  knew  how  to 
avail  himself  of  the  political  troubles  of  his  time,  of  public  opinion, 
which  proclaimed  him  another  Elijah,  and  ultimately  also  of  the  pseudo- 
27* 


324      SECTION   II. — FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

Isidorian  Decretals,  -which  emerged  at  that  very  time  (see  |  87,  2),  to 
invest  his  claims  for  absolute  jDapal  supremacy  with  the  appearance  of 
a  contest  on  behalf  of  truth,  right,  and  purity.     Among  the  various 
disputes  in  which  he  was  involved  (§  67,  1 ;  §  83,  1),  that  with  Lothair 
JI.  of  Lotharingia  proved  the  most  important.     That  prince,  desirous 
of  marrying  Waldrada,  with  whom  he  had  formed  an  improper  connec- 
tion, accused  Tkietberga,  his  spouse,  of  incest  with  her  brother.     Two 
of  his  prelates,    Gimther  of  Cologne  and  Thietgunt  of  Treves,  proved 
sufficiently  venal  to  gratify  the  adulterous  monarch  by  dissolving  his 
legitimate  marriage  at  a  synod  held  in  Aix  (859).     Lothair  now  form- 
ally espoused  Waldrada  ;  but  Thietberga  escaped  from  the  nunnery  to 
which  she  had  been  confined,  to  do  penance  for  the  crime  with  which 
she  was  charged,  and  appealed  to  the  Pope.    The  two  uncles  of  Lothair, 
Louis  the  Germanic  and  Charles  the  Bald,  desirous  of  possessing  them- 
selves of  their  nephew's  country,  took  her  part.     By  appointment  of 
Charles,  Hincmar  of  Rheims  undertook  the  public  defence  of  the  queen. 
Nicholas  sent  Rodoald  of  Porto  (?  comp.  §  67,  1)  and  another  Italian 
bishop  to  Lotharingia  to  investigate  the  matter.     These  legates,  how- 
ever, were  bribed,  and  a  synod  held  at  Metz  (863)  decided  in  favour  of 
the  king.     But  the  Pontifi"  excommunicated  his  own  legates,  and  de- 
posed the  two  metropolitans  who  had  travelled  to  Rome  in  order  there 
to  try  what  Lotharingian  gold  could  efi'ect  for  tJieir  master.    To  avenge 
their  wrongs,  these  prelates  now  incited  the  Emperor  Lotiis  II.,  the 
brother  of  Lothair,  against  the  Pope.    Imperial  troops  occupied  Rome  ; 
but  Louis  soon  came  to  an  understanding  with  the  Pontiff.     Deserted 
by  his  own  subjects,  and  threatened  in  his  possessions  by  his  uncles, 
Lothair  was  glad  to  make  submission,  and  humbly  implored  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Pope  against  the  covetousness  of  his  relatives.    Arsenivs, 
the  legate  whom  Nicholas   sent  across  the  Alps  to  arrange  matters, 
acted  as  if  he  had  been  absolute  lord  of  the  three  Prankish  empires. 
Lothair  was  obliged  to  take  back  Thietberga ;  her  rival  was  to  have 
accompanied  the  legate  to  Rome,  but  escaped  by  the  way.     In  the 
arms  of  Waldrada,  Lothair  soon  forgot  his  former  promises  and  oaths. 
At  the  same  time  he  succeeded  in  making  his  peace  with  his  relatives, 
whom  the  overbearing  conduct  of  the  legate  had  offended.    Thietberga 
herself  now  applied  to  the  Pope  for  a  divorce  —  a  request  which  the 
Pontiff  absolutely  refused.     Nicholas  I.  died  in  867.     His  successor, 
Hadrian  II.,  a  man  seventy-five  years  of  age,  was  elected  through  the 
influence  of  the  imperial  party.     Accordingly,  he  proved  at  first  more 
tractable.     He  accepted  the  submission  of  the  two  metropolitans,  al- 
though without  restoring  them  to  their  offices,  and  absolved  Waldrada 
from  church  censure,  but  refused  the  petition  which  Thietberga  again 
addressed  for  a  divorce.     Lothair  himself  now  went  to  see  the  Pope ; 
he  took  a  solemn  oath  that  he  had  not  cohabited  with  Waldrada  since 
the  return  of  his  wife,  and  received  the  sacrament  from  the  hands  of 
the  Pontiff.    In  the  full  hope  of  at  last  attaining  his  object,  he  returned 


THE  PAPACY  AND  THE  CAROLINGIANS.   325 

homewards,  but  ou  his  journey  was  cut  off  at  Piacenza  by  a  fever  (8G9). 
After  his  death  the  uncles  of  Lothair  seized  his  dominions.  Hadrian 
in  vain  interposed  his  authority  on  behalf  of  the  Emperor  as  the  right- 
ful heir,  and  even  threatened  to  excommunicate  those  who  refused  to 
obey.  In  the  name  of  Charles  the  Bald,  Hincmar  of  Rheims  addressed 
a  remarkable  epistle  to  Hadrian,  in  which  he  expressed  it  as  the  con- 
viction of  the  Prankish  nobility,  that  the  Pope  had  no  right  to  interfere 
with  political  questions.  Hadrian  was  obliged  to  allow  this  act  of  defi- 
ance to  pass  unpunished.  In  another  affair  also  (§  83,  1)  Hincmar  had 
the  better  of  the  Pope. 

5.  John  VUI.  and  his  Successors.  —  The  measures  adopted  by  Johx 
VIII.  (872-882)  for  subjecting  the  Carolingian  princes  to  papal  supre- 
macy were  more  successful  than  those  of  his  predecessor.  But  then  he 
was  also  a  greater  adept  in  the  art  of  intriguing,  a  more  accomplished 
hj-pocrite,  and  less  troubled  with  conscientious  scruples.  By  his  efforts 
the  Papacy  was  made  entirely  independent  of  the  Emperor,  although, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  became  an  object  of  furious  contention  to  rival 
parties  in  Rome.  Hence  the  almost  incredible  debasement  of  the  Papal 
See  during  the  tenth  century  must  be  mainly  imputed  to  this  Pontiff. 
On  the  decease  of  the  Emperor  Louis  IT.,  in  the  year  875,  this  dignity 
should  have  devolved  on  Louis  the  Germanic,  as  being  both  the  elder 
and  the  full  brother  of  Louis's  father.  But  John  was  anxious  to  show 
the  world  that  the  imperial  crown  was  in  the  gift  of  the  successor  of 
the  apostles.  Accordingly,  he  invited  Charles  the  Bald  to  Rome,  and 
crowned  him  at  Christmas  875.  In  return  for  this  act  of  grace,  the 
Emperor  formally  renounced  his  claims  as  superior  of  the  States  of  the 
Church,  all  control  in  future  elections  to  the  Papacy,  and  consented  to 
receive  a  papal  vicar  and  primate  for  all  Germany.  But  even  this  was 
not  all.  At  Pavia,  Charles  had  to  submit  to  become  the  elective  mon- 
arch of  Lombardy,  and  then  to  concede  to  his  own  nobles  the  same 
right  of  election,  as  also  that  of  hereditary  succession  to  their  fiefs,  in 
order  to  obtain  their  consent  to  these  transactions.  But  Hincmar  and 
the  clergy  of  Neustria  offered  strenuous  resistance,  and  stormy  discus- 
sions ensued  at  the  Synod  of  Pontion  in  876.  —  From  this  shameful 
compromise  neither  the  Pope  nor  the  Emperor  derived  advantage.  The 
reign  of  faction  increased  at  Rome  beyond  the  control  of  John,  and  the 
Saracens  ravaged  Italy.  The  Emperor,  unable  to  keep  his  own  against 
the  Northmen,  could  afford  no  help.  At  last,  having  purchased  a  dis- 
graceful peace,  he  crossed  the  Alps.  But  fresh  domestic  troubles 
speedily  obliged  him  to  retrace  his  steps.  Charles  died  in  a  miserable 
hut  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Cenis,  in  consequence  of  poison  administered 
to  him  by  his  physician  (877).  Meantime  the  troubles  of  the  Pope 
increased,  and  his  intrigues  only  served  to  make  his  situation  more 
dangerous.  John  VIII.  died  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin  in  882.  The 
year  before  his  death  he  had  been  obliged  to  crown  Charles  the  Fat,  the 
youngest  son  of  Louis  the  Germanic.  This  prince  was  also  elected 
28 


326      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (c  E  NT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

monarch  of  Neustria  by  the  nobles  of  that  realm  ;  so  that  the  weakest 
of  Charlemagne's  successors  once  more  combined  all  the  dominions  of 
his  great  ancestor  under  his  sway.  But  in  887  the  Estates  of  Germany 
deposed  him,  and  elected  in  his  stead  Arntdph  of  CarintJiia,  a  natural 
son  of  his  brother  Carloman.  Pope  Formosus  (894)  called  in  the  aid 
of  that  monarch,  and  crowned  him  Emperor.  But  Arnulph  was  not 
able  to  maintain  himself  in  Italy  against  his  Langobard  rival  Lambert. 
Formosus  died  soon  after  the  departure  of  Arnulph  (896).  His  suc- 
cessor, Stephen  VI.,  in  the  true  spirit  of  Italian  revenge,  ordered  the 
body  of  Formosus  to  be  exhumed,  maltreated,  and  thrown  into  the 
Tiber,  because  he  had  favoured  the  Germans.  The  three  following 
popes  reigned  only  a  few  weeks  or  months,  and  were  either  killed  or 
expelled.  In  order  to  appease  the  German  party,  John  IX.  (898-900) 
rescinded  the  sentence  passed  by  Stephen  against  Formosus.  Although 
the  reign  of  Arnulph  in  Germany  had  fallen  in  troubled  times,  it 
proved  vigorous  and  honourable.  He  died  in  899,  when  the  German 
Estates  chose  his  infant  son,  Louis  ilie  Child,  his  successor,  —  Ai-ch- 
bishop  Haifa  of  Mayence  acting  as  regent  during  the  minority.  But 
Louis  died  in  911.  With  him  the  German  branch  of  the  Carolingians 
became  extinct ;  in  France  the  dynasty  continued  to  exist  till  the  death 
of  Louis  the  Lidoleni  in  987. 

§  83.  THE  PAPACY  AND  THE  METROPOLITAN  OFFICE. 

CoMP.  Gass,  Merkwurdigkk.  aus  dem  Leben  u.  d.  Schriften  Hink- 
raar's  [Memorabilia  in  the  Life  and  from  the  Writ,  of  Ilincm.).  Gottin- 
gen  1806. 

The  office  of  Metropolitan  was  one  of  great  importance  and 
influence  in  Germany.  Among:  the  many  various  races  and  tribes 
which  inhabited  the  Frankish  Empire,  the  metropolitans  repre- 
sented the  unity  of  the  National,  just  as  the  Pope  that  of  the 
Universal  Church  ;  while,  as  influential  members  of  the  Estates, 
they  took  an  important  part  both  in  the  internal  administration 
of  the  country,  and  in  the  direction  of  its  foreign  policy.  The 
concentration  of  spiritual  power  in  one  individual  afforded  to 
the  secular  rulers  a  fresh  guarantee  for  the  political  integrity  of 
their  country.  On  that  account  they  were  opposed  to  the  imdti- 
plication  of  metropolitan  sees  ;  and  where  the  extent  of  the 
country  rendered  it  necessary  to  have  more  than  one  archiepis- 
copal  see,  they  were  anxious  to  see  the  most  influential  of  these 
prelates  invested  with  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  Primate. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  policy  of  the  popes  to  appoint  in 
every  country  at  least  two  or  three  metropolitans,  and  to  I'esist 
the  appointment  of  primates,  since  it  was  quite  possible,  that  if 


PAPACY    AND    THE    METROPOLITAN    OFFICE.       327 

the  supreme  direction  of  a  national  church  were  confided  to  one 
person,  that  prelate  might,  some  time  or  other,  conceive  the  wish 
of  emancipating  his  see  from  the  authority  of  Rome,  and  con- 
stituting himself  an  independent  patriarch.  —  Since  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  the  Frankish  monarchs  were  also  wont  to  esta- 
blish episcopal  and  arch-episcopal  sees  along  the  borders  of  their 
dominions,  for  the  twofold  purpose  of  sending  the  Gospel  into 
the  neighbouring  heathen  countries,  and  of  preparing  for  their 
conquest,  or,  where  this  had  already  been  accomplished,  strength- 
ening their  government.  The  former  of  these  objects  could  only 
command  the  approbation  of  the  pontiffs  ;  the  latter  they  re- 
sisted to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  It  is  but  justice  to  say,  that 
the  occupants  of  the  See  of  St.  Peter,  remembering  that  they 
represented  the  Church  universal,  always  recognized,  respected, 
and  watched  over  the  rights  of  nationality.  It  was  intended 
that  every  country  in  which  Christianity  was  established,  should 
preserve  its  nationality  and  political  independence,  and  thus  be- 
come a  member  of  that  great  family  of  which  the  Pontiff  was 
the  spiritual  father.  In  this  grand  organism,  every  people  was 
to  stand  in  the  same  relation,  since  all  were  equally  to  be  subject 
to  the  Apostolic  See.  AVhile  this  policy  was  in  accordance  with 
the  rules  of  humanity  and  of  the  Gospel,  it  promoted  at  the 
same  time  the  selfish  objects  of  the  Papacy.  Hence,  whenever  a 
national  church  had  been  founded,  it  was  the  aim  of  Rome  to 
set  it  free  from  the  superintendence  of  the  German  clergy,  and 
to  render  it  independent,  by  giving  it  a  hierarchy  of  its  own. — 
Lastly,  the  interests  of  the  metropolitan,  as  the  representative 
and  supreme  ruler  of  a  national  church,  were  in  great  measure 
identical  with  those  of  the  sovereign  country.  Hence  these  pre- 
lates were  the  strongest  supporters  of  the  throne  ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  their  authority  also  was  most  carefully  guarded  by 
the  secular  princes.  But  this  coalition  between  the  metropoli- 
tans and  secular  princes  was  fraught  with  manifest  danger  to  the 
liberties  of  the  inferior  clergy,  who  accordingly  sought  the  pro- 
tection of  the  See  of  Rome,  by  espousing  its  separate  interests. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Louis  the  Pious,  under  the 
pressure  of  circumstances,  a  wide-spread  conspiracy  of  bishops 
and  abbots  was  formed  for  the  twofold  purpose  of  emancipating 
the  clergy,  especially  the  bishops,  from  the  control  of  the  State 
and  of  their  metropolitans,  and  of  placing  them  under  the  im- 
mediate jurisdiction   of   the    Papacy.      The   forged   Decretals 


328       SKCTION    II. FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

whicli  hear  the  name  of  Isiiloro  (§  8Y,  2)  reprosont  those  i)rin- 
oiph's  as  in  force  and  acted  upon  since  oldest  times.  Altliouu,-h 
these  tendencies  met  with  the  most  strenuous  opposition,  tlie 
l)i'inciples  of  the  forged  Decretals  ultimately  became  the  esta- 
blished law  of  the  Church. 

1.  For  a  limj:;  time  the  English  monarchs  resisted  tlic  papal  attempts 
to  establish  another  metropolitan  see  besides  that  of  Canterburi/,  as 
such  a  measure  endangered  the  political  unity  of  the  Heptarchy.  The 
contest  raged  most  fiercely  at  the  time  of  Wilfrid  (^  77,  (">;  7S,  3),  whom 
the  Romish  party  had  appointed  Archbisliop  of  York.  Wilfrid  Avas 
obliged  to  retire ;  and,  after  a  troubled  career,  died  without  having  ol)- 
tained  actual  possession  of  tht;  see  to  wduch  he  had  been  nominated 
(701)).  But  the  Pope  ultimately  succeeded  in  his  object.  In  735  a 
Northuud)rian  prince  riH'eived  the  pall,  and  the  archbishopric  of  York 
hail  continued  ever  since.  —  In  the  north  of  Italy  there  were  three 
metropolitan  sees  —  those  of  llavenna,  Milan,  and  Acpnleja — each 
claiming  to  bo  independent  of  Home  (?  4()).  Indeed,  Sergius,  Arch- 
bishop of  Ivavenna  (about  700),  Avould  fain  have  followed  the  example 
of  the  See  of  Jvome,  and  transformed  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna  into 
an  independent  state  in  connection  with  his  own  see.  Of  course,  in- 
stances of  o))])osition  to  pajial  su])remacy  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 
But  Pope  Nicholas  I.  succeeded  in  limilly  checking  these  pretensions 
(in  H()l),  at  a  time  when  the  See  of  Ravenna  was  occupied  by  John,  a 
prelate  guilty  of  sacrilege  and  violence  of  every  kind.  The  force  of 
puldic  opiinou  obliged  the  Emperor  to  withdraw  his  protection  from 
a  bishop  justly  excommunicated  for  his  crimes.  But  during  the  ponti- 
ficate of  John  VIII.,  Aiisbert,  Archbishop  of  Milan  and  a  partisan  of 
Giermany,  Avas  strong  enough  to  sot  both  papal  bans  and  sentences  of 
deposition  at  defiance  [ob.  882).  His  successor,  however,  again  acknow- 
ledged the  prinuicy  of  Rome.  —  The  Metropolitan  of  Rheims  occujiicd 
the  first  place  in  the  hierarchy  of  France.  From  845  to  882  that  see 
was  occujjied  by  llincmar,  the  most  ennncnt,  vigorous,  and  influential 
prelate  whom  France  has  ever  had.  llis  life  presents  a  series  of 
different  contests.  The  first  controversy  in  Avhich  he  engaged  Avas  on 
the  subject  of  Predestination  (^91,  4).  But  ecclesiastical  laAV  and 
politics,  not  dognmtic  intricacies,  Avere  his  chosen  field.  In  opposition 
to  the  claims  of  the  Pai)acy,  and  the  attempts  of  the  bishojis  to  emanci- 
pate themselves,  ho  finnly  and  successfully  contended  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  secular  princes  from  ])apal  control,  for  the  liberties  of  his 
national  Cluircli,  and  for  the  rights  of  metropolitans.  Ilis  controversy 
Avith  Uotlutd,  Bishop  of  Soissons,  deserves  special  notice.  This  prelate 
had  been  deposed  by  llincmar  on  account  of  insubordination  (8()1), 
from  Avhich  sentence  he  appealed  to  Pope  Nicholas  I.,  on  the  ground  of 
the  Sardican  Canon  (^  4(),  2),  Avhich  hitherto  had  not  been  acknoAV- 
ledgod  in  the  Frankish  Empire ;  Avhile  at  the  same  time  he  supplied 


STATE    OP    THE    CLERGY.  829 

the  Pope  with  the  pretoiuled  Doerctala  of  Ivsidorc.  On  this  forged 
collection  Nicholas  tot)k  his  stand,  and,  after  considerable  resistance, 
carried  the  restoration  of  Ilothad  (865).  Another  collision  arose  out 
of  the  contumacious  conduct  of  his  own  nephew,  Ilincmar,  Jiisliop  of 
Laoti.  In  this  instance  also,  both  parties  appealed  to  the  forged 
Decretals.  Although  Hadrian  IT.  took  the  part  of  young  Ilincmar 
(869),  the  Metropolitan  carried  the  day  ;  and  the  Bishop  of  Laon,  who, 
besides  defying  his  king  and  his  ecclesiastical  superior,  had  entered 
into  treacherous  communications  with  the  German  Court,  was  punished 
with  the  loss  of  his  eyes.  Till  the  year  875,  Ilincmar  stood  by  his 
monarch,  and  formed  the  strongest  prop  both  of  his  policy  and  of  his 
throne.  But  when  Charles  the  Bald,  In  exchange  for  the  imperial 
dignity,  bartered  away  the  supremacy  of  the  crown,  the  liberties  of  the 
French  Church,  and  the  rights  of  its  hierarchy,  the  prelate  firmly  op- 
posed his  monarch.  Ilincmar  died  during  his  flight  from  the  North- 
men (882).  With  him  the  glory  of  the  French  hierarchy  departed. 
The  authors  of  the  forged  Decretals  prevailed.  But  if  bishops  were 
emancipated  from  the  rule  of  their  own  metropolitans,  they  were,  ou 
the  other  hand,  left  unprotected,  and  hence  frequently  exposed  to  the 
lawless  violence  of  secular  grandees.  —  In  Germany,  metropolitan  sees 
had  been  founded  at  Salzburg,  Cologne,  Passau,  Treves,  and  Hamburg. 
Over  these,  and  all  other  sees  in  the  covintry,  the  Archbishop  of  Maij- 
ence  continued  to  exercise  supremacy.  Strange  to  say,  in  Germany  the 
pretended  Decretals  of  Isidore,  although  originating  in  that  country 
under  peculiar  circumstances,  gave  not  rise  to  an  organized  opposition 
against  the  metropolitan  office,  as  was  the  case  in  France.  Indeed, 
they  recognized  the  primacy  of  the  See  of  Mayence.  Happily  for  the 
Empire,  the  power  of  the  Metropolitan  of  Germany  continued  un- 
diminished for  several  centuries. 

I  84.  STATE  OF  THE  CLERGY. 

CoMP.  S.  Siigeiiheim,  Staatsleben  d.  Klerus  im  M.  A.  (Polit.  State  of 
the  Clergy  in  the  Middle  Ages).  Berl.  1839.  —  K.  D.  H'dllmann,  Gesch. 
d.  Urspr.  d.  Stande  in  Deutschl.  (Hist,  of  the  Orlg.  of  the  Diff.  Est.  in 
Germ.).  2d  Ed.  Berl.  1830.  Vol.  I. 

Those  prelates  who  bore  a  rank  subordinate  to  the  Metropo- 
litan were  called  Diocesans,  or  also  Suffragan  bishops,  from 
their  right  to  vote  in  provincial  synods.  In  Germany,  instead 
of  the  former  or  canonical  mode  of  episcopal  election  by  the  peo- 
ple and  clergy,  the  kings  now  claimed  the  riglit  of  appointing  to 
vacant  sees.  At  the  Synod  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (81Y),  Louis  the 
Pious  restored,  indeed,  to  the  people  and  clergy  their  former 
privilege,  reserving  for  the  Crown  only  the  right  of  confirming 
the  election  ;  but  his  successors  on  the  throne  paid  no  regard  to 
28* 


330       SECTION   II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CEN  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

this  enactment.  —  Sentence  of  deposition  was  commonly  pro- 
nonncecl  by  a  provincial  or  national  synod.  The  InvestUure  of 
bishops  with  ring  and  staff  (the  shepherd's  crook  and  the 
marriage-ring)  appears  to  have  been  practised  —  at  least  in 
isolated  cases  —  during  the  time  of  the  Merovingians,  and  came 
in  general  use  in  the  ninth  century.  The  sO'Called  Ghorepiscojii 
of  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  —  who,  however,  had  nothing 
but  the  designation  in  common  with  their  namesakes  of  a  pre- 
ceding period  (§30,  45)  —  seem  to  have  been  intended  as  suc- 
cessors of  the  former  "bishops  ivitliout  diocese,''^  or  episcopi 
rcgionarii,  who  were  originally  set  apart  for  missionary  service. 
They  acted  as  subordinate  assistants  of  diocesan  bishops,  in 
cases  where  love  of  ease,  want  of  zeal,  or  frequent  absence  on 
public  business  rendered  such  aid  necessary.  But  their  arbitrary 
and  high-handed  proceedings  occasioned  serious  inconvenience 
to  those  bishops  who  devolved  not  their  work  on  delegates.  The 
office  was  virtually  abrogated  by  the  Synod  of  Paris  in  849,  after 
which  it  seems  gradually  to  have  ceased.  The  lower  clergy  were 
in  part  drawn  from  the  serfs ;  generally  speaking,  they  were  held 
in  absolute  subjection  by  their  bishops.  Very  frequently  these 
clerks  were  deficient  in  the  first  elements  of  education.  Paro- 
chial appointments  rested  with  the  bishop  ;  but  in  many  cases  the 
founders  of  churches  reserved  to  themselves  and  their  successors 
the  right  of  patroriage.  Towards  the  close  of  the  Merovingian 
and  at  the  commencement  of  the  Carolingian  period,  both  the 
higher  and  the  lower  clergy  had  sunk  into  a  fearful  state  of  moral 
degeneracy.  Boniface  succeeded  in  restoring  discipline,  at  least 
to  some  extent  (§  t8,  4)  ;  while  the  vigorous  measures  taken  by 
Charlemagne  greatly  tended  to  improve  and  elevate  the  state  of 
the  clergy.  But  all  this  did  not  sufBce  to  stem  the  almost 
general  corruption.  Accordingly,  in  816  Louis  the  Pious  in- 
troduced throughout  his  dominions  the  rule  which  Chrodegang 
of  Metz  had  half  a  century  before  instituted,  with  a  view  to  the 
reformation  of  the  clergy  of  his  own  diocese.  The  remedy  proved 
efficacious  —  at  least  for  a  short  period  ;  but  during  the  weak 
and  disturbed  reigns  of  the  last  Carolingiaus,  ordinances  like 
these  were  easily  set  aside.  — During  this  period  the  clergy  ob- 
tained the  privilege  of  exemption  from  secular  tribunals ;  but 
only  thus  far,  that  the  civil  magistrate  could  not  proceed  against 
a  clergyman  without  the  concurrence  of  the  bishop,  and  that  a 
bishop  was  amenable  only  to  the  king  or  to  a  provincial  synod. 


STATE    OF    THE    CLERGY.  331 

1.  In  Germany  the  higher  clergy  were  from  the  first  regarded  us  a 
kind  of  spiritual  aristocracy,  whose  superior  education  ensured  thorn 
an  influence  in  the  State  greater  even  than  that  of  the  secuhvr  noliility. 
In  all  affairs  of  importance  the  bishops  acted  aa  adviseivs  of  the  monarch  ; 
in  almost  every  instance  they  were  selected  as  ambassadors  ;  clerical 
members  sat  on  every  commission  ;  and  one  half  of  the  "  Missi  dominici" 
•were  always  selected  from  the  same  privileged  order.  From  their 
proximity  to  the  person  of  the  king,  and  their  influence  in  public 
affairs,  the  bishops  became  one  of  the  estates  of  the  realm.  Another 
element  which  contributed  to  the  power  of  the  hierarchy  was,  that,  ac- 
cording to  Frankish  law,  the  imrminiiy  which  accompanied  grants  of 
land  made  by  the  king,  conferred  on  the  proprietor  the  power  of  taxa- 
tion and  of  jurisdiction.  Thus  the  bishops  wielded  not  only  spiritual, 
but  also  temporal  sivai/,  over  a  great  part  of  the  country.  —  As  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Frankish  king  was  not  station.ary,  a  special  court  chapel, 
to  which  a  numerous  body  of  clergy  was  attached,  was  requisite. 
Commonly  the  most  prominent  and  influential  prelate  of  the  realm 
acted  as  arch-chaplain  of  the  court,  and  from  the  clergy  attached  to  this 
chapel  the  future  bishops  of  the  country  were  generally  chosen. 

2.  The  gradual  extension  of  episcopal  dioceses  rendered  it  necessary 
to  make  some  new  arrangements  in  regard  to  the  inferior  clergy. 
Formerly  the  affiliated  or  country  churches  had  been  served  by  the 
clergy  attached  to  the  cathedrals  ;  but  now  priests  were  appointed 
specially  to  these  charges.  Such  churches  were  called  tituli,  from  the 
circumstance  that  they  were  always  dedicated  to  some  saint,  and  their 
priests  intitulati,  incardinati,  cardiiiales.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
institution  of  the  Parochia  (rtapoixc'o)  and  of  the  Parochiis  or  p'Cir son, 
who  was  also  designated  Curate  l:)0cause  the  cura  animaritm  devolved 
on  him.  An  archipreshijter  ruralis  was  entrusted  with  the  superintend- 
ence of  about  ten  parishes,  from  which  circumstance  he  was  called 
Decamis  (Dean).  As  at  first  he  retained  the  exclusive  right  of  ad- 
ministering baptism,  his  church  bore  the  name  of  Ecclesia  baptismalis, 
his  district  of  Christianitas  or  Flehs,  and  he  himself  the  title  Plebanus. 
In  the  eighth  century,  Heddo,  Bishop  of  Stras])urg,  formed  his  diocese 
into  seven  archdeaconries  for  the  purpose  of  efficientl}^  superintending 
the  labours  of  the  deans.  Besides  parochial  churches,  a  number  of 
chapels  or  oratories  existed,  in  which  the  nearest  parish  priest  at  stated 
seasons  celebrated  divine  service.  In  the  same  category  we  also  in- 
clude the  private  chapels  in  episcopal  palaces  and  on  the  properties  of 
the  nobility,  which  wore  supplied  by  domestic  chaplains.  Occasionally 
the  latter  were  degraded  to  do  menial  work,  such  as  taking  charge  of 
the  dogs,  waiting  at  taljle,  or  loading  the  horse  of  the  lady  of  the  manor. 
Although  the  ancient  car.;m,  "  ne  quis  vage  ordinetur,"  was  fre- 
quently re-enacted,  there  were  a  large  number  of  so-called  Clerici  vagi, 
commonly  lazy  vagaljonds,  who  wandered  about  the  country  in  quest 
of  some  livelihood,  ordained  by  careless  bishops  for  money. 

28 


832      SECTION   II. — FIRST   PERIOD   (cent.  4—9  A.  D.). 

3.  The  German  clergy  were  very  reluctant  to  submit  to  the  injunction 
of  celibacy.  Many  instances  of  married  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons 
occur.  By  far  the  greater  part  of  the  inferior  clergy  were  married. 
At  their  ordination  they  pledged  themselves  indeed  to  separate  from 
tlieir  wives,  and  to  abstain  from  intercourse  with  them ;  but  this 
promise  was  rarely  observed.  The  unmarried  clergy  were  frequently 
chargeable  with  uncleanness,  adultery,  and  even  with  unnatural  vices. 
Accordingly  Ulric,  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  scrupled  not  to  expostulate 
with  Pope  Nicholas  I.  on  the  subject  of  clerical  celibacy,  and  in  the 
spirit  of  Paphnutius  of  old  (^  45,  4),  unsparingly  exposed  the  evils 
connected  Avith  it.  —  In  general,  the  moral  stale  of  tlie  clergy  was  very 
low.  Attempts  to  get  hold  of  the  property  of  devotees,  forgery  of 
documents,  simony,  and  other  abuses,  were  openly  and  shamelessly 
carried  on.  The  bishops  imitated  in  their  hunting  and  drinking  bouts 
the  vices  of  the  nobility,  and  were  more  expert  with  dogs  and  falcons 
than  in  their  own  peculiar  duties.  In  the  seventh  century,  it  was  the 
liking  for  the  profession  of  arms  which  induced  Prankish  bishops  to 
take  part  in  wars;  at  a  later  period,  the  obligation  of  furnishing  a 
military  contingent  from  the  lands  belonging  to  the  Church,  furnished 
an  additional  pretext.  Pepin,  Charlemagne,  and  Louis  the  Pious, 
issued  strict  edicts  against  this  practice  ;  but  the  later  Carolingians  not 
only  tolerated,  but  even  encouraged  the  abuse. 

4.  Though  Augustine's  institution  of  a  monasterium  Clericoriim 
(?  45,  1)  had  been  adopted  by  several  pious  bishops  of  later  times,  it 
was  CnRODEGANG,  Bishop  of  Mctz,  who  first  introduced  it  generally, 
and  laid  down  certain  fixed  rules  for  it.  His  scheme  (canon)  consisted 
of  an  adaptation  of  the  monastic  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (^  85),  from 
which  it  only  differed  in  dispensing  with  the  vow  of  poverty.  He 
erected  a  spacious  dwelling  (called  domus  or  monasterium,  whence  the 
term  Munster),  where,  under  the  strict  and  continuous  supervision  of 
the  bishop  or  archdeacon,  all  the  clergy  of  his  cathedral  lived,  prayed, 
and  wrought  together,  ate  at  a  common  table,  and  slept  in  a  common 
dormitory  [vita,  canonica,  hence  canons).  After  morning  service  all  the 
members  assembled  in  the  common  hall,  when  the  bishop  or  archdeacon 
read  a  chapter  of  the  Bible  (frequently  in  the  book  of  Levit.)  or  a 
portion  of  the  "  Rule,"  taking  occasion  at  the  same  time  to  administer 
any  admonition  or  reproof  that  might  bo  called  for.  Hence  this  hall 
was  called  the  cJiapter-Jiouse,  and  the  designation  of  Chapter  was  also 
given  to  the  community  as  a  whole.  In  towns  which  were  not  the 
scats  of  bishoprics,  the  clergy  were  formed  into  colleges  of  canons 
under  an  abbot  or  dean,  in  imitation  of  the  cathedral  chapters.  Louis 
the  Pious  commissioned  Amalarius,  a  deacon  of  Meiz,  to  revise  the 
Rule  of  Chrodegang,  so  as  to  make  it  generally  applicable ;  and  at  a 
national  assembly  held  in  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  816,  it  was  sanctioned 
for  general  use  throughout  the  realm  (Regula  Aquisgraneusis).  But 
the  canons  soon  showed  a  desire  to  get  rid  of  this  troublesome  super- 


MONASTICISM.  333 

vision  of  their  bishops.  When  Gitnther  of  Cologne  (?  82,  4)  was 
deposed  by  the  Pope,  he  sought  to  retain  his  office,  among  other  things, 
by  ingratiating  himself  with  his  cathedral  chapter.  Accordingly  he 
agreed  to  leave  a  great  part  of  the  property  of  the  Church  to  their 
uncontrolled  disposal  {prccbeiida,  prebends).  What  this  chapter  had 
extorted,  others  also  gradually  obtained. 

§85.   MONASTICISM. 

CoMP.  L.  d'Achenj,  Acta  Ss.  Ord.  s.  Benedicti.  Sec.  I.-VI.  (500-1100). 
ed.  J.Mahillon.  Par.  1088.  9  Voll.  fol.--/.  Mabillon,  Annales  Ord.  S. 
Benedicti  ed.  Martene.  Par.  1703.  G  Voll.  fol.  — Gesch.  d.  Bened.  Ord. 
aus  Spiitlers  Vorles.  v.  Gurliit  (Ilist.  of  the  Bened.  Ord.  from  the  Lect. 
of  Spittler,  by  Gurlitt).  Ilamb.  1823.—  C.  Brandes,  d.  Ben.  0.  in  the 
Tubingen  Quarterly  for  1851.  —  Helyot,  Histoire  des  Ordres  Ilelig. 

The  disasters  which  accompanied  the  irruption  of  barbarous 
nations  in  the  fifth  century,  extended  also  to  the  monastic  insti- 
tution. Indeed,  it  could  scarcely  have  survived  that  period,  at 
least  it  could  not  have  proved  a  source  of  so  great  and  manifold 
bjessing  to  Western  Christendom,  if  at  the  right  moment  unity, 
order,  and  law,  had  not  been  introduced  among  the  various 
monasteries  by  the  adoption  of  a  fixed  rule,  suited  to  the  times 
and  circumstances.  For  this  the  Church  was  indebted  to  Bene- 
dict OF  NuRSiA  (oh.  543),  who  may  be  styled  the  Patriarch  of 
Western  Monasticism.  The  rule  which  he  prescribed  to  the 
inmates  of  the  monastery  of  Monte- Gassino  in  Campania,  which 
he  founded,  was  free  from  all  ascetic  extravagance.  It  secured 
strict  discipline  and  order,  but  breathed  a  mild  and  even 
indulgent  spirit,  while  at  the  same  time  it  took  account  of  the 
requirements  of  human  nature  and  of  the  times  ;  withal,  it  was 
simple,  plastic,  and  eminently  practical.  Besides,  the  disciples 
of  Benedict  derived  from  the  Rule  of  Cassiodorus  (§  4Y,  6)  their 
engagement  in  literary  employments,  and  from  Gregory  the 
Great  their  ardour  in  missionary  enterprises.  Thus  the  Bene- 
dictine order  became  thoroughly  prepared  for  the  grand  mission 
which  it  accomplished  throughout  the  West  {St.  Maurus  trans- 
planted it  to  France  in  543),  in  reclaiming  both  soil  and  mind, 
in  clearing  forests  and  cultivating  waste  land,  in  zealous  and 
faithful  preaching,  in  exterminating  superstition  and  heathenism, 
and  in  cultivating  and  preserving  literature,  science,  and  art. 
But  during  the  troublous  period  at  the  close  of  the  Merovingian 
rule,  the  Benedictine  monasteries  also  suffered  severely.     The 


834      SECTION   II. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.  D.). 

court  appointed  its  favourites  to  the  office  of  abbot ;  ricli 
abbacies  were  given  to  the  higher  secular  clergy  in  commendam, 
i.  e.,  simply  to  enjoy  its  revenues,  or  else  to  counts  and  military 
chiefs  (lay-abbots,  Abbaconites)  in  reward  for  their  services. 
These  lay-abbots  occupied  the  monasteries  wjth_their_fanaili^s, 
or  with  their  friends  and  retainers,  sometimes  for  months,  con- 
verting them  into  banqueting-halls,  or  using  them  for  hunting 
expeditions  or  for  military  exercises.  The  wealthiest  abbacies 
the  kings  either  retained  for  themselves,  or  bestowed  on  their 
sons  and  daughters,  their  wives  and  mistX-asses.  Charlemagne 
corrected  this  abuse  also  ;  he  insisted  on  strict  discipline,  and 
made  it  a  rule  that  schools  should  be  planted  in  connection  with 
the  various  monasteries,  and  that  literary  labours  were  to  be 
prosecuted  within  their  walls.  At  the  Diet  of  Aix-la-Ghapelle 
in  811,  Louis  the  Pious  appointed  Benedict  of  Aniane  (ph. 
821)  to  reorganize,  and  to  introduce  the  needed  reforms  in,  the 
various  monasteries  throughout  the  empire.  Along  with  com- 
missioners specially  appointed  for  the  purpose,  he  visited  every 
monastery  in  the  country,  and  obliged  their  inmates  to  adopt  an 
improved  rule.  —  As  yet  the  monks  were  not  regarded  as  neces- 
sarily belonging  to  the  clerical  order ;  but  gradually  the  two 
professions  became  more  identified.  Clerical  celibacy  and  the 
introduction  of  the  canonical  rule  (§  84,  4)  assimilated  the 
regular  priests  to  the  inmates  of  cloisters ;  while  the  latter  fre- 
quently took  ordination  either  with  a  view  to  missionary  service, 
or  to  enable  them  to  conduct  worship  in  their  monasteries. 
Withal,  the  monks  would  sometimes  interfere  with  the  rights  and 
duties  of  curates,  giving  rise  to  mutual  jealousies  and  distrust. — 
All  monasteries  were  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop 
in  whose  diocese  they  lay.  The  exemptions  granted  at  this 
period  only  secured  permission  of  freely  choosing  their  own 
abbots,  or  the  power  of  administering  without  control  their 
own  property,  or  else  the  right  of  receiving  ordination  without 
payment  of  fees. 

1.  Our  knowledge  of  the  life  of  Benedict  of  Ktirsia  is  solely  derived 
from  the  account  given  by  credulous  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  in  the 
second  book  of  his  Dialogues,  which,  unfortunately,  is  full  of  legendary 
stories.  The  Rule  of  Benedict  comprised  seventy-three  chapters.  It 
Avas  laid  down  as  the  first  duty  of  the  inmates  of  a  monastery,  to  pay 
implicit  obedience  to  the  abbot  as  the  vicar  of  Christ.  The  brethren 
had  the  right  of  choosing  their  own  abbot,  and  the  "Rule"  did  not 


MONASTICISM.  835 

recognize  any  order  of  "  serving  brothers."  Agriculture  was  to  form 
the  principal  employment ;  all  idleness  was  most  strictly  prohibited. 
The  monks  were  by  turns  (each  for  a  week)  to  take  charge  of  the 
kitchen,  and  to  read  aloud  in  the  refectory.  Divine  service  was  to 
commence  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  seven  "  horjB  "  to  the 
completorium  were  to  be  regularly  celebrated  (^  56,  2).  The  monks 
had  two  meals  a  day,  and  each  a  pint  of  wine  ;  only  the  sick  or  delicate 
were  allowed  animal  food.  At  table,  and  after  the  completorium, 
unbroken  silence  was  to  be  observed.  The  brothers  slept  in  a  common 
dormitory — each,  however,  in  a  bed  of  his  own  —  with  their  dress  and 
girdle  on,  to  be  ready  for  prayers  at' the  first  signal.  The  discipline 
was  careful  and  strict.  Ofi'enders  were  to  be  first  privately,  then 
publicly  reproved  ;  and  if  this  was  insufficient,  punished  with  fasts, 
with  bodily  chastisement,  and  finally  with  excommunication.  Fvery 
monastery  was  bound  to  entertain  strangers,  and  to  provide  for  the 
poor  in  the  district.  The  novitiate  of  candidates  extended  over  one 
year ;  the  voics  prescribed  were  those  of  siabilitas  loci,  of  conversio 
morum  (implying  also  poverty  and  chastity),  and  of  obedientia.  The 
so-called  ohluti,  or  children  whom,  during  their  minority,  the  parents 
had  offered  to  a  monastery,  were  regarded  as  a  kind  of  novices.  They 
were  educated  in  the  cloister,  and  not  allowed  to  return  to  the  world. 

2.  Benedict  of  Aniane  was  the  son  of  a  Visigoth  count,  and  his  real 
name  was  Wiiiza.  In  early  life  he  served  in  the  army  of  Charlemagne. 
But  during  a  moment  of  imminent  danger,  while  attempting  to  rescue 
his  brother  from  drowning,  his  mind  received  a  new  turn,  and  dis- 
tinction in  ascetic  exercises  became  now  the  object  of  his  ambition. 
He  founded  the  monastery  of  Aniane,  by  the  river  Anianus  in  Lan- 
guedoc,  and  became  the  trusted  and  all-powerful  adviser  of  Louis  the 
Pious,  who  built  the  monastery  of  Iiida  near  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  order 
to  have  his  friend  always  beside  him.  Benedict  composed,  for  the 
reform  of  monasteries,  a  Codex  regularum,  which  consisted  of  a  col- 
lection of  the  various  monastic  rules  then  known  (best  ed.  by  L.  Hol- 
stein;  and  next  to  it  that  by  Bvockie.  Augsb.  1759.  6  Vols.),  and  a 
Concordia  regularum  (ed.  U.  Menard.  Par.  1038.  4to). 

3.  The  rule  of  the  first  Benedict  made  no  arrangements  about  Nun- 
neries. Scholastica,  the  sister  of  that  saint,  is,  however,  generally 
regarded  as  having  originated  the  female  order  of  Benedictines.  The 
institution  of  Canonesses,  in  imitation  of  the  "  canonical  life  "  of  the 
secular  clergy,  was  another  form  of  female  asceticism.  The  Rule  drawn 
up  for  them  in  816,  by  order  of  Louis  the  Pious,  was  much  less  strin- 
gent than  that  which  applied  to  ordinary  nuns.  By  and  by  these 
institutions  became  a  provision  for  the  unmarried  daughters  of  the 
nobility.  —  The  canonical  age  for  entrants  before  taking  the  vow  was 
twenty-five  years ;  their  novitiate  lasted  three  years.  Besides  the 
"propria  professio,''   the    "  paterna   devotio"  was   also   regarded   as 

28* 


336     SECTION    II.— FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

binding.  The  taking  of  the  veil  formed  the  main  part  of  the  ceremony 
of  admission:  the  garkind  worn  was  intended  to  be  the  symbol  of 
virginity  ;  the  ring,  that  of  their  spiritual  marriage.  At  this  period 
the  practice  of  cutting  off  the  hair  was  only  resorted  to  as  punishment 
of  nuns  who  had  broken  their  vow  of  chastity.  From  the  respect 
which  the  Germans  were  wont  to  pay  to  woman,  the  lady-abbess 
occupied  a  place  of  special  distinction  ;  and  in  later  times  the  principal 
nunneries  enjoyed  even  such  privileges  as  exemption,  a  vote  among 
the  estates  of  the  realm,  and  the  exercise  of  sovereign  rights.  It  was 
a  peculiarity  of  German  monasteries,  that  frequently  they  were"  con-; 
structed  both  for  monks  and  nun's,  who  —  of  course  in  separate  houses  | 
— lived  under  the  common  rule  of  an  abbess  (as  often  in  England)  or  of 
an  abbot. 

4.  To  the  Larger  Monasteries  a  number  of  buildings  were  attached, 
in  which  every  conceivable  spiritual  or  temporal  occupation  was 
carried  on.  Some  of  these  buildings  were  designed  for  agricultural 
purposes,  others  for  trades  and  arts  of  every  description,  or  for  public 
instruction,  for  private  studies,  for  showing  hospitality  or  taking  charge 
of  the  sick.  They  often  formed  of  themselves  a  small  town,  around 
which,  in  many  instances,  considerable  cities  sprung  up.  The 
monastery  of  Vivarmm  in  Calabria,  founded  by  Cassiodorus,  claims  the 
merit  of  having  awakened  in  the  monks  of  Germany  the  desire  of  de- 
voting themselves  to  literary  avocations ;  the  arrangements  of  Monte 
Cassino  were  adopted  all  over  Western  Europe.  Through  the  exer- 
tions of  the  inmates  of  Bohbio,  founded  by  Columbanus,  both  heathen- 
ism and  Arianism  were  uprooted  in  Northern  Italy  ;  the  monks  of  lona 
and  Bangor,  in  Scotland  and  Ireland,  sustained  the  important  conflict 
with  Rome  on  behalf  of  the  British  Confession  ;  while  the  monastery  of 
Wearmouth,  in  England,  was  famed  as  a  seminary  of  learning.  St. 
Denys  near  Paris,  and  Corhey  in  Picardy,  were  the  most  celebrated 
abbacies  in  France.  The  most  famous  institutions  of  this  kind  in 
Southern  Germany  were  those  of  St.  Gall,  Beiclienau,  Lorsch,  and 
Ilirschan  ;  in  Central  Germany,  those  of  Fulda,  Hersfeld,  and  Fritzlar  ; 
and  in  Northern  Germany,  that  of  New  Corhey  (an  oflshoot  of  Corbey 
in  France). 

5.  The  severity  of  the  climate  prevented  Western  ascetics  from 
imitating  the  example  of  former  Slylites  (§  78,  3).  Instead  of  this, 
however,  the  so-called  Reclusi  or  Eeclusce  adopted  the  practice  of  shut- 
ting themselves  up  in  their  cells,  without  ever  quitting  them.  A 
peculiar  class  of  anchorites,  who  lived  in  the  woods,  were  found  in  many 
parts  of  Germany.  This  kind  of  asceticism  was  peculiarly  in  accord- 
ance with  some  national  characteristics,  such  as  the  tendency  to 
dreamy  melancholy,  the  passionate  love  of  nature,  and  the  delight  in 
roaming  over  mountain  and  forest.  The  practice  of  thus  retiring  into 
solitude  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  in  vogue  during  the  sixth  century ; 


ECCLESIASTICAL    PROPERTY.  337 

and  the  lonely  valleys,  glens,  and  mountains  of  Auvergne  were  peopled 
■vrith  these  saints.  But  the  concourse  of  admiring  followers  soon  con- 
verted the  cell  of  the  saint  into  a  monastery,  and  the  practice  gradually 
ceased. 

§  8G.   ECCLESIASTICAL  PROPERTY. 

CoMP.  Paul  Roth,  Gesch.  d.  Beneficialwesens  bis  zum  lOten  Jahrh. 
(Hist,  of  Eccles.  Benefices  to  the  Tenth  Cent.).  Erlg.  1850 

By  donations  and  legacies  both  churches  and  monasteries 
gradually  acquired  immense  wealth.  If  princes  knew  no  bounds 
in  making  pious  grants,  private  individuals  not  unfrequently  even 
surpassed  them  in  this  species  of  liberality.  Nor  could  occasions 
for  its  display  be  ever  wanting.  Restoration  from  dangerous 
illness,  deliverance  from  danger,  the  birth  of  a  child,  or  any 
extraordinary  occurrence,  swelled  the  treasury  of  the  church 
whose  patron  saint  had  been  of  use  to  the  donor.  This  kind  of 
piety  was  of  course  greatly  encouraged  by  the  clergy,  who,  be- 
sides, hesitated  not  to  impose  on  the  ignorance  of  the  age  by 
unscrupulous  forgeries.  Gifts  or  grants  of  land,  of  which  the 
donor  retained  the  use  during  his  lifetime,  were  called  Precarice. 
Commonly,  the  private  property  of  priests  at  their  death,  and 
that  of  monks  at  their  "conversio,"  went  to  the  institutions  with 
which  they  were  connected.  Besides  this  revenue  from  property, 
every  church  claimed  tithes  from  all  its  parishioners.  According 
to  the  precedent  of  the  Mosaic  law,  tithes  were  regarded  as 
"juris  divini,"  and  Charlemagne  gave  to  this  arrangement  the 
sanction  of  public  law.  On  the  other  hand,  the  clergy  were 
prohibited  from  demanding  payment  for  the  discharge  of  their 
spiritual  functions.  —  It  was  the  first  fundamental  principle  in 
the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  property,  that  no  part  of  it 
might  be  sold  or  alienated.  Hence  it  increased  every  year. 
Thus,  in  the  seventh  century,  fully  one-third  of  all  the  landed 
property  in  Gaul  belonged  to  the  Church,  while  the  fiscal  and 
crown  lands  had  all  been  alienated.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Charles  Martel  had  no  choice  left  but  to  reward  his  adherents 
and  servants  by  bestowing  on  them  lay-abbacies.  His  sons,  Gar- 
loman  and  Pepin,  went  even  further ;  they  claimed  the  right  of 
absolutely  disposing  of  all  ecclesiastical  property,  and  at  once 
proceeded  to  secularize  and  divide  the  coveted  possessions. 
Cliarlemagne  and  Louis  the  Pious  were  anxious  to  atone  for 
tliose  acts  of  injustice  by  making  such  restitution  as  was  possible, 
29  w 


338      SECTION   II. FIRST   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  4— 9   A.D.). 

considering  the  reduced  state  of  the  fisc.  By  these  restitutions, 
and  by  new  donations  from  wealthy  individuals,  the  property  of 
the  Church  again  accumulated  as  before.  Thus,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  ninth  century,  the  monastery  of  Luxeuil  pos- 
sessed not  less  than  15,000  manors  (3Iansi).  — The  manage- 
ment of  Church  property  was  entrusted  to  the  bishops,  that  of 
monasteries  to  their  abbots.  Special  advocates  or  defensors 
(advocati  ecclesite)  were  appointed  to  watch  over  the  temporal 
rights  of  churches,  and  to  exercise  their  secular  jurisdiction. 
But  after  a  time  these  officials  came  greatly  to  abuse  their 
position  ;  they  committed  every  kind  of  extortion,  oppression, 
and  dishonesty  ;  claimed  a  great  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  reve- 
nues as  their  dues ;  and  generally  disposed  both  of  the  property 
and  income  of  churches  as  if  it  were  their  own, 

1.  When  Charles  Muriel  undertook  the  government  of  the  country, 
he  found  that,  by  excessive  liberality  towards  the  Church,  and  towards 
their  own  immediate  attendants,  the  Merovingians  had  completely 
exhausted  all  available  resources,  so  far  as  crown  lands  were  concerned. 
But  in  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  country,  threatened  by  the 
Saracens  on  the  one  hand,  and  surrounded  on  the  other  by  a  number 
of  potty  tyrants,  who  would  have  broken  up  and  so  destroyed  the  realm, 
Charles  Martel  was  in  more  urgent  want  of  pecuniary  means  thau  any 
of  his  predecessors.  These  difficulties  gave  rise  to  the  bestowal  of  what 
were  called  benefices.  The  warriors,  whose  services  gave  them  claims 
upon  the  State  or  the  monarch,  were  still  rewarded  by  grants  of  land, 
which  conferred  on  the  possessor  the  obligation  of  furnishing  a  mili- 
tary contingent ;  but  these  grants  of  land  were  no  longer  hereditary, 
but  valid  only  during  the  lifetime  of  the  possessor  (for  his  usufruct, 
{heneflcium).  As  the  crown  lands  were  almost  entirely  disposed  of, 
Charles  Martel  confiscated  for  this  purpose  the  property  of  the  Church. 
Thus,  without  absolutely  appropriating  these  lands,  he  filled  the  vacant 
sees  with  creatures  of  his  own,  and  induced  them  to  grant  benefices  to 
such  of  his  followers  as  deserved  rewards,  while  he  himself  similarly 
bestowed  abbacies  in  commendam  (|  85).  But  while  this  half  measure 
did  not  sufiice  for  the  wants  of  the  case,  it  proved  also  the  occasion  of 
■  more  serious  inconvenience  to  the  Church  than  complete  confiscation 
would  have  been.  Accordingly,  the  successors  of  Martel  secularized  a 
large  portion  of  the  property  of  the  Church.  These  measures  were 
initiated  at  the  Synod  of  Lestines  in  743  [I  19>,  4).  St.  Bonifacius,  and 
the  clergy  generally,  felt  that  submission  was  absolutely  requisite,  and 
that  any  hope  of  seeing  ecclesiastical  discipline  restored,  depended  on 
their  willingness  to  yield.  Accordingly,  they  gave  their  consent,  in 
the  hope  of  obtaining  in  better  times  a  restitution.  The  rights  of  the 
ecclesiastical  foundation  were  preserved,  at  least  in  point  of  form ;  the 


ECCLESIASTICAL    LEGISLATION.  339 

lay  improprietors  granted  letters  precarice,  and  agreed  to  pay  for  every 
manor  a  yearly  duty  of  one  solidus.  Under  the  reign  of  Charlemagne 
this  tribute  was  converted  into  second  tithes  called  Konce.  But  when 
Charlemagne  and  Louis  made  partial  restitution  of  the  Church  pro- 
perty formerly  secularized,  the  obligations  formerly  imposed  on  bene- 
ficiary possessors  (especially  that  of  furnishing  contingents)  were  not 
remitted,  and,  indeed,  were  gradually  extended  to  all  ecclesiastical 
property. — This  system  of  beneficiary  grants,  though  originating  under 
the  pressure  of  circumstances,  gradually  spread,  and  became  the  basis 
of  social  arrangements,  and  "  one  of  the  most  important  points  in  the 
policy  of  the  Middle  Ages."  —  (Comp.  also  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  Vol. 
I.,  pp.  159,  etc.) 

§  87.  ECCLESIASTICAL  LEGISLATION. 

The  duty  of  enacting  ecclesiastical  ordinances  for  the  German 
Empire  devolved  in  the  first  place  on  the  various  synods.  The 
Papacy  exercised  scarcely  any  influence  in  this  respect.  It  was 
otherwise  with  the  secular  rulers.  They  convoked  synods,  sub- 
mitted to  them  questions  for  deliberation,  and  confirmed  their 
decrees  as  they  saw  fit.  But  when  the  Frankish  sees  were  filled 
exclusively  with  natives,  synods  gradually  ceased  to  be  held,  and 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  if  discussed  at  all,  were  settled  at  the  Im- 
perial Diets,  in  which  the  bishops  took  part,  as  belonging  to  the 
estates  of  the  realm.  Even  those  great  national  synods  which 
St.  Bonifacius  held  for  the  purpose  of  remodelling  and  restoring 
ecclesiastical  arrangements,  which  had  fallen  into  sad  confusion, 
were  Concilia  mixta;  and  this  continued  to  be  the  constitution 
of  such  assemblies  under  the  reign  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Louis 
the  Pious.  The  former  monarch,  however,  introduced  better 
order  into  these  deliberations,  by  separating  the  assembled  estates 
into  three  distinct  curise — viz.,  that  of  bishops,  of  abbots,  and 
of  counts.  Under  the  rule  of  the  Carolingians,  royal  ordinances 
or  Capitularies  settled  those  ecclesiastical  questions  on  which 
formerly  synods  had  published  their  decrees.  But  at  that  period, 
purely  ecclesiastical  synods  also  were  again  held,  —  a  practice 
which  came  chiefly  in  vogue  during  the  time  of  Hincmar. 

1.  Collections  of  Ecclesiastical  Laws. — Gregory  II.  furnished  St.  Boni- 
facius, among  other  things,  with  a  codex  canonum  (no  doubt  that  of 
Dionysius,  I  43,  3)  ;  and  Hadrian  I.  sent  one  to  Charlemagne,  which, 
at  the  Diet  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  802,  received  public  sanction.  —  An- 
other collection  of  canons  was  that  made  in  Spain,  of  which  the  author- 
ship was  erroneously  ascribed  to  Isidore,  Bishop  of  Seville,  and  which 


3-40      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST    PERIOD   (CENT.   4—9   A.D.). 

accoi'dingly  is  designated  as  the  Hispana,  or  as  the  genuine  Decretals  of 
Isidore,  in  opposition  to  the  forged  or  Prankish  collection  which  bears 
that  title.  In  point  of  form,  it  resembles  the  collection  of  Dionysius. 
In  the  ninth  century  it  was  introduced  into  the  Frankish  Empire,  and 
there  gave  its  name  to  and  became  the  occasion  of  the  forged  Decretals 
of  Isidore.  Closely  connected  with  this  piece  of  imposture  was  the 
collection  made  hy  Benedictus,  "a  Levite  "  of  Mayence  (about  840). 
Although  professing  to  be  a  collection  of  capitularies,  it  is  chiefly  com- 
posed of  ecclesiastical  canons ;  some  genuine,  others  forged.  The  ear- 
liest collection  of  capitularies  Avas  that  made  by  Ansegis,  Abbot  of 
Fontenelles,  in  827,  to  which  the  work  of  Benedict  formed  a  kind  of 
supplement  (best  ed.  in  Pertz,  Monumenta  Germ.  III.  IV.).  Besides 
these  large  and  general  collections,  some  bishops  published  abstracts 
of  ecclesiastical  canons  for  the  use  of  their  own  dioceses,  several  of 
which  have  been  preserved  under  the  name  of  Capitula  Upiscoporum. 
Of  these,  the  Capitida  Angilramni,  which  were  spuriously  attributed 
to  Angilramnus,  Bishop  of  Metz  {ob.  701),  are  evidently  composed  in 
the  same  spirit  and  for  the  same  purpose  as  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  De- 
cretals. It  is  matter  of  dispute  whether  the  author  of  the  Decretals 
had  borrowed  from  these  Capitula,  or  vice  versa.  Rettberg  has  argued 
—  with  considerable  probability  —  that  both  collections  were  made  by 
the  same  author,  and  that  the  Capitula  were  composed  before  and  upon 
a  different  plan  from  the  Decretals.  In  the  above  class  of  works  we 
also  include  the  Penitential  books  and  the  Instructions  for  clerical  visi- 
tations (§  88,  5). 

2.  The  Forged  Decretals  of  Isidore. — About  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century  a  collection  of  canons  and  decretals  appeared  in  the  Frankish 
Empire,  which  bore  the  venerable  name  of  Isidore,  and  embodied  the 
so-called  Isidoriana,  but  contained,  besides,  also  a  number  of  spurious 
decretals.  This  work  was  composed  of  the  fifty  Canones  Apostt.,  which 
were  followed  by  fifty-nine  forged  decretal  letters,  professedly  written 
by  the  first  thirty  popes  from  Clemens  Romanus  to  Melchiades  [oh. 
314).  Part  Second  contained  genuine  canons  of  synods,  and  Part 
Third  another  series  of  papal  decretals,  dating  from  the  time  of  Syl- 
vester, the  successor  of  Melchiades,  and  extending  to  that  of  Gregory 
II.  [oh.  731),  of  which  thirty-five  are  spurious.  From  their  Frankish 
Latinity,  from  the  numberless  anachronisms  of  the  grossest  kind  which 
occur  in  them,  and  from  the  evident  purpose  throughout  the  work,  we 
cannot  but  conclude  that  all  the  spurious  portions  were  the  production 
of  the  same  person,  probably  of  the  editor  of  this  collection.  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  leading  characteristics  of  the  system  of  Pseudo-Isidore : 
— The  Sacerdotium  which  the  Lord  has  instituted  to  govern  and  judge 
the  world,  is  infinitely  superior  to  the  secular  Imperium.  The  See  of 
St.  Peter  represents  the  unity  and  the  climax  of  this  Sacerdotium.  The 
bishops  stand  in  the  same  relation  towards  the  Pope  as  the  other  apoa- 
tles  occupied  towards  Peter ;  metropolitans  are  only  primi  inter  pares. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  LEGISLATION.        3-11 

As  papal  vicars  in  extensive  countries  "which  had  adopted  the  Gospel 
at  a  later  period,  the  primates  occupy  a  sort  of  intermediate  place  be- 
tween the  Pope  and  bishops  (the  See  of  Mayence  for  Germany).  Pro- 
vincial Synods  cannot  be  held  without  leave  of  the  Pope,  and  their 
decrees  only  become  valid  by  his  confirmation.  All  causce  majores, 
among  them  especially,  all  charges  against  bishops,  can  only  be  decided 
by  the  Pope  himself.  Priests  are  the  "  familiares  Dei"  and  "  spiri- 
tuales  ;"  while  the  laity  are  "  carnales."  Even  a  clerk  may  not  be 
summoned  before  a  secular  tribunal,  far  less  a  bishop  ;  nay,  a  layman 
cannot  even  accuse  a  priest,  while  synods  are  enjoined  to  render  it  as 
difficult  as  possible  to  bring  any  charge  against  a  bishop.  A  bishop 
who  had  already  been  deprived  of  his  see  must  be  completely  reinstated 
before  an  accusation  can  be  received  against  him.  If  the  party  accused 
thinks  that  the  judges  are  inimici  or  suspedi,  he  may  appeal  to  the 
Pope,  even  before  any  investigation  had  actually  commenced.  At  least 
seventy-two  trustworthy  witnesses  are  required  to  substantiate  a  charge, 
etc. — It  was  evidently  the  object  of  this  forgery  to  render  charges  against 
a  bishop  a  matter  of  great  difficulty,  to  prevent  the  condemnation  of  a 
prelate,  or,  at  any  rate,  to  secure  their  immunity  from  punishment,  by 
enabling  them  in  the  last  instance  to  appeal  to  the  Pope.  Everything 
else — even  the  high  claims  made  in  name  of  the  Papal  See — is  merely 
subservient  to  this  object,  or  intended  to  divert  attention.  The  forged 
Decretals  originated  undoubtedly  in  the  Prankish  Empire,  where  they 
seem  to  have  been  in  existence  for  years  before  they  were  known  in 
other  countries,  as  may  be  gathered  from  the  procedures  in  the  case 
of  Rothad  of  Soissons  (comp.  §  83,  1).  It  was  that  prelate  who,  in 
864,  first  brought  the  Decretals  to  Rome.  The  evidence  of  Hincmar, 
and  the  evident  connection  between  them  and  the  Capitularies  of  Bene- 
dict, are  in  favour  of  the  supposition  that  they  were  compiled  at  May- 
ence,—  at  a  time,  we  infer,  when  a  number  of  Prankish  bishops  were 
to  be  accused  and  punished,  or  probably  immediately  before  or  after 
the  Synod  of  Didenhofen  in  835  (|  82,  2).  Knust  (de  fontibus  et  con- 
silio  Ps.  Isidori,  Gcittg.  1832)  has  suggested  that  Benedictus  Levita, 
who  was  the  first  in  his  Capitularies  to  make  practical  use  of  these 
Decretals,  was  the  author  of  the  forgery.  PhiUpps  (K.  Reeht  III.  61) 
lays  the  blame  on  Rothad  of  Soissons;  while  Wasserscldeben  charges 
Olgar,  Archbishop  of  Mayence,  with  the  imposture  (Beitr.  zur  Gesch. 
d.  falsch.  Decret.  Bresl.  1844).  Many  circumstances  combine  to  con- 
firm the  last-mentioned  supposition.  In  the  controversial  tractate 
against  his  nephew,  Hincmar  states  that  Ricidf  [who  occupied  the  See 
of  Mayence  some  time  before  Otgar)  had  brought  this  collection  from 
Spain,  and  given  it  currency  (H.  evidently  mistook  the  spurious  for 
the  genuine  Isidoriana) ;  while  Benedictus  Levita  mentions  that,  in  his 
compilation  of  the  Capitularies,  he  had  made  use  of  certain  documents 
which  Riculf  had  deposited  in  the  archives  of  Mayence,  and  which 
Otgar  had  discovered,  and  lent  him  for  the  composition  of  his  work. 
29* 


342       SECTION    II.  —  FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

(Pi'obaljly  these  were  rough  drafts  made  by  Otgar,  and  which  Benedict 
regarded  as  genuine  documents.)  Besides,  at  that  very  time,  Otgar, 
who  had  taken  a  principal  part  in  the  conspiracy  against  Louis  the 
Pious,  was  in  danger  of  being  called  to  account;  and  the  circumstance 
that  the  primacy  of  Mayence  alone  is  recognized,  thus  fully  compen- 
sating in  the  case  of  his  own  see  for  what  was  taken  from  other  pri- 
mates, tends  to  confirm  our  suspicions.  —  At  the  time,  the  genuineness 
of  the  Decretals  was  not  called  in  question,  even  by  Hincmar,  who 
only  denied  their  validity  so  far  as  the  Frankish  Church  was  concerned, 
and  who,  besides,  was  so  inconsistent  as  to  appeal  to  their  authority, 
in  his  controversy  with  Charles  the  Bald,  at  the  Council  of  Kiersy  in 
857,  though  at  a  later  period  he  designated  them  an  "  opus  a  quoquam 
compilatum  et  confictum.'' — The  Magdeburg  Centuriones  were  the  first 
to  show  that  these  documents  were  a  forgery.  Notwithstanding  their 
exposure,  Tnrrianus,  a  Jesuit  (Flor.  1572),  again  entered  the  lists  in 
defence  of  their  authenticity ;  but  was  so  completely  silenced  by  Dav. 
Blondel  (Ps.  Isidorus  et  Turrianus  vapulantes.  Genev.  1628)  as  to  deter 
any  subsequent  writer  from  taking  up  so  forlorn  a  cause. 


^88.   STATE   OF   INTELLIGENCE,  ECCLESIASTICAL  USAGES 
AND  DISCIPLINE. 

Cr.  H.  B.  Schindler,  der  Aberglaube  d.  M.  A.     Bresl.  1858. 

To  convince  ourselves  how  thoroughly  the  German  mind  could 
enter  into  the  spirit  of  genuine  Christianity,  we  only  require  to 
peruse  the  scanty  specimens  of  religious  poetry  preserved  from 
that  period.  At  first,  indeed,  the  mass  of  the  people  had  only 
made  outward  profession  of  the  new  faith.  Considerable  time 
lapsed  before  it  reached  the  heart  and  leavened  the  life  of  the 
nation.  Accordingly,  a  number  of  tenets  and  superstitions  foreign 
to  Christianity  —  the  remnants  of  former  heathen  views  —  were 
mixed  up  and  almost  formed  part  of  the  religious  life.  This 
tendency  was  fostered  by  some  adventitious  circumstances.  Gre- 
gory the  Great  had  recommended  his  missionaries  not  so  much 
to  wage  a  war  of  extermination  against  heathenism,  and  to 
sweep  away  its  every  trace,  as  rather  to  Christianize  pagan  rites, 
and  to  assign  a  deeper  Christian  meaning  to  heathen  tenets  for- 
merly cherished.  In  practice  the  Church  continued  to  follow 
this  suggestion,  thereby  keeping  alive  not  only  the  memory,  but 
also  the  forms,  of  ancient  misbelief.  Besides,  the  representatives 
of  the  Church  taught  that  the  heathen  deities  formerly  worshipped 
were  real  demons,  and,  as  such,  had  actual  existence.     Hence, 


STATE    OF    INTELLIGENCE;    ETC.  343 

in  popular  belief,  they  were  regarded  as  a  kind  of  dethroned 
powers  who  still  exercised  an  uncontrolled  sway  in  certain  do- 
mains of  nature,  and  whom  it  would  therefore  he  dangerous  to 
offend.  Withal,  the  highly  imaginative  and  poetic  turn  so  pecu- 
liarly characteristic  of  Germans,  their  liking  for  the  mysterious 
and  supernatural,  their  delight  in  speculation,  exercised  its  own 
influence  in  the  same  direction.  The  honours  paid  by  the  Church 
to  saints,  and  even  its  statements  about  the  devil,  opened  to  a 
highly  imaginative  race,  as  it  were,  a  new  range,  and  popular 
belief  soon  peopled  it  with  fantastic  shapes  and  strange  occur- 
rences. The  faithful  were  always  exposed  to  the  vexatious 
enmity  of  demons,  yet  never  so  as  to  place  them  beyond  the 
miraculous  protection  of  angels  and  saints.  The  agency  of  the 
Prince  of  Darkness  himself  was  frequently  brought  into  requisi- 
tion. At  this  period,  however,  the  relation  which  the  devil  and 
his  angels  occupied  towards  man,  was  regarded  as  far  too  serious 
and  solemn  to  favour  the  introduction  of  those  stories  which  cir- 
culated during  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle  Ages,  in  which 
Satan  was  uuiformly  duped,  and  represented  as  an  object  of 
ridicule  and  contempt,  whose  impotent  rage,  as  he  disappeared, 
could  only  find  vent  in  leaving  a  horrid  sulphureous  smell.  —  It 
must  be  admitted  that  the  moral  state  of  the  Germanic  races, 
after  their  adoption  of  Christianity,  was  very  low.  Indeed,  a 
more  glaring  contrast  can  scarcely  be  conceived  than,  for  exam- 
ple, between  the  picture  which  Tacitus  draws  of  ancient  German 
manners  and  morality,  and  the  dreadful  degeneracy  and  brutal 
barbarism  which  Gregory  of  Tours  describes  during  the  Mero- 
vingian period.  But  in  no  instance,  also,  were  it  more  fallacious 
than  in  this  to  reason  :  "  Post  hoc  ergo  propter  hoc."  The  moral 
decay  of  the  German  races  which  took  place  at  the  time  when 
they  made  their  outward  profession  of  Christianity,  depended  on 
circumstances  wholly  distinct  from  their  change  of  faith.  It  was, 
in  fact,  the  consequence  of  that  entire  transformation  of  views  and 
manners  caused  by  the  migration  of  nations.  Having  left  home — 
that  mightiest  bulwark  of  ancestral  manners — occupying  the  fer- 
tile and  opulent  countries  which  they  had  recently  conquered, 
and  there  exposed  to  most  demoralizing  influences  around,  the 
Germans  threw  themselves  into  enjoyments  new  to  them  with  all 
the  avidity  characteristic  of  a  people  which  had  hitherto  been 
unacquainted  with  luxury  and  its  attendant  vices  ;  their  passions, 
once  let  loose,  soon  swept  away  all  the  landmarks  of  decencv  and 
29 


344      SECTION   II. — FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4—9  A.  D.). 

propriety.  In  proof  of  the  correctness  of  this  explanation,  we 
appeal  to  the  fact  that  this  moral  decay  took  place  chiefly  among 
those  races  which  settled  in  countries  where  the  degenerate  Ro- 
mans held  sway  (as  was  the  case  with  the  Franks  in  Gaul,  and 
the  Langobards  in  Italy)  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  moral 
development  of  other  tribes,  such  as  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Germany  Proper,  was  entirely  different  and  much 
more  regular. 

1.  Religious  Education  of  the  People. —  Charlemagne  v^ivs  the  first  to 
conceive  the  idea  of  popular  education,  and  of  the  elevation  of  the 
masses.  It  will  readily  be  understood  that  only  a  small  beginning  of 
this  could  be  made  during  bis  time.  Great  merit  attaches  in  this 
respect  to  Theodiilf,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  who  planted  schools  in  every 
village  throughout  his  diocese.  The  religious  instruction  of  youth  com- 
monly consisted  of  learning  by  heart  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Apostles' 
Creed.  Charlemagne  directed  that  adults — male  or  female — who  were 
deficient  in  this  modicum  of  popular  theology,  should  be  induced  by 
fasts  or  stripes  to  acquire  it.  A  number  of  formulas  still  extant,  dating 
from  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  employed  in  making  abjuration, 
confession  of  faith  or  of  sins,  or  in  orisons,  indicate  the  kind  of  religious 
knowledge  common  among  the  people.  As  further  means  of  popular 
religious  instruction,  we  may  mention  the  frequent  attempts  to  render 
patristic  or  Biblical  books  generally  accessible  by  translating  them  into 
the  vernacular.  Among  German  monasteries,  the  inmates  of  St.  Gall 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  zeal  in  promoting  the  growth  of  a 
national  literature.  Alfred  the  Great  prosecuted  the  same  object  among 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  especially  by  his  own  contributions.  The  latest 
mention  of  Ulfilas's  translation  of  the  Bible  occurs  in  the  ninth  cent., 
after  which  it  seems  for  many  centuries  to  have  remained  unknown. 

2.  Popular  Christian  Poetry . — This  species  of  composition  first  appeared 
at  the  close  of  the  seventh,  and  continued  to  be  cultivated  till  late  in 
the  ninth  cent.,  especially  in  England  and  Germany.  A  considerable 
number  of  Biblical  poems  of  great  merit,  on  subjects  connected  with 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  have  been  preserved,  which  are  ascribed 
to  the  peii  of  Cccdmon,  a  Northumbrian  [ob.  680).  Even  more  interest- 
ing is  the  Anglo-Saxon  epos,  entitled  the  Heliand,  dating  from  the  time 
of  Louis  the  Pious, — the  first  and  only  Christian  poem  on  the  Messiah, 
worthy  its  glorious  subject,  popular  yet  perfect  in  construction,  simple 
and  elevated  in  its  conception — in  short,  deep  and  genuine  Christianity 
presented  in  a  Teutonic  form.  The  "Krist"  of  Offried  (a  monk  at 
Weissenburg,  about  860)  is  a  comparatively  inferior  production.  It 
was,  indeed,  the  great  aim  of  tliis  author,  as  it  had  been  that  of  the 
Saxon  poet  —  to  use  Otfried's  expression —  "  thaz  wir  Kriste  sungen  in 
unsere  Zungen"  (to  raise  Christ's  song  in  our  own  tongue)  ;  but  the 
poetry  of  the  monk  bears  the  same  relation  to  that  of  the  Saxon,  "  as 


STATE    OF    INTELLIGENCE,     ETC.  345 

the  hymn  of  the  lark  under  the  broad  sunlit  canopy  of  heaven  to  the 
artificial  melody  of  the  bird  confined  to  its  cage."  To  the  same  class 
of  compositions  belong  two  other  pieces,  the  so-called  Wessohrunn  Prayer, 
of  which  the  first  and  poetic  portion  is  probably  a  fragment  of  a  larger 
poem  intended  to  celebrate  creation,  and  what  is  known  by  the  name 
of  Miispilli;  and  a  poem  in  high  German,  treating  of  the  end  of  the 
world  and  the  last  judgment,  of  which,  unfortunately,  only  a  fragment, 
unrivalled  in  depth  and  pathos,  has  been  preserved. 

3.  Social  State.  —  The  high  position  which  looman  had  always  occu- 
pied among  the  ancient  Germans  (|  75,  2)  prevented  the  spread  of  those 
degrading  views,  both  of  her  sex  and  of  the  married  relationship,  which 
in  great  measure  were  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  spurious 
asceticism  of  churchmen.  The  Church  attached  special  merit  to  com- 
plete abstinence  from  conjugal  intercourse,  which,  indeed,  was  entirely 
prohibited  during  the  three  seasons  of  Quadragesima,  on  feast-days, 
and  on  the  "  dies  stationis"  (Wednesday,  Friday,  Saturday,  and  Sun- 
day). Second  marriages  were  stigmatized  as  incontinence,  and  had  to 
be  expiated  by  temporary  penance.  The  laws  regulating  divorce  wei-e, 
however,  still  somewhat  lax,  and  only  in  exceptional  cases  were  persons 
divorced  prevented  from  again  marrying.  Intermarriage  with  Heathen, 
Jews,  and  Arians  was  strictly  prohibited.  But  the  stringent  regula- 
tions about  impediments  to  marriage  arising  from  affinity  (§  61)  were 
more  distasteful  to  the  Germans  than  probably  any  other  ordinance  of 
the  Church.  Such  unions,  especially  that  with  a  brother's  widow,  had 
formerly  been  regarded  in  popular  estimation  as  a  kind  of  duty.  — 
The  national  customs  and  laws  connected  with  property  rendered  it 
impossible  for  the  Church  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  serfdom; 
indeed,  monasteries  and  churches,  in  virtue  of  their  large  territorial 
possessions,  owned  a  considerable  number  of  serfs.  But  the  Church 
always  insisted  on  the  fact,  that  masters  and  servants  occupied  exactly 
the  same  place  in  a  moral  and  religious  point  of  view ;  it  extolled  the 
manumission  of  slaves  as  occupying  the  first  rank  in  the  scale  of  good 
works,  and  ever  threw  the  shield  of  its  protection  around  those  who 
were  oppressed  by  harsh  masters. — Theca?-e  of  the  poor  was  considered 
one  of  the  great  concerns  of  the  Church,  from  which  even  avaricious 
and  unfeeling  bishops  could  not  withdraw  themselves.  If  circumstances 
at  all  allowed  it,  every  church  had  its  own  special  buildings,  in  which 
the  poor,  the  sick,  widows  and  orphans,  were  supported  or  entertained. 

4.  Administration  of  Justice. — The  practice  of  taking  ^jri"wa/ei'ert^ea?jce 
was  common  among  the  German  races.  Some  bounds,  however,  were 
set  to  this  abuse,  by  fixing  by  law  the  comjjosition  or  atonement  to  be 
paid  for  every  injury  (the  WeregiJd).  From  aversion  to  inflicting 
capital  punishment,  the  Church  readily  fell  in  with  this  custom.  A 
solemn  oath,  and  the  so-called  judgment  of  God,  were  the  means 
adopted  for  leading  judicial   proof.     Only  a  freeman  who  had   not 


346   SECTION  II. —  FIRST  PERIOD  (CENT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

previously  been  convicted  of  crime  Avas  allowed  to  take  the  oath  of  pur- 
gation ;  a  husband  might  take  it  for  his  wife,  a  father  for  his  children, 
or  a  master  for  his  slave.  Along  with  the  person  accused,  his  relatives, 
friends,  and  neighbours  appeared  as  compurgators  (conjuratores)  to 
take  the  oath.  Although  they  repeated  the  same  formula  as  the  party 
impeached,  their  oath  was  only  intended  as  a  personal  guarantee  for 
the  truthfulness  and  honour  of  the  accused.  If,  from  any  circum- 
stance, this  oath  of  purgation  could  not  be  taken,  if  there  were  no 
compurgators,  or  if  other  means  of  probation  were  awanting,  resort 
was  had  to  the  Judgment  of  God  (Ordale).  This  was  ascertained  — 
1.  By  judicial  combat,  which  owed  its  origin  to  the  old  popular  belief: 
"  Deum  adesse  bellantibus."  Only  a  freeman  could  demand  this  mode 
of  trial.  Old  persons,  women,  children,  and  clerks  might  be  repre- 
sented by  a  proper  substitute.  2.  By  various  exiyerirnents  with  Jire, 
such  as  holding  the  hand  for  some  time  in  the  fire,  walking  over  a 
burning  pile  with  no  other  dress  on  than  a  shirt,  carrying  a  red-hot 
iron  with  the  naked  hand  for  nine  paces,  or  walking  barefoot  over  nine 
or  twelve  burning  ploughshares.  3.  By  one  of  two  experiments  with 
water.  The  accused  person  had  to  fetch,  with  his  naked  arm,  a  ring 
or  a  stone  out  of  a  cauldron  filled  with  boiling  water  ;  or  he  was  thrown 
into  the  water  with  a  rope  round  his  body.  If  he  sank,  he  was  de- 
clared to  have  proved  his  innocence.  4.  By  the  experiment  of  the  cross. 
Each  party  stood  before  the  cross  with  arms  expanded ;  and  the  person 
who  first  became  weary,  and  allowed  his  hands  to  droop,  lost  the  cause. 
5.  By  the  exjjeriment  with  the  Eucharist,  specially  in  disputes  among 
ecclesiastics.  It  was  thought  that  the  guilty  party  would  soon  after- 
wards be  struck  by  some  manifestation  of  the  Divine  displeasure.  The 
laity  underwent  the  experiment  with  the  consecrated  morsel  (judicium 
offoe),  which  the  party  impeached  had  to  swallow  at  mass.  6.  By  the 
so-called  "judicium,  feretri."  The  accused  touched  the  wounds  of  the 
person  murdered  ;  if  blood  flowed  from  them,  or  foam  from  his  mouth, 
it  was  held  to  establish  guilt.  —  The  im^^licit  credence  which  the 
Church  attached  to  so  many  legendary  miracles,  sprung  from  the  same 
tendency  which  gave  rise  to  these  ordeals.  It  was,  therefore,  mani- 
festly impossible  for  churchmen  to  combat  such  superstitions  ;  at  most, 
they  could  object  to  the  pagan  rites  so  frequently  connected  with  them. 
But  by  sanctioning  and  regulating  these  trials,  the  Church  no  doubt 
contributed  not  a  little  to  diminish  the  evils  attendant  upon  them. 
Agobard  of  Lyons  {ob.  840)  was  the  first  to  denounce  these  practices 
as  damnable  superstitions.  After  that,  the  See  of  Rome  also  (since 
the  pontificate  of  Nicholas  I.)  uniformly  condemned  every  kind  of 
appeal  to  the  "judgment  of  God." — Among  the  different  kinds  of  peace 
{i.  e.,  immunity  of  person,  property,  ofiice,  and  duty),  next  to  the  peace 
of  the  King,  that  of  the  Church  was  most  respected.  For  injuries  to 
ecclesiastical  personages  and  property,  or  offences  committed  in  conse- 
crated places,  a  threefold  compensation  was  exacted.     A  bishop  was 


STATE    OF    INTELLIGENCE,    ETC.  347 

regarded  as  equal  to  a  duke,  and  a  common  priest  to  a  count. —  (Comp. 
also  Robertson,  Charles  V.,  First  Section,  and  Notes  21,  22.) 

5.  Ecclesiastical  Discijjline  and  Penances.  —  In  Germany,  the  State 
fully  recognized  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church  and  its  right  to  inflict 
punishment,  so  that  an  offence  was  considered  expiated  only  when, 
besides  the  requirements  of  the  secular,  those  of  the  ecclesiastical  tri- 
bunal also  had  been  satisfied.  This  gave  rise  to  a  system  of  regular 
episcopal  visitations,  called  Sends  (Synodus,  from  send?),  which  came 
into  use  during  the  reign  of  Charlemagne.  The  bishop  was  every  year 
to  visit  the  Avhole  of  his  diocese,  accompanied  by  a  royal  Missus,  and, 
with  the  aid  of  bailiffs  specially  selected  (from  every  congregation) 
and  sworn,  to  institute  a  searching  inquiry  into  the  moral  and  religious 
state  of  every  parish,  and  to  punish  the  sins  or  misdemeanors  brought 
to  light.  Botli  Regino  of  Pvuni  and  Hincmur  of  Rheims  composed 
instructions  for  conducting  those  visitations.  —  The  State  also  lent  its 
sanction  and  force  to  the  sentences  of  ecclesiastical  excommunication, 
Pepin  enjoined  that  those  who  had  been  excommunicated  should  not 
enter  a  church,  and  prohibited  Christians  from  eating  and  drinking 
with,  or  even  saluting  such  persons.  The  public  exercise  of  discipline 
was  repugnant  to  German  notions  of  propriety,  and  the  Church 
generally  yielded  in  this  matter  to  popular  feeling.  The  numerous 
Penitential  books  which  date  from  this  period,  gave  ample  direction 
about  the  administration  of  discipline,  and  adopting  the  custom  of 
judicial  compensations,  prescribed  certain  fines  for  every  conceivable 
kind  of  offence.  Wassersclileben  has  collected  and  edited  all  the  docu- 
ments of  this  character  still  extant  ("The  Penitential  Books  of  the 
Western  Church,  with  Hist.  Introd."  Ilalle  1851).  They  appear  to 
have  been  generally  constructed  after  the  penitential  order  of  Theodore, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Manifestly,  the  fundamental  idea  of  these 
arrangements  implied  an  entire  misunderstanding  of  Christian  disci- 
pline ;  and  tlieir  frequent  contradictions,  their  confusedness  and  arbi- 
trary regulations,  led  to  very  sad  consequences.  Even  the  rendering 
of  the  term 2)oenitentia  by  "penance,"  i.e.,  compensation,  shows  how 
superficial  Avere  the  views  entertained  by  the  Church  on  this  important 
subject.  Thus  in  the  Penitential  books,  "poenitere"  is  represented  as 
entirely  identical  with  "jejunare."  But  if  the  idea  of  poenitentia  once 
resolved  itself  into  merely  external  acts,  the  penance  of  fasting  might 
readily  give  place  to  other  spiritual  exercises.  Again,  if  it  was  only 
requisite  by  some  penance  to  make  compensation  for  sins  committed, 
the  services  of  another  might  fairly  be  employed  as  a  substitute  for 
those  of  the  guilty  person.  Accordingly,  a  system  of  redemption  was 
gradually  introduced,  which  involved  utter  disregard  of  all  moral 
earnestness  on  the  part  of  penitents.  Thus,  for  example,  the  peniten- 
tial books  indicate  how  a  rich  man  might,  by  hiring  a  sufiicient  number 
of  persons  to  fast  in  his  stead,  in  three  days  go  through  a  course  of  seven 
years*  penance,  without  incurring  any  nersonal  trouble.  This  moral 
29* 


348      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (C  EN  T.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

decay  led  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  to  determined  opposition 
against  penitential  books,  and  the  dangerous  principles  involved  in  their 
arrangement.  The  reaction  commenced  in  Britain  at  the  Council  of 
Cloveshove  in  747,  and  soon  spread  to  the  Continent,  vrhere  it  found 
vent  at  the  Synods  of  Chalons  in  813,  of  Paris  in  829,  and  of  Mayence 
in  847.  The  council  of  Paris  ordered  all  penitential  books  to  be  de- 
livered up  and  burnt.  But  their  use  was  still  retained. — At  this  period, 
confession  was  not  yet  regarded  as  incumbent  on  the  faithful  generally. 
In  theory  at  least,  it  was  still  held  that  it  sufficed  to  confess  to  God 
alone.  But  already  the  custom  of  confessing  once  a  year — during 
Easter  Quadragesima  —  seems  to  have  been  so  general,  that  its  omis- 
sison  was  severely  reprimanded  at  episcopal  visitations.  The  formula 
of  absolution  adopted  was  only  of  a  deprecatory,  not  of  a  judicial 
character. 

§  89.   PUBLIC   WORSHIP  AND   THE   FINE   ARTS. 

So  long  as  Arianism  remained  the  creed  of  Germany,  the 
services  of  the  Church  were  no  doubt  conducted  in  the  veymacit- 
lar.  But  when  these  races  joined  the  Catholic  Church,  Latin 
became  the  ecclesiastical  language.  Among  the  tribes  which 
were  converted  to  Christianity  by  Catholic  missionaries,  the  use 
of  Latin  in  the  public  services  had  from  the  first  been  intro- 
duced. The  Slavonians  alone  were  allowed  to  worship  in  their 
own  language  (§  79,  1).  — As  the  language,  so  also  the  liturgy 
of  Rome  was  everywhere  enforced,  except  within  the  diocese  of 
Milan  and  in  the  Spanish  Church.  When  Pejnn  entered  into 
negotiations  with  the  Papacy,  lie  consented  to  have  the  forms 
of  worship  common  among  the  Franks  altered  to  suit  the  Romish 
model  (745).  For  the  same  purpose  Hadrian  I.  furnished 
ChoTlemagne  with  a  Romish  Sacramentarium,  and  that  monarch 
insisted  on  having  the  desired  uniformity  carried  out.  At  first 
sight,  it  may  appear  strange  that  the  peculiar  characteristics  of 
the  German  mind  should  not  have  expressed  themselves  in  corre- 
sponding modifications  in  the  services  of  the  Church.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  Romish  ritual,  when  imported  into 
Germany,  was  not  only  in  itself  complete,  but  so  constituted  as 
scarcely  to  admit  improvements  of  a  fundamental  character  ;  and 
that,  besides,  the  vernacular  was  excluded  from  the  Liturgy,  and 
the  people  really  took  no  active  part  in  the  services.  Where, 
as  in  this  case,  so  much  depends  on  the  choice  of  expressions, 
the  national  mind  could  not  find  full  or  free  utterance  so  long  as 
the  use  of  a  foreign  idiom  was  enforced. 


PUBLIC    WORSHIP    AND    THE    FINE    ARTS.       349 

1.  Liturgy  and  Preachmg. —  Besides  the  Roman  or  Gregorian,  other 
liturgies  were  in  use  ;  differing  from  it  in  some  respects.  Such  was 
the  attachment  both  of  the  people  and  clergy  of  Milan  to  their  old 
Amhrosian  Liturgy,  that  even  Charlemagne  was  not  strong  enough  to 
displace  it ;  and  to  this  day  has  Milan  preserved  its  possession  of  this 
relic.  Not  less  tenacious  were  the  Spaniards  in  their  adherence  to 
their  national  or  so-called  Mozarabic  Liturgy  (|  81,  1).  In  several 
points  it  resembled  the  Eastern  liturgies ;  after  having  been  recast  and 
enlarged  by  Leander  and  Isidore  of  Seville,  it  was  adopted  throughout 
the  Spanish  Church  by  the  national  Synod  of  Toledo  in  633.  This 
similarity  to  Eastern  liturgies  is  also  noticeable  in  some  of  the  older 
Gallican  liturgies,  before  the  time  of  the  Carolingians.  —  Throughout 
the  West,  the  Sermon  always  occupied  a  comparatively  subordinate 
place  in  public  worship.  The  intellectual  decay  subsequent  on  the 
migration  of  nations,  almost  banished  it  entirely  from  the  services  of 
the  Church.  But  when,  in  the  seventh  century,  the  Latin  Church 
addressed  itself  to  missionary  work,  the  great  importance  of  this  means 
of  diffusing  the  truth  was  deeply  felt.  Few,  however,  of  the  clergy 
were  capable  of  composing  sermons.  Charlemagne  therefore  com- 
missioned Paulas  Diaconus  (§90,  3),  in  782,  to  collect  from  tha 
writings  of  the  Fathers  a  (Latin)  Homiliarium  for  Sundays  and  feast- 
days,  to  serve  as  a  model  for  similar  compositions,  or,  where  this  could 
not  be  expected,  to  be  read  to  the  people  either  in  the  original  or  in 
translation.  Of  course  the  missionaries  preached  in  the  vernacular ; 
in  established  congregations  the  sermon  was  mostly  delivered  in  Latin. 
But  Charlemagne  and  the  synods  of  his  time  enjoined  preaching, 
either  in  German  or  in  the  Romanic.  (Comp.  also  Johnson,  English 
Canons;  Maskell,  Ancient  Liturgy.) 

2.  (Cf.  Hoffmann  v.  Fallerschl.  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Kirchenlieds  bis 
auf  Luther.  2  Aufl.  Ilann.  1854. — A.  ScJinhiger,  d.  Sangerschule  St. 
Galleus.  Einfied.  1859.) — According  to  the  rule  laid  down  by  Gregory, 
the  chanting  in  churches  was  performed  by  the  clergy.  The  ordinance 
of  Charlemagne,  that  the  people  should  at  least  take  part  in  singing 
the  "Gloria"  and  the  Sanctus,"  was  not  obeyed.  Between  the 
seventh  and  the  ninth  centuries  flourished  a  number  of  Latin  hymn- 
writers,  among  whom  we  specially  mention  Beda  Venerahilis,  Paul 
Warnefried,  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  Alctiin,  and  Babanus  Matirus.  The 
beautiful  hymn  for  Pentecost,  "  Veni  creator  Spiritus,"  is  commonly 
ascribed  to  Charlemagne  himself.  Instead  of  following,  as  formerly, 
the  tone  and  style  of  the  classics,  the  religious  compositions  of  that 
age  became  gradually  more  German  and  Christian  in  their  spirit, 
being  characterized  by  deep  simplicity  and  genuine  feeling.  Towards 
the  close  of  this  period  a  considerable  impulse  was  given  to  this  species 
of  compositions  by  the  adoption  of  what  were  called  sequences 
(sequentige)  into  the  service  of  the  Mass.  Instead  of  the  long  series 
of  notes  without  words  —  intended  to  indicate  that  the  feelings  were 

30 


350      SECTION   II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (C  E  NT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

too  strong  for  expression  (hence  the  term  Jiibili)  —  which  formerly  had 
followed  upon  the  Hallelujah  of  the  Mass,  suitable  rhythmical  language 
in  Latin  prose  was  adopted,  which  by  and  by  was  cast  into  metre, 
rhyme,  and  stanzas.  Kotker  Balhuhis,  a  monk  of  St.  Gall  [oh.  912), 
was  the  first  distinguished  writer  of  sequences.  —  The  only  part  which 
the  people  were  allowed  to  take  in  the  services  of  the  Church  was  to 
sing,  or  rather  to  shout,  the  "  Kyrie  Eleison"  in  the  Litany,  and  that 
only  at  extraordinary  seasons,  such  as  processions,  pilgrimages,  the 
transportation  of  relics,  funerals,  the  consecration  of  churches,  and 
other  similar  occasions.  In  Germany,  during  the  second  half  of  the 
ninth  century,  short  verses  in  the  vernacular  were  introduced  at  such 
times  —  the  Kyrie  Eleison  forming  the  refrain  of  every  stanza.  This 
was  the  humble  commencement  of  German  liymnology.  The  only 
monument  of  this  kind  of  poetry  still  extant  from  that  period  is  a 
hymn  in  honour  of  St.  Peter,  composed  in  the  old  high  German  dialect. 
—  The  Ambrosian  chant  (|  59,  3)  had  entirely  given  place  to  the 
Gregorian  (the  so-called  Cantus  firmus  or  choralis).  When  Stephen 
IL  visited  France  in  754,  Pepia  ordered  that  the  Romish  chant  should 
be  universally  adopted.  To  this  injunction  Cliarlemagne  gave  general 
effect  throughout  the  West,  by  entirely  abolishing  the  Gregorian  chant, 
by  instituting  excellent  singing-schools  at  Metz,  Soissons,  Orleans, 
Paris,  Lyons,  and  in  other  places,  over  which  he  placed  musicians  sent 
from  Rome  for  the  special  purpose,  and  by  introducing  music  as  a 
branch  of  education  in  all  the  higher  schools  throughout  the  Empire. 
The  first  organ  brought  to  France  was  that  which  the  Byzantine 
Emperor  Copronymus  presented  to  Pepin  in  757.  A  second  organ  was 
given  to  Charlemagne  by  the  Emperor  Michael  I.  and  placed  in  the 
church  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  After  that  it  was  gradually  introduced 
throughout  the  Church.  But  these  instruments  were  still  very  imper- 
fect ;  they  had  only  from  nine  to  twelve  notes,  and  the  keys  were  so 
ill  constructed  that  they  required  to  be  struck  with  the  fist. 

3.  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass.  —  The  idea  of  a  sacrifice  attaching  to 
the  Eucharist,  which  led  to  the  celebration  of  masses  for  the  benefit 
of  the  dead  (|  58,  3),  i.  e.,  for  alleviating  and  shortening  the  torments 
of  purgatory,  was  gradually  developed  and  applied  to  other  purposes. 
Thus  private  masses  were  celebrated  for  the  success  of  any  under- 
taking, as  for  the  restoration  of  a  sick  person,  for  favourable  weather, 
etc.  This  increase  of  masses  was  somewhat  limited  by  the  enactment, 
that  only  one  mass  might  be  celebrated  at  the  same  altar  and  by  the 
same  priest  in  one  day.  The  desire  to  secure  as  many  masses  as 
possible  after  death,  gave  rise  to  associations  of  churches  and  monas- 
teries on  the  principle  that  a  certain  number  of  masses  should  be  said 
in  all  these  churches  and  monasteries  for  every  member  of  the  asso- 
ciation that  died.  The  idea  of  such  fraternities  —  into  which,  by 
special  favour,  kings,  princes,  and  lords  were  sometimes  received  — 
seems  to  have  originated  with  St.  Boniface. 


PUBLIC    AVOESHIP    AND    THE    FINE    ARTS.        351 

4.  Among  the  Germans  the  worship  of  saints  was  in  groat  repute, 
especially  as  thoy  served  as  substitutes  for  the  displaced  deities  of 
former  days.  Far  above  the  other  saints  towered  in  popular  esteem 
the  Mother  of  God,  the  fair  and  gracious  Queen  of  Heaven  —  the  full 
ideal  of  woman,  that  object  of  ancient  veneration  among  the  Germans. 
Partly  from  the  want  of  artistic  accomplishments,  and  partly  from 
national  dislike,  the  worship  paid  to  images  was  little  in  vogue  in  the 
German  Church.  Indeed,  during  the  time  of  the  Carolingians,  the 
Frankish  Church  formally  protested  against  such  services  (^  92,  1). 
But  all  the  greater  was  the  zeal  displayed  in  the  worshh'  of  relics, 
in  which  the  saint  reappeared,  as  it  were,  in  concrete  and  l)odily  form. 
Innumerable  relics  existed  in  the  West,  supplied  partly  from  the  inex- 
haustible treasury  at  Rome,  and  partly  from  tiie  band  of  zealous  mis- 
sionary martyrs,  from  the  solitudes  of  hermits,  or  even  from  monasteries 
and  episcopal  sees.  The  bones  of  these  saints  were  the  objects  of  en- 
thusiastic veneration.  When  a  church  or  a  monastery  acquired  a  new 
relic,  the  whole  country  rejoiced  in  the  accession  ;  the  concourse  of 
multitudes,  and  an  alnmdant  harvest  in  the  shape  of  donations  by  the 
pious,  attended  the  deposition  of  the  prized  memorial  in  the  crypt  of 
the  sanctuary.  In  the  ninth  century  the  Frankish  monastery  of  Cen- 
tula  boasted  of  a  large  quantity  of  such  relics;  among  them,  memorials 
from  the  grave  of  the  Innocents  at  Bethlehem,  part  of  the  milk  of  the 
Virgin,  of  the  beard  of  St.  Peter,  of  his  casula,  of  the  Orarium  of  St. 
Paul,  nay,  even  of  the  wood  with  which  Peter  was  about  to  construct 
the  three  tabernacles  on  Mount  Tabor.  —  Among  the  Germans,  and 
especially  the  Anglo-Saxons,  who  were  so  fond  of  travelling,  the  prac- 
tice OF  MAKING  pilgri.vages  was  vcry  general.  The  favourite  places 
for  such  devotions  Avere  the  tombs  of  the  princes  of  the  apostles  at 
Home,  the  grave  of  St.  IMartin  at  Tours,  and,  towards  the  close  of  this 
period,  that  of  St.  Jago  de  Compostella  (Jacobus  Apostolus  the  Elder, 
the  supposed  founder  of  the  Spanish  Church,  whose  bones  were  disco- 
vered by  Alphonse  the  Chaste).  But  the  demoralizing  influences 
attendant  on  these  pilgrimages,  wliicli  formed  subject  of  complaint 
even  in  older  times,  wore  painfully  felt.  Accordingly,  St.  Boniface 
insisted  that  his  countrywomen  should  be  prohibited  joining  them, 
since  they  only  served  to  provide  loose  women  for  the  towns  of  Gaul 
and  Italy.  —  The  idea  of  patron  angels  proved  specially  attractive  to 
the  Germans.  More  particularly  did  they  accord  their  sympathies  to 
Michael,  the  warrior  Archangel,  who  had  defeated  the  great  dragon. 

5,  Ecclesiastical  Seasons  and  Places.  —  Besides  the  Easter  Quadra- 
gesima, another  was  introduced  after  Pentecost,  and  a  third  before 
Christmas.  The  ecclesiastical  year  now  commenced  at  Christmas, 
instead  of  Easter.  In  the  ninth  century,  the  Feast  oi  All-Saiiils  (?  57, 
1),  which  at  first  had  been  only  celebrated  at  Rome,  was  observed 
throughout  the  Church. —  In  consequence  of  the  number  of  relics  and 
the  increase  of  masses,  additional  altars  were  erected  in  the  churches. 


352      SECTION   II. — FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

Charlemagne  enjoined  them  to  be  limited  to  the  number  actually  re- 
quired. The  HIGH  ALTAR  stood  unsupjiorted  in  the  centre  of  the  niche 
in  the  choir.  The  other  altars  were  either  placed  in  juxtaposition  or 
supported  by  pillars.  Pulpits  and  confessionals  had  not  yet  been  in- 
troduced into  churches.  Special  baptistries  adjoined  those  churches  in 
■which  the  sacred  rite  -was  administered  (§  84,  2).  But  when  this  privi- 
lege was  extended  to  all  churches,  a  baptismal  font  was  placed  at  the 
left  side  of  the  principal  entrance,  or  at  the  point  where  the  nave  was 
crossed  by  the  transept.  This  change  contributed  to  the  general  intro- 
duction of  the  practice  of  sprinkling  instead  of  immersion  in  baptism. 
Bells  and  ioivers  were  common  ;  the  latter  stood  at  first  by  themselves, 
but  since  the  time  of  Charlemagne  they  were  connected  with  the  main 
building.  Charlemagne  prohibited  the  christening  of  bells,  but  the 
practice  still  continued. 

6.  During  the  domination  of  the  Ostrogoths,  the  Fine  Arts  were 
chiefly  cultivated  on  the  other  side,  during  that  of  the  Carolingians  on 
this  side,  the  Alps.  On  the  British  Isle  also,  considerable  attention 
was  paid  to  their  cultivation.  The  German  monasteries  of  St.  Gall 
and  Fulda  bore,  in  the  ninth  century,  the  palm  in  artistic  taste.  Thus 
Tutilo,  a  monk  of  St.  Gall  [ob.  912),  was  greatly  distinguished  as  an 
architect,  painter,  sculptor,  poet,  and  general  savant.  The  old  Roman 
Basilica  still  formed  the  model  for  ecclesiastical  architecture.  At  Ra- 
venna— the  Byzantium  of  Italy — some  splendid  churches  were  built  in 
the  Byzantine  style  during  the  domination  of  the  Goths.  Einhard  was 
the  favourite  architect  of  Charlemagne.  Among  the  various  churches 
built  by  that  monarch,  the  Munster  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  constructed 
after  the  model  of  these  Ravenna  churches,  is  the  most  beautiful. 
Being  intended  to  serve  as  royal  chapel,  it  was  connected  with  the 
palace  by  a  colonnade.  For  the  same  reason,  it  was  originally  of  mode- 
rate size  ;  but  being  also  used  for  coronations,  it  was  enlarged  in  1355 
by  the  addition  of  the  grand  principal  choir,  in  the  Gothic  style.  The 
ceremonies  of  the  Church  tended  to  the  promotion  of  the  plastic  arts, 
as  costly  shrines  were  required  for  relics ;  and  the  crucifixes,  candle- 
sticks, ciboria,  censers,  and  other  vessels,  called  forth  the  skill  of  artists. 
The  liturgical  books  were  covered  with  boards  elaborately  carved,  and 
the  doors  of  churches,  the  stalls  of  bishops,  reading-desks,  and  bap- 
tismal fonts  adorned  with  decorations  in  relief.  Among  the  various 
kinds  of  pictorial  representations,  miniature  painting  was  employed  in 
adorning  copies  of  ecclesiastical  books. —  (Comp.  G.  Kinhcl,  Gesch.  d. 
bildenden  Klinste.  I.  Bonn  1845. — E.  Forster,  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Kunst. 
Leips.  1851-55,  3  A^ols.) 


SCIENCE    AND    THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.       353 

I  90.    STATE   OF   SCIENCE  AND  OP  THEOLOGICAL  LITE- 
RATURE. 

CoMP.  /.  C.  F.  Bdhr,  Gesch.  d.  roni.  Liter,  im  karollng.  Zeitalter. 
Karlsr.  1840. 

So  long  as  Arianisra  continued  the  creed  of  the  German  races, 
independent  scientific  pursuits  seem  not  to  have  been  followed, 
with  the  exception  of  those  of  Ulfilas.  But  Theodoric,  the 
generous  monarch  of  the  Ostrogoths,  patronized  and  distin- 
guished the  representatives  of  ancient  Roman  literature.  Among 
them  Boelhius  and  Gassiodorus  have  the  merit  of  preserving  the 
i-emnants  of  classical  and  patristic  learning  in  Italy.  A  similar 
service  Isidore  of  Seville  {oh.  636)  performed  for  Spain,  and  his 
works  were  for  centuries  used  also  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Pyrenees  as  text-books  and  guides  for  students.  The  numerous 
inonasteries  of  Scotland  and  Ireland  were,  till  late  in  the  ninth 
century,  equally  famed  for  the  extensive  learning  and  the  deep 
piety  of  their  inmates.  The  learned  Greek  monk,  Theodore  of 
Tarsus,  whom  the  Pope  elevated  to  the  archiepiscopal  See  of 
Canterbury  {oh.  690),  and  his  companion  Hadrian,  awakened 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons  an  ardent  zeal  for  the  prosecution  of 
learned  investigations,  while  Beda  Venerabilis,  though  he  never 
left  his  monastery,  was  regarded,  throughout  the  Western  Church, 
as  a  leading  authority.  For  a  time  the  Northmen  pirates  swept 
away  the  traces  of  this  high  civilization,  till  Alfred  the  Oreat 
(8*ri  to  901)  again  restored  it.  This  monarch,  equally  great  in 
peace  and  in  war,  distinguished  as  a  general,  a  statesman,  and  a 
legislator,  and  renowned  both  as  a  poet  and  prose  writer,  raised 
the  literature  of  his  country  to  a  height  never  before  attained — 
though,  unfortunately,  only  for  a  time.  In  Gaul,  Gregory  of 
Tours  (ob.  595)  was  the  last  representative  of  Roman  ecclesi- 
astical lore.  After  him  came  that  chaos  which  only  under  the 
reign  of  Charlemagne  (768  to  814)  gave  place  to  a  new  day,  of 
which  the  light  shone  throughout  the  West.  The  encourage- 
ment which  that  monarch  gave  to  literature  dates  from  the  period 
of  his  first  visit  to  Italy,  in  774.  There  he  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  such  men  as  Petrus  of  Pisa,  Paul  Warnefried,  Paulinus 
of  Aquileja,  and  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  whom  he  attached  to  his 
court.  From  the  year  782,  Alcuin,  an  Anglo-Saxon  "  Levite," 
was  the  leading  spirit  at  the  Frankish  court.  Charlemagne  had 
30*  X 


B54      SECTION   II. —  FIRST   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

made  liis   acquaintance  the  year  before   in  Italy.     Study  now 
became  one  of  the  main  pursuits,  which  even  the  royal  family, 
the  court,  and  all  connected  with  it,  encouraged  or  followed ;  but 
among  these  noble  scholars,  Charlemagne  himself  was  the  most 
zealous  and  docile  pupil  of  Alcuin.     At  the  court  school  (schola 
palatina\  which,  like  the  court  itself,  was  migratory,  the  sons 
and  daughters  of  the  king  received,  along  with  the  children  of 
the  noblest  families  in  the  empire,  a  liberal  education.     From 
England,  Ireland,  and  Italy,  continual  additions  were  made  to 
the   staff  of  teachers    employed  in   it.      At  last   Charlemagne 
issued,  in  787,  a  circular  letter  addressed  to  all  the  bishops  and 
abbots  of  his  empire,  in  which,  under  pain  of  his  royal  displea- 
sure, he  commanded  that  schools  should  be  attached  to  all  mon- 
asteries and  cathedral  churches.     And,  in  truth,  the  result  of 
these  measures  was  most  encouraging,  although  as  yet  the  course 
of  study  was  limited  to  the  acquisition  of  classical  or  patristic 
lore,  to  the  neglect  of  anything  like  national  literature.     The 
great,  the  liberal,  and  patriotic  mind  of  Charlemagne  perceived, 
indeed,  the  importance  of  encouraging  the  growth  of  a  national 
literature ;  but,  with  the  exception  of  Paul  Warnefried,  his  other 
learned  advisers  had  lost  every  sympathy  with  the  spirit,  the 
language,  and  the  nationality  of  Germany.     They  even  regarded 
such  studies  as  endangering  Christianity  and  encouraging  the 
spread    of  former  heathen  notions  ;    hence  their  influence  was 
rather  in  the  way  of  discouraging  these  views  of  their  monarch. 
—  The  weak  administration  of  Louis  the  Pious  (814  to  840), 
disturbed  as  it  was  by  party  fights  and  civil  wars,  was  far  from 
favourable  to  the  promotion  of  science  ;  but  as  yet  the  fruits  of 
his  father's  labours  had  not  disappeared.    Lothair,  his  son,  issued 
an  edict  by  which   the   scholastic   arrangements   of  Italy  were 
entirely  reorganized,  and    indeed  completely  remodelled.      But 
that  country,  with  its  factions  and  tumults,  was  not  the  place 
where  such  institutions  could  for  any  length  of  time  prosper.    It 
was  otherwise  in  France,  where,  under  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Bald  (840-877),  a  new  period  was  inaugurated.     At  his  court, 
as   at  that  of  his  grandfather,  the  choice   spirits   of  the  West 
gathered  ;  under  the  guidance  of  Johannes  Erigena,  a  Scotch- 
man, the  high-school  rose  rapidly;  the  cathedral  and  monastic 
schools  of  France  emulated  the  most  celebrated  institutions  of 
Germany  (such  as  St.  Gall,  Fulda,  Reichenau,  etc.);  and  the 
French  sees  were  occupied  by  men  of  the  most  extensive  learn- 


SCIENCE    AND    THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.       355 

ing.  But  after  the  death  of  Charles  this  high  state  of  cultiva- 
tion rapidly  disappeared,  and,  amidst  the  troubles  of  that  period, 
gave  place  to  deep  ignorance,  confusion,  and  barbarism. 

1.  It  was  the  prim.ary  object  of  these  monastic  and  cathedral  schools, 
to  train  persons  for  the  Church.  The  writings  of  Cassiodorus,  of  Isi- 
dore, Beda,  and  Alcuin,  were  the  manuals  and  text-books  chiefly  in 
use.  The  inmates  of  monasteries  were  in  the  liabit  of  making  careful 
copies  of  books,  for  the  purpose  of  founding  libraries  and  of  multiply- 
ing celebrated  works.  Alcuin  arranged  all  knowledge  imder  three 
branches,  viz.,  Ethics,  Physics,  and  Theology.  His  Ethics  included 
what  was  afterwards  designated  as  Trivium  (Grammar,  Rhetoric,  and 
Dialectics) ;  Physics  corresponded  to  the  later  Quadrivium  (Arithmetic, 
Geometry,  Music,  and  Astronomy) ;  both  together  constituting  what 
were  called  the  Liberal  Arts.  Conversation  and  instruction  were  to 
be  carried  on  in  Latin.  In  the  higher  schools  Greek,  of  which  Theo- 
dore of  Tarsus  and  his  pupils  had  promoted  the  study,  was  also  taught. 
Acquaintance  with  Hebrew  was  a  more  rare  accomplishment ;  some 
scholars  obtained  a  knowledge  of  it  by  intercourse  with  learned  Jews. 
The  writings  of  Boethius  were  the  principal  source  for  the  study  of 
philosophy ;  Plato  and  Aristotle  were  known,  however,  to  some  extent, 
and  in  the  ninth  century  the  Byzantine  Emperor  Michael  presented 
Louis  the  Pious  (§  92,  1)  with  a  copy  of  the  so-called  writings  of  Dio- 
nysius  the  Areopagite.  He  was  regarded  as  the  same  Dionysius  who 
had  founded  the  Church  of  Paris,  and  on  this  ground  his  writings, 
even  when  not  understood,  were  vaunted.  Hilduin,  Abbot  of  St.  Denis, 
and  afterwards  Johannes  Erigena,  translated  them  into  Latin. — Isidore 
of  Seville  and  Rabanns  Mmirus  comiDOsed  encyclopEedias  which  embo- 
died a  summary  of  the  lore  of  their  times.  The  work  of  Isidore,  which 
bears  the  title  of  Originnm  s.  Etymologiarum  LI.  XX.,  is  a  remarkable 
monument  of  industry  and  comprehensive  learning.  Almost  the  same 
meed  of  praise  is  due  to  tlie  LI.  XXII.  de  Universe,  by  Rabanus.  Both 
writers  group  theology  along  with  the  other  sciences. 

2.  The  following  were  the  most  celebrated  Theologians  before  tfie 
time  oftlie  Caroling ians : 

(1.)  Gregory  of  Tours,  the  scion  of  a  noble  Roman  family.  While 
on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  grave  of  St.  Martin,  to  implore  the  removal  of  a 
disease  (in  573),  he  was  elevated  to  the  See  of  Tours,  which  he  occu- 
pied to  his  death  [ob.  595).  His  family  connections,  his  office,  his 
character,  learning,  and  piety,  contributed  to  make  him  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  men  of  his  time.  Posterity  is  indebted  to  his  writings  for 
its  knowledge  of  public  and  private  affairs  at  the  time  of  the  Merovin- 
gians. (Best  edition  by  Th.  Ruinart.  Par.  1699  f.  Cojip.  also  /.  W. 
Loebell,  Gregor  von  Tours  u.  s.  Zeit.  Leipz.  1839.) 

(2.)  Isidore  of 'Seville  (Ilispalensis),  the  scion  of  a  distinguished 
Gothic  family,  who  succeeded  Leander,  his  brother,  in  the  archiepisco- 
30 


356      SECTION   II.  — FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.   4—9   A.  D.). 

pal  See  of  Hi?palis  {ob.  636).  He  composed  excellent  and  careful  com- 
pilations, in  Avhich  information  and  fragments  not  otherwise  known 
are  preserved.  For  his  cotemporaries  he  did  a  more  important  service, 
by  making  the  German  Church  acquainted  with  classical  and  patristic 
lore.     (Best  ed.  by  F.  Arevalo.  Rom.  1797.  7  YoU.  4.) 

(3.)  Beda  Yexerabilis,  an  Anglo-Saxon,  educated  in  the  monastery 
of  Wearmouth,  which  he  afterwards  left  for  that  of  Jarrnw,  where  he 
died  in  735.  His  fame  for  learning,  in  all  branches  of  science  known 
at  the  time,  was  very  great.  These  acquirements  were  combined  with 
great  modesty,  piety,  and  amiability.  While  his  numerous  disciples 
attained  the  highest  posts  in  the  Church,  Beda  himself  continued  in 
quiet  retirement,  a  simple  monk,  satisfied  with  this  his  chosen  lot. 
Even  on  his  death-bed  he  was  engaged  in  teaching  and  writing ;  and 
immediately  before  he  expired,  he  dictated  the  last  chapter  of  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  version  of  the  Gospel  according  to  John.  (Best  ed.  of  his  wri- 
tings by  /.  A.  Giles.  London  1843.) 

8.  The  most  eminent  theologian  during  the  reign  of  Charleviagne 
(768-814)  was  an  anglo-Saxon,  Alcuix  (Albinus),  surnamed  Flaccus. 
He  was  trained  in  the  celebrated  academy  of  York,  under  Egbert  and 
Elbert.  "When  the  latter  was  elevated  to  the  archiepiscopal  see,  Alcuin 
became  president  of  this  academy.  On  a  journey  to  Rome  (781),  he 
was  introduced  to  the  notice  of  Charlemagne,  who  invited  him  to  his 
court,  where  he  became  the  teacher,  friend,  and  most  intimate  adviser 
of  the  monarch.  To  the  period  of  his  death  (in  804),  he  continued  the 
great  authority  on  all  religious,  ecclesiastical,  and  scholastic  questions. 
In  790  he  went  as  ambassador  to  his  own  country,  whence  he  returned 
in  792,  no  more  to  leave  France.  In  79G  Charlemagne  bestowed  on 
him  the  Abbacy  of  Tours ;  and  the  school  connected  with  it  became 
henceforth  the  most  celebrated  in  the  empire. — (Best  ed.  of  his  writings 
by  Frobenius.  2  Yoll.  f.  1777.  —  Coup.  Fr.  Lorcntz,  Life  of  Alcuin, 
transl.  by  /.  M.  She,  London  1839.  — i^.  Mounier,  Alcuin.  Par.  1853.) 
• — After  Alcuin,  the  most  learned  man  of  that  age  was  Paclus  Diaco- 
xrs  (son  of)  Warxefrid,  a  Langobard  of  noble  family,  and  chancellor 
of  King  Desiderius.  From  grief  over  the  decay  of  his  own  country,  he 
retired  to  the  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino,  whence  Charlemagne  drew 
him  to  his  court  in  774.  His  attainments  were  vaunted  as  those  of  a 
Homer  in  Greek,  of  a  Yirgil,  Horace,  and  Tibullus  in  Latin,  and  of  a 
Philo  in  Hebrew.  But  love  to  his  country  induced  him  to  return  to 
his  monastery  (in  787),  where  he  died  at  a  very  advanced  age.  The 
story  of  his  having  conspired  against  Charlemagne,  and  being  sent  into 
exile,  is  devoid  of  historical  foundation.  It  deserves  special  notice  that 
this  learned  and  amiable  man  was  also  distinguished  for  qualities  rare 
in  his  time,  such  as  openness,  enthusiastic  admiration  of  the  language, 
the  national  legends,  the  poetry,  and  the  ancient  laws  and  customs  of 
his  own  people.  Besides  these  two  divines,  the  names  of  Paulinus, 
Patriarch  of  Aqiiileja,  a  native  of  Friaul  (o6.  804),  of  Leidrad  of 


SCIENCE    AND    THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.       357 

Lyons  [oh.  813),  and  of  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  deserve  particular  notice. 
Tlie  latter  acquired  fame,  not  only  as  a  poet  and  a  man  of  learning,  but 
from  his  zeal  in  establishing  elementary  schools.  Under  the  reign  of 
Louis  the  Pious,  he  was  accused  of  traitorous  communications  with 
Bernard  of  Italy,  deposed  and  exiled  (in  817),  but  afterwards  pardoned. 
He  died  before  again  reaching  his  own  diocese  (in  821). 

4.  The  following  were  the  most  celebrated  theologians  under  the 
reign  of  Louis  the  Pious  (814—840). 

(1.)  Agobard  of  Lyons,  by  birth  a  Spaniard,  oh.  as  Bishop  of  Lyons 
in  840.  His  anxiety  for  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  empire,  and  his 
position  as  chief  of  the  national  party  among  the  Frankish  clergy, 
implicated  him  in  the  conspiracy  against  Louis  the  Pious,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  he  was  deposed  and  exiled  (835).  Two  years  after- 
wards he  obtained  the  royal  pardon.  Agobard  was  a  man  of  rare 
mental  endowments  and  learning ;  withal  a  keen  opponent  of  eccle- 
siastical and  other  superstitions  (|  92,  2). 

(2.)  Claudius,  Bishop  of  Turin  [oh.  840),  also  a  Spaniard,  and  a 
pupil  of  Felix  of  Urgellis  (^  91,  1)  ;  whose  heretical  views,  however,  he 
did  not  share  ;  well  known  as  a  bold  reformer.  —  (Comp.  §  92,  2). 

(3.)  Jonas  of  Orleans,  the  successor  of  Theodulf  [oh.  844),  one  of 
the  most  renowned  prelates  of  his  age,  who  completely  succeeded  in 
restoring  discipline  and  order  in  his  own  diocese. 

(4.)  Amalarius,  a  priest  of  Metz  (comp.  §  84,  4). 

(5.)  Christian  Drdthmar,  a  monk  of  Corbey,  and  celebrated  as  at 
the  time  the  only  advocate  of  a  grammatical  and  historical  exegesis. 

(G.)  Walafrid  Strabo,  teacher  and  Abbot  of  Reichenau  [oh.  849). 

(7.)  Fredegis,  an  Anglo-Saxon,  who  came  with  Alcuin  from  England, 
and  succeeded  him  both  in  the  school  and  Abbacy  of  Tours,  —  a  man 
whose  philosophical  investigations  constitute  him  in  a  certain  sense  the 
precursor  of  mediaeval  scholasticism. 

5.  The  following  were  the  most  celebrated  theologians  during  the 
reign  of  Charles  ihe  Bald  (840-877). 

(1.)  PtABANUs  Magxentius  Maurus,  the  descendant  of  an  ancient 
Roman  family  which  had  early  settled  in  Germany,  and  a  pupil  of 
Alcuin,  who  designated  him  St.  Maurus  (^  85).  He  was  first  a  teacher, 
then  became  Abbot  of  Fulda,  and  finally  Archbishop  of  Mayence  [oh. 
856).  Maurus  was  the  most  learned  man  of  his  age,  and  under  his 
tuition  the  academy  of  Fulda  rose  to  highest  distinction.  —  (Comp.  N. 
Bach,  Arab.  Maur.,  der  Schopfer  d.  deutsch.  Schulwesens  (Rab.  Maur., 
the  Originator  of  the  Schol.  System  in  Germ.).  Fulda  1835.  —  Fr. 
Kunstmann,  Arab.  Magn.  Maur.  Mayence  1841). 

(2.)  HixcMAR  OF  Rheims,  (comp.  §83,  1).  (Best  ed.  of  his  writings 
by  J.  Sirmond.  Par.  1645.  2  Voll.  f.). 

(3.)  Paschasius  Radbertus,  from  844  Abbot  of  Corbey,  an  office 
which  he  resigned  in  851,  when  he  dedicated  himself  exclusively  to 


858     SECTION    II. — FIRST    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  ,  4— 9  A.  D.). 

studies  and  writing  {ob.  865).     Despite  occasional  iiltraisms,  he  was 
deservedly  celebrated  (§  91,  3). 

(4.)  Ratramnus,  a  monk  of  Corbey,  the  opponent  of  Radbertus ;  a 
clear  and  acute  thinker,  but  somewhat  rationalistic  in  his  views. 

(5.)  Florus  Magister,  a  clerk  at  Lyons,  celebrated  both  for  his 
learning  and  for  the  share  he  took  along  with  Agobard  in  certain  con- 
troversies. 

(6.)  IIaymo,  Bishop  of  Ilalberstadt,  a  friend  and  class-mate  of 
Rabanus. 

(7.)  Servatus  Lupus,  Abbot  of  Fcrriferes,  a  deep  and  independent 
thinker,  distinguished  alike  for  his  interest  in  science  and  in  public 
instruction. 

(8.)  Prudentius  of  Troyes. 

(9.)  Anastasius,  papal  librarian  at  Rome. 

(10.)  Regino,  Abbot  of  Prlim  {oh.  915) ;  and  lastly,  that  enigma  and 
wonder  of  his  time,  Johannes  Scotus  Erigena.  By  birth  a  Scotchman 
(more  probably  an  Irishman),  ho  unexpectedly  appears  at  the  Court 
of  Charles  the  Bald,  and  as  suddenly  disappears ;  and  we  are  left  in 
ignorance  whence  he  came  and  whither  he  went.  He  was  un- 
doubtedly the  most  learned  man,  and  the  deepest,  boldest,  and  most 
independent  thinker  of  his  time.  ■  His  speculations  have  not  been  sur- 
passed for  centuries  before  or  after  him.  Had  he  lived  three  centuries 
later,  he  might  have  occasioned  a  complete  revolution  in  the  learned 
world ;  but  in  his  own  time  he  was  neither  understood  nor  appreciated, 
and  scarcely  deemed  even  worthy  of  being  declared  a  heretic.  The 
latter  omission,  however,  was  rectified  by  the  Church  after  the  lapse 
of  three  and  a  half  centuries  (|  108,  2).  For  further  details  see  below, 
Note  7. — (CoMP.  F.  A.  Staiidenmaier,  J.  Sc.  Erig.  u.  d.  Wiss.  sr.  Zeit. 
Frankf.  1834.  —  M.  Taillandier,  Sc.  Erigfene  et  la  philos.  scholast. 
Strassb.  1843.— iV.  Mdller,  J.  Sc.  Erig.  u.  d.  Wissensch.  s.  Z.  Frankft. 
1834.  —  A.  Torstrick,  Phil.  Erigenaj.  Gott.  1844;  and  Ritter,  Gesch.  d. 
chr.  Phil.  Voll.  III.  — iV.  Moller,  J.  Sc.  Erig.  u.  s.  Irrthumer.  May- 
ence  1844). 

6.  TJie  tlieoJogiccd  investigations  of  the  German  Church  at  that  time 
were  specially  directed  to  the  immediate  wants  of  the  Church,  and 
hence  chiefly  of  a  practical  character.  Withal,  such  was  the  reverence 
paid  to  the  Fathers,  that,  whenever  practicable,  their  words  and  thoughts 
were  employed  in  teaching,  writing,  preaching,  demonstrating,  and 
refuting.  But  the  reformatory  movement  initiated  under  Charlemagne 
led,  in  the  domain  of  theological  science,  also  to  greater  freedom ; 
while  the  controversies  of  the  ninth  century  necessitated  independent 
thinking,  and  gradually  inspired  theological  writers  with  greater  con- 
fidence.— Among  the  various  branches  of  theology,  most  attention  was 
paid  to  exegesis,  although  commentators  still  confined  themselves  to 
making  notes  on  the  VuJcjate.  Charlemagne  commissioned  Alcuin  to 
make  a  critical  revision  of  its  text,  which  had  been  greatly  corrupted. 


SCIENCE    AND    THEOLOGICAL    LITERATURE.     359 

The  first  to  oppose  the  theory  of  a  mechanical  inspiration  was  Agohard 
of  Lyons.  He  started  from  the  principle,  that  the  prophets  had  not 
been  merely  passive  instruments  like  Balaam's  ass,  and  that  only  the 
seiisus  prcedicationis  and  modi  vel  argumenta  dictionum,  but  not  the 
corjm-alia  verba,  had  been  inspired  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  One  only 
among  the  numerous  exegetical  writers  of  that  age,  Christian  DrutJi- 
mar,  perceived  that  it  was  the  first  and  most  important  work  of  an 
interpreter  to  ascertain  the  grammatical  and  historical  meaning  of  the 
text.  All  other  interpreters  set  lightly  by  the  literal  meaning  of  the 
text,  Avhile  they  sought  to  discover  the  treasures  of  Divine  wisdom  by 
an  allegorical,  tropical,  and  anagogic  interpretation.  After  Druthmar, 
it  was  probal)ly  Paschasitis  Radherhis  who  devoted  greatest  attention 
to  a  calm  investigation  of  the  literal  meaning  of  Scripture.  Besides 
these,  the  most  celebrated  exegetical  authors  at  that  time  were  Beda 
VenerabiUs,  Alcuin,  Rabanus  Maurns,  and  Walafrid  Strabo,  whose 
"Glossa3  ordinariae"  formed,  on  account  of  their  convenient  size  (next 
to  the  more  full  commentaries  of  Rabanus),  the  exegetical  manual  in 
common  use  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The  work,  however,  contains 
little  that  is  original,  by  far  the  greater  part  being  derived  from  the 
Latin  Fathers. 

7.  In  the  study  of  Si/sfematic  Theology,  proportionally  least  attention 
was  bestowed  upon  apologetics.  Though  the  illiterate  character  of  the 
heathen  around  called  not  for  any  elaborate  refutation  of  their  super- 
stitions, this  remark  applies  not  either  to  Mohammedanism  or  to  Juda- 
ism. In  Spain,  a  large  number  of  Jews  were  obliged  to  submit  to 
baptism,  or  else  expelled  ;  but  in  the  Frankish  Empire,  especially  under 
the  reign  of  Louis  the  Pious,  wealth  and  briberies  ensured  them  ample 
protection.  Thus  encouraged,  they  not  only  prohibited  their  Jewish 
and  heathen  slaves  from  being  baptized,  but  obliged  their  Christian 
servants  to  observe  the  Sabbatli,  to  work  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  to  eat 
meat  during  Lent.  Occasionally  they  even  openly  blasphemed  the 
name  of  Christ,  derided  the  Church,  and  sold  Christian  slaves  to  the 
Saracens.  Agobard  oj"  Lyons  was  very  active  in  opposing  them,  by  his 
preaching,  Avritings,  and  measures ;  but  they  enjoyed  the  protection 
of  the  court.  Isidore  of  Seville  and  Rabanus  Maurus  also  refuted  their 
distinctive  tenets.  —  The  department  of  j^olemical  theology  was  more 
fully  cultivated  than  that  of  apologetics,  especially  since  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  (comp.  §^  91,  92). — In  his  LI.  III.  Sententiarum,  Isidore 
of  Seville  collected  from  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  a  system  of  dog- 
matics and  ethics,  whicli  for  several  centuries  continued  the  text-book 
in  use.  Another  manual  of  dogmatics,  chiefly  derived  from  the  writ- 
ings of  Augustine,  was  Alcuin's  LI.  III.  de  fide  sanctte  et  individuse 
trinitatis — Philosophical  mysticism,  which  was  first  introduced  by  the 
writings  of  the  so-called  Areopagite,  was  represented  by  Johannes 
Scotus  Erigena,  a  mind  far  in  advance  of  his  age.  Following  up  the 
gnosticism  of  the  school  of  Origen,  the  theosophic  mysticism  of  the 
30* 


S60      SECTION   II. — FIRST   PERIOD    (CENT.  4— 9  A.  D.). 

Areopagite,  and  the  dialectics  of  Maximus  Confessor,  his  work  "  De 
Divisione  Naturae"  embodied  a  system  of  speculative  theology  of  vast 
dimensions.  Though  Erigena  felt  anxiously  desirous  to  retain  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Church,  his  system,  from  first  to  last, 
was  one  great  heterodoxy.  He  started  from  the  principle,  that  true 
theology  and  true  philosophy  were  essentially  the  same,  and  differed 
only  in  point  of  form.  Faith  had  to  do  with  the  truth  as  "theologia 
affirmativa"  [xata^atixri),  revealed  in  the  Bible,  and  handed  down  by 
the  Church  in  a  metaphorical  and  figurative  garb,  and  in  a  manner 
adapted  to  the  limited  capacity  of  the  multitude.  It  was  the  task  of 
reason  to  strip  off  this  envelope  (theologia  negativa,  dro^aftx^),  and,  by 
means  of  speculation,  to  convert  faith  into  knowledge.  The  peculiar 
title  of  the  work  was  intended  to  express  its  fundamental  idea,  viz., 
that  nature  —  i.  e.,  the  sum  of  everything  existent  and  non-existent  (as 
the  necessary  opposite  of  what  existed) — manifested  itself  in  a  fourfold 
manner,  as  uatura  creatrix  non  creata  (/.  e.,  God  as  the  potential  sum 
of  all  existence  and  non-existence),  natura  creata  et  creatrix  [i.  e.,  the 
eternal  thoughts  of  God  as  the  grand  eternal  types  of  everything 
created,  the  source  and  medium  of  which  is  the  Logos),  natura  creata 
non  creans  (the  eternal,  invisible,  and  ideal  world),  and  natura  nee 
creata  nee  creans  {.ie.,  God  as  the  final  end  of  everything  created,  to 
which,  after  all  antagonisms  have  been  overcome,  everything  created 
returns  in  the  aTtoxatdatadi^  -ti^v  Ttavtuiv).  It  is  evident  that  this  system 
must  speedily  have  merged  into  Pantheism  ;  but  in  the  case  of  Erigena 
himself  genuine  Christian  feeling  seems  to  have  prevented  these  con- 
sequences, and  he  was  anxiously  desirous  of  preserving  at  least  the 
fundamental  truths  of  Christian  Theism. 

8.  The  Homiletic  literature  of  that  period  was  comparatively  very 
scanty.  Besides  the  Homiliarius  of  Paul  Warnefrld  (|  89,  1),  only 
Bede,  WaJafrid,  Bahanus,  and  Haymo  appear  to  have  been  known  as 
writers  of  original  sermons.  But  the  Theory  of  Worship  (its  descrip- 
tion and  mystical  interpretation)  attracted  considerable  attention.  The 
first  work  of  this  kind  was  that  of  Isidore,  "  de  ofliciis  ecclesiasticis." 
Charlemagne  invited  his  theologians  to  discuss  the  import  of  the  rites 
connected  with  baptism.  During  the  reign  of  Louis  the  Pious,  Agohard 
of  Lyons  proposed  to  reform  the  Liturgy,  and  defended  himself  with 
considerable  vehemence  in  several  tractates  against  the  attacks  of 
Amalarius  of  Metz,  whose  liturgical  work  (de  ofiiciis  ecclesiasticis)  he 
sharply  criticised.  Florus  Magister  (de  actione  Missarum)  also  entered 
the  lists  against  Amalarius.  Of  other  important  works  on  this  subject, 
we  mention  those  o?  Bahanus  (de  institutione  Clericorum),  of  Walafrid 
(de  cxordiis  et  incrementis  rerum  ecclcsiasticarum),  and  of  Bemigms 
of  Auxerre  (expositio  Missse).  The  great  authority  on  questions  con- 
nected with  ecclesiastical  law  and  church-politics  was  Hincmar  of 
Rheims,  and  next  to  him  Agohard  and  Begino  of  Prlin  (|  88,  5). 


DOCTRINE    AND    DOGMATIC    C  0  NTRO  VR  E  SIES.      361 

9.  The  scanty  knowledge  of  ancient  Church  History  which  theolo- 
gians possessed,  was  solely  derived  from  the  works  of  Eufinns  and  Cas- 
siodorus.  The  ecclesiastical  history  of  Haymo  consists  only  of  a  com- 
pilation from  Rufinus.  All  the  more  diligent  were  writers  throughout 
the  Middle  Ages  in  chronicling  the  current  political  and  ecclesiastical 
events,  and  in  recording  those  which  had  taken  place  within  the 
memory  of  man.  To  these  labours  we  owe  a  threefold  kind  of  litera- 
ture:—  1.  That  of  NATIONAL  historians.  Thus  the  Visigoths  had  an 
Isidore  (Hist.  Gothorum,  Hist.  Vandal,  et  Suevorum)  ;  the  Ostrogoths  a 
Cassiodorus  (LI.  XII.  de  reb.  gestis  Gothorum  —  a  work  which  unfor- 
tunately has  been  lost ;  or  at  least  only  preserved  in  extracts,  in  the 
tractate  of  Jornandes,  in  550,  de  Getarum  orig.  et  reb.  gestis)  ;  the  Lan- 
gobards  a  Paul  Warnefrid  (LI.  VI.  de  gestis  Langobardorum)  ;  the 
Franks  a  Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist,  eccles.  Francorum)  ;  the  Britons  a 
Gildas  (about  500) :  Liber  querulus  de  excidio  Britannia^)  and  a  Nen- 
nius  (Eulogium  Brittannige  s.  hist.  Britonum,  about  850)  ;  and  the 
Anglo-Saxons  a  Bcde  (Hist,  eccles.  gentis  Anglorum).  2.  Annals  or 
Chronicles,  chiefly  composed  in  monasteries,  and  continued  from  year 
to  year.  3.  Biographies  of  prominent  political  or  ecclesiastical  per- 
sonages. Among  the  former,  the  most  important  are  the  Vita  Caroli 
M.,  by  Einhard,  and  the  Vitee  Ludovici  Pii,  by  Theganus,  by  Nithard, 
and  by  an  anonymous  writer  commonly  designated  as  ^sfrono?nHs.  The 
number  of  Vitce  Sanctorum,  compiled  in  a  most  credulous  spirit,  chiefly 
in  honour  of  local  saints,  w^as  very  great.  In  the  same  class  we  also 
reckon  the  numei'ous  martyrologies,  generally  arranged  according  to 
the  calendar.  The  best  known  of  these  compositions  were  compiled 
by  Bede,  Ado  of  Vienne,  Usuardus,  Rahanus,  Notker  Balbulus,  and 
Wandelhert.  The  Miraculorum  hist.,  by  Gregory  of  Tours,  deserves 
special  mention.  Books  III.  to  VI.  give  an  account  of  the  miracles  of 
St.  Martin ;  while  Book  VII.  (de  vitis  patrum)  describes  the  lives  of 
other  twenty-three  Frankish  saints.  —  The  Biographies  of  the  Popes  in 
the  Liber  pontificalis  of  Anastasius  the  Librarian,  the  Ilistoria  Metten- 
siuni  Episcoporum  by  Paulus  Warnefrid,  and  the  continuation  of  Je- 
rome's Catalogus  s.  de  ecclesiast.  scriptoribus  by  Isidore,  deserve  to 
be  ranked  among  more  solid  historical  contributions. 

^91.   DEVELOPMENT  OF  DOCTRINE   AND   DOGMATIC   CON- 
TROVERSIES. 

CoMP.  C.  G.  Fr.  Walch,  hist.  Adoptianorum,  Gottg.  1755,  and  his 
"  Ketzerhist."  (Hist,  of  Ileret.)  ;  against  him :  Frohenius,  Diss,  in  his 
ed.  of  Alcuin. — /.  G.  Walch,  Hist,  controversiaj  Groscorum  et  Latin,  de 
process.  Spir.  s.  Jenne  1751  . —  G.  Manguin  (a  Jansenist),  Vett.  auc- 
torum,  qui  in  Sec.  IX.  de  prsedest.  scripserunt  opera  et  fragmenta. 
Par.  1650.  2  Voll.  4to  ;  with  hist,  dissert.  Against  him:  L.  Cellot 
(a  Jesuit),  Hist.  Gotteschalci.  Par.  1655.  Jac.  Usserii,  Gotteschalci 
et  controversiae  ab  eo  motae  hist.  Dubl.  1631.  4to. 
31 


362        SECTION   II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (CE  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

The  first  important  heresy  of  Germanic  origin  (at  the  time  of 
Charlemagne)  was  that  to  which  the  name  of  Adoptionism  has 
been  given,  and  which  originated  in  Spain.  Following  up  the 
doctrine  about  the  person  of  Christ,  as  it  had  been  defined  by  the 
sixth  (Ecumenical  Council  of  Constantinople  in  680  (§  52,  8),  it 
was  argued  that  the  idea  of  a  twofold  nature  and  of  a  twofold 
will  implied  also  that  of  a  twofold  Sonship.  But  the  Frankish 
divines  regarded  this  innovation  not  as  a  further  development 
of  the  doctrine  in  question,  but  as  connected  with  Nestorianism, 
and  accordingly  carried  its  condemnation.  —  About  the  same 
time  the  doctrine  of  the  procession  of  the  Holy  Spirit  became 
the  subject  of  discussion,  when  the  Frankish  Church  defended 
orthodox  truth  against  the  objections  of  Eastern  theologians. — 
Several  controversies  took  place  during  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Bald.  In  the  Eucharistic  Controversy,  the  principal  Frankish 
divines  opposed  the  views  of  Radbertus  about  transubstantiation. 
Connected  with  this  was  another  discussion  about  the  parturition 
of  the  Virgin.  On  neither  of  these  questions  did  the  Church 
give  any  formal  or  synodic al  deliverance.  It  was  otherwise  in 
reference  to  the  controversy  about  p)redestination,  which  soon 
afterwards  broke  out.  Although  discussed  in  councils,  the 
question  was  not  finally  settled.  Of  less  importance  was  the 
controversy  about  the  appropriateness  of  the  expression  "irina 
Deitas. " 

1.  The  Adopiionist  Controversy  (785-818).  —  Of  all  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity,  none  was  so  repugnant  to  Moslem  feelings,  or  excited 
their  ridicule  more  than  that  of  the  Divine  Sonship  of  Christ.  It  was 
probably  with  the  view  of  meeting  these  Moslem  objections  that  a  num- 
ber of  Spanish  bishops,  headed  by  Elipandus,  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 
and  Felix,  Bishop  of  Urgellis,  addressed  themselves  anew  to  the  eluci- 
dation of  the  doctrine  concerning  the  person  of  Christ.  These  divines 
held  that  Christ  was  properly  the  Son  of  God  {f  litis  Dei  nattird  or 
genere)  only  in  reference  to  His  divinity ;  in  reference  to  His  humanity 
He  was  properly  a  servant  of  God,  as  all  of  us,  and  only  adopted  as  Son 
■  {filitis  Dei  adoptivus)  by  the  determination  of  God,  just  as  all  of  us  are 
by  Him,  and  after  His  similitude  to  be  transformed  from  servants  to 
children  of  God.  Hence,  according  to  His  Divine  nature.  He  was  the 
ONhY-begotten,  according  to  His  human  nature  the  FiRST-begotien  Son  of 
God.  This  adoption  of  His  human  nature  into  Sonship  had  commenced 
at  His  conception  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  appeared  more  fully  at  His  bap- 
tism, and  had  been  completed  at  the  resurrection.  The  controversy 
occasioned  by  these  views  first  broke  out  in  Spain.  Two  representatives 
of  the  Esturian  clergy  (§  81),  Beatus,  a  presbyter  of  Libana,  and  Etlie- 


DOCTRINE    AND    DOGMATIC    CONTROVERSIES.     363 

rius,  Bishop  of  Osma,  attacked  the  views  of  Elipandus  both  by  word 
and  writing  (785).  The  doctrinal  divergence  between  these  divines 
probably  received  a  keener  edge  by  the  desire  of  emancipating  the 
Esturian  Church  from  the  See  of  Toledo,  which  was  still  subject  to 
Saracen  rule.  The  Esturians  appealed  to  Pope  Hadrian  L,  who,  in  an 
encyclical  addressed  to  the  bishops  of  Spain,  condemned  Adoptionism 
as  essentially  akin  to  the  Nestorian  heresy  (786).  Another  stage  of 
this  controversy  commenced  with  the  interference  of  Charlemagne, 
occasioned  by  the  circumstance  that  Adoptionism  was  rapidly  spread- 
ing in  the  portion  of  Spain  svibject  to  his  sceptre.  Most  probably  he 
gladly  seized  this  opportunity  of  coming  before  the  West  in  the  char- 
acter of  Protector  of  Orthodoxy,  and  hence  as  Emperor  in  spe.  At  the 
Synod  of  Eatisbon  in  792,  Felix  was  obliged  to  abjure  his  heresy,  and 
was  sent  to  Pope  Hadrian  I.  In  Pvome  he  was  made  to  repeat  his 
recantation  ;  but  escaped  from  captivity  and  gained  Saracen  territory. 
Meantime  Alcuin  had  returned  from  his  journey  to  England,  and  im- 
mediately took  part  in  the  controversy  by  addressing  to  Felix  a  kind, 
monitory  letter.  To  this  the  Spaniards  replied  in  strong  language, 
when  Charlemagne  convoked  the  celebrated  Sijnod  of  Frankfort  (794), 
at  which  Adoptionism  was  again  fully  discussed  and  condemned.  The 
judgment  of  the  Synod  was  accompanied  by  four  detailed  memorials 
(to  represent  the  different  national  churches  and  authorities — in  order 
to  give  it  an  oecumenical  character).  Although  dispatched  with  such, 
formalities  to  Spain,  it  produced  little  impression.  No  greater  was  the 
success  of  a  learned  controversial  work  by  Alcuin,  to  which  Felix 
replied  in  a  clever  tractate.  Meantime  Charlemagne  had  sent  a  com- 
mission, with  Leidrad  of  Lyons  and  Benedict  of  Aniane  at  its  head, 
into  Spain,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  spread  of  this  heresy.  The 
commissioners  persuaded  Felix  to  submit  to  a  second  investigation.  At 
tlie  great  council  held  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  799  he  disputed  for  six  days 
Avith  Alcuin,  and  at  the  close  declared  himself  perfectly  convinced. 
Alcuin  and  Paulinus  of  Aquileja  now  published  controversial  tractates 
on  the  subject;  and  Leidrad  went  a  second  time  into  Spain,  where  he 
succeeded  in  almost  extirpating  the  heresy  from  the  Prankish  provinces. 
But  the  bishops  who  were  subject  to  Saracen  rule  continued  to  defend 
these  opinions ;  and  when  Alcuin  addressed  a  flattering  and  conciliatory 
letter  to  Elipandus,  the  latter  replied  in  the  most  violent  and  coarse 
language.  Felix  was,  till  his  death  in  818,  committed  to  the  charge  of 
the  Bishop  of  Lyons.  Agohard,  the  successor  of  Leidrad,  found  among 
his  papers  clear  evidence  that  Felix  had  to  the  end  continued  in  heart 
an  adoptionist.  Agobard  now  published  another  controversial  tractate, 
which  happily  proved  the  last  written  on  the  subject.  In  Spain  Pro- 
per, also,  Adoptionism  became  extinct,  with  the  death  of  its  leading 
representatives. 

2.  Controversy  about  the  Procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost. — At  the  Synod 
of  Gentilly  in  767,  held  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  a  Byzantine  em- 


3G4      SECTION    II.  —  FIRST   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T  .  4— 9  A.  D.). 

bassy  in  connection  with  the  iconochxstic  controversy,  the  question  of 
the  enlargement  of  the  Creed  by  the  addition  of  the  expression  "J??i- 
oqiie"  (§  50,  6;  67,  1)  Avas  also  discussed.  The  result  of  this  conference 
is  not  knoAvn.  At  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  Alctiin  and  Thcodulf 
"wrote  special  tractates  in  defence  of  the  Latin  view.  At  the  Synod 
lidd  ill  Frianl  in  791,  Paulliius  of  Aquileja  vindicated  the  insertion  of 
the  expression  in  the  Creed  —  a  view  also  defended  by  the  Caroline 
books  [l  92).  The  question  was  discussed  anew,  when  the  Latin  monks 
on  Mount  Olivet  appealed  to  the  practice  of  the  Frankish  Church  in 
reply  to  the  attacks  of  the  Greeks.  Pope  Leo  III.  communicated  on  the 
subject  with  Charlemagne,  and  a  Council  held  at  Aix-la-ChapeUe,  in 
809,  gave  its  solemn  sanction  to  the  addition.  But  although  the  Pope 
did  not  question  the  correctness  of  this  tenet,  he  disapproved  of  the 
alteration  of  the  Creed.  Accordingly,  he  erected  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Peter  two  silver  tablets,  on  which  the  Creed  was  engraved  unthoxit  the 
addition  —  manifestly  as  a  kind  of  protest  against  the  ecclesiastical 
interferences  of  the  Emperor. 

3.  Controversies  of  PascJiasiiis  Radbertus.  —  I.  Eucharistic  Contro- 
versy (844).  — (Cf.  Ebrard  u.  KaJinis,  |  33.—^.  W.  Diecklioff  die 
Abendmahlsl.  im  Reformationszeit.  Gottg.  1854.  Bd.  I. — L.  J.  Piickert, 
d.  Abendmahlstreit  im  M.  A.,  in  Hilgenfeld's  Ztschr.  fiir  wschl.  Theol. 
1858,  I.,  II.)  —  So  late  as  the  ninth  century  the  views  of  theologians 
concerning  the  Eucharist  were  expressed  in  ambiguous  terms  (|  58,  2). 
But  in  831,  PascJiasius  Badhertus,  a  monk  of  Corbey,  wrote  a  treatise, 
"  De  sanguine  et  corpore  Domini,"  for  the  purpose  of  proving  that  the 
elements  were  completely  changed — an  opinion  which,  even  before  his 
tini ',  had  been  current  in  ecclesiastical  practice  and  in  popular  belief. 
The  work  of  Radbertus  breathes  a  spirit  of  genuine  piety  ;  manifestly, 
it  was  his  chief  aim  to  present  the  deep  import  of  this  sacrament  in  all 
its  fulness,  power,  and  depth.  Withal,  the  treatise  was  popularly 
written.  Already  the  author  could,  in  the  course  of  his  argumentation, 
appeal  to  a  number  of  supposed  facts  in  the  "Vitis  Sanctorum,"  in 
which  this  internal  Veritas  had  also  become  outwardly  manifest.  For 
the  circumstance  that  such  was  not  always  the  case,  he  accounted  on 
the  ground  that  the  Eucharist  was  intended  to  be  a  mysterium  for  faith, 
and  not  a  miraculum  for  unbelief;  as  also,  on  that  of  the  Divine  con- 
descension, which  had  regard  to  the  infirmity  of  man  and  his  shrinking 
from  flesh  and  blood,  and  which,  besides,  would  cut  off  all  occasion  for 
the  heathen  to  blaspheme.  The  treatise  at  first  remained  unnoticed. 
But  when  Radbertus  became  Abbot  of  Corbey,  he  recast  and  handed  it 
to  Charles  the  Bald  in  844.  This  monarch  commissioned  Ratramnus, 
a  learned  monk  of  Corbey,  to  express  his  opinion  on  the  question  ;  and 
the  latter  gladly  seized  the  opportunity  of  controverting  the  statements 
of  his  abbot.  In  his  tractate  "De  corp.  et  sang.  Domini  ad  Carolum 
Calvuni,"  Ratramnus  submitted  the  views  of  his  abbot  (without  naming 
him)  to  a  searching  criticism,  and  then  explained  his  own  opinions, 


DOCTRINE    AND    DOGMATIC    CONTROVERSIES,     365 

according  to  which  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  -was  present  in  the 
Eucharist  only  "  spiritualiter  et  secundum  potentiam."  In  the  same 
sense,  Rahamis  Maiirus,  Scotits  Erigcna,  and  Florus  of  Lyons  wrote 
against  Radbertus'  view  of  a  magic  transformation.  Hincmar  and 
JIai/ino  took  the  side  of  Radbertus ;  while  Walafrid  Strabo,  and  that 
able  interpreter  of  Scripture  Christian  Dridhmar,  sought  to  avoid  either 
extreme,  and  propounded  the  doctrine  of  impanation  or  consubstantia- 
tion,  as  adequately  expressing  the  import  of  this  mystery.  But  Rad- 
herius  had  only  given  publicity  to  what  really  were  the  tendencies  of 
the  Church  generally  ;  and  the  opposition  of  so  many  great  divines 
could  only  retard,  but  not  prevent,  the  spread  and  prevalence  of  these 

views. II.   COXTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  PARTURITION  OF  THE  ViRGIN  (845). 

In  entire  accordance  with  his  fundamental  views  about  the  marvellous 
influences  of  the  Divine  power  and  presence,  Badbertiis  soon  afterwards 
composed  a  tractate,  "De  partu  virginali,"  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
the  view  that  the  Virgin  had  given  birth  "  utero  clauso,"  and  without 
pain  —  an  opinion  which  Ambrose  and  Jerome  had  already  broached. 
Ratramnus  opposed  this  tenet  as  savouring  of  Docetism  (De  eo,  quod 
Christus  ex  Virgine  natus  est).  —  In  the  controversy  about  predestina- 
tion, Ratramnus  took  the  side  of  Gottschalk,  and  Radbertus  that  of  his 
opponents. 

4.  Controversy  about  Predestination  (847-868). —  (Cf.  G.  Maitguin 
(Jansenist),  Vett.  auctorum,  qui  in  seculo  IX.  de  jirfedest.  scripserunt 
opera  et  fragmenta.  Par.  1650,  2  volls.  with  a  hist.  diss.  Against  him : 
L.  Cellot  (Jesuit),  hist.  Gottschalkii.  Par.  1655.  —  Jac.  Usserii  Gottes- 
chalkii  et  controv.  ab  eo  motaj  hist.  Dubl.  1631,  4to.) — The  former  dis- 
cussions on  this  subject  (|  53,  5)  had  not  issued  in  the  final  settlement 
of  the  question.  Indeed,  the  views  of  theologians  varied  from  the 
extreme  of  semi-Pelagianism  to  that  of  a  predestination  to  condemna- 
tion, which  went  even  beyond  the  statements  of  Augustine.  In  the 
ninth  century  the  controversy  broke  out  afresh.  Gottschalk,  the  son 
of  Berno,  a  Saxon  count,  had  as  a  child  been  devoted  by  his  parents  to 
the  monastic  profession,  and  trained  at  Fulda.  At  a  synod  Jield  in 
Mayence  (829),  he  obtained  permission  to  leave  that  monastery;  but 
Rabanus  Maurus,  at  the  time  Abbot  of  Fulda,  prevailed  on  Louis  the 
Pious  to  annul  this  dispensation.  Translated  to  the  monastery  of 
Orbais  in  the  diocese  of  Soissons,  Gottschalk  sought  consolation  in 
ardent  study  of  the  writings  of  Augustine,  from  which  he  rose  an  en- 
thusiastic advocate  of  the  doctrine  of  absolute  predestination.  In  one 
point  he  went  even  beyond  his  great  teacher,  since  he  held  a  twofold 
predestination  (gemina  prcedestinatio) — one  to  salvation,  and  the  other 
to  condemnation ;  whilst  Augustine  generally  spoke  of  the  latter  only 
as  God  leaving  sinners  to  deserved  condemnation.  While  travelling  in 
Italy  in  847,  he  sought  to  gain  adherents  to  his  views.  Among  others, 
he  addressed  himself  to  Noting,  Bishop  of  Verona.  This  prelate  gave 
information  to  Rabanus,  who  in  the  meantime  had  been  elevated  to  the 
31* 


366      SECTION   II FIRST   PERIOD   (CENT.  4—9  A.D.). 

See  of  Mayence.  Rabanus  immediately  issued  two  thundering  epistles, 
in  whicli  the  views  of  Gottschalk  were  in  some  particulars  misrepre- 
sented, and  certain  unjust  inferences  drawn  from  them,  more  especially 
in  the  yvaj  of  transforming  the  "  proedestinatio  ad  damnationem"  into 
a  "proedestinatio  ad  peccatum."  Rabanus  himself  distinguished  be- 
tween foreknowledge  and  predestination,  ranging  under  the  former 
head  the  condemnation  of  the  reprobate.  But  other  weapons  than 
those  of  discussion  were  employed.  A  synod  icas  convoked  at  Mayence 
(848),  before  which  Gottschalk  appeared,  strong  in  the  conviction  of 
the  orthodoxy  of  his  statements.  But  the  council  took  a  different  view. 
Gottschalk  was  excommunicated,  and  handed  over  to  his  metropolitan, 
Hincmar  of  Rheims,  for  punishment.  This  prelate,  not  content  with 
the  spiritual  sentence  which  the  f^ynod  of  Chicrsy  pronounced  against 
him  (849),  condemned  him  to  the  most  severe  bodily  chastisement, 
since  he  refused  to  recant,  and  consigned  him  to  a  prison  in  the  mon- 
astery of  Ilaut  VilUers.  In  vain  Gottschalk  proposed  to  submit  the 
justice  of  his  cause  to  a  solemn  ordeal.  Hincmar,  though  otherwise 
favourable  to  these  trials,  retorted  by  characterizing  this  offer  as  the 
boast  of  a  Simon  Magus.  —  The  inhuman  treatment  of  which  the  poor 
monk  had  been  the  victim,  and  the  rejection  of  the  doctrine  of  Augus- 
tine by  two  influential  prelates,  excited  an  angry  controversy  in  the 
Frankish  Church,  of  which  the  weight  was  chiefly  directed  against 
Hincmar.  Prudentius,  BisJioj)  of  Troyes,  was  the  first  to  publish  a 
tractate  in  favour  of  Gottschalk.  Upon  this  Charles  the  Bald  requested 
Ratramnus  of  Corbey,  and  Scrvatus  Lupus,  Abbot  of  Ferriferes,  to 
express  their  judgment  on  the  question,  which  in  both  cases  was  in 
favour  of  Gottschalk.  The  position  of  Hincmar  was  becoming  very 
difficult,  when  at  last  he  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  advocacy  of  Florus, 
a  deacon  of  Lyons,  of  Amalarius,  a  priest  of  Metz,  and  of  Jo7tu  Scotns 
Erigena.  But  the  aid  of  Erigena  was  fraught  with  almost  greater 
danger  to  Hincmar  than  the  attacks  of  his  opponents.  The  Scotch 
metaphysician  founded  his  opposition  to  the  doctrine  of  predestination. 
on  the  principle,  hitherto  unheard  of  in  the  West,  that  evil  was  only  a 
(iri  ov.  Accordingly,  he  argued  that  condemnation  was  not  a  positive 
punishment  on  the  part  of  God,  and  only  consisted  in  the  tormenting 
consciousness  of  having  missed  one's  destiny.  The  cause  of  Hincmar 
was  fast  getting  into  disrepute,  as  his  opponents  made  him  responsible 
for  the  heresies  of  his  Scottish  friend.  Not  Prudentius  of  Troyes  only, 
who  had  long  been  his  literary  antagonist,  but  even  Wenilo,  Archbishop 
of  Sens,  and  Florns  of  Lyons,  who  hitherto  had  espoused  his  cause, 
now  turned  their  weapons  against  him.  But  Charles  the  Bald  came  to 
the  aid  of  his  metropolitan.  A  national  synod  was  convoked  at  Chiersy 
in  853,  when  four  articles  [Cajyiinla  Carisiaca),  embodying  a  moderate 
form  of  Augustinianism,  were  adopted,  and  the  doctrine  of  a  twofold 
predestination  formally  rejected.  Thus  the  opponents  of  Hincmar  in 
Neustria  were  silenced.    But  Remiyiu-'i,  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  convoked 


REFORMATORY    JIOVEiMENTS.  367 

a  Lotliaringian  Synod  at  Valence  in  855,  in  which  both  tho  decrees  of 
Chicrsy  and  the  "Scottish  mess"  (pultes  Scotorum)  were  stigmatized, 
and  six  articles  of  a  very  different  tone  adopted,  as  the  test  of  ortho- 
doxy. At  last  the  secular  rulers  interposed,  and  convoked  a  general 
si/nod  at  Savonnieres,  a  suburb  of  Toul,  in  859.  But  here  also  the  dis- 
putants could  not  arrive  at  an  agreement.  Already  the  members  were 
about  to  separate  in  mutual  estrangement,  when  Remigius  proposed  to 
leave  the  settlement  of  the  controversy  to  a  future  council  in  less  trou- 
bled times,  and  till  then  to  continue  in  harmony.  The  Synod  unani- 
mously adopted  this  suggestion ;  and  as  the  proposed  council  never 
took  place,  the  controversy  completely  terminated.  Abandoned  by  his 
former  friends,  Gottschalk  now  appealed  to  Po2Je  Nicholas  I.,  Avho 
ordered  Hincmar  to  defend  himself  for  his  conduct  towards  the  monk 
befoi-e  Papal  legates  at  the  St/nod  of  Metz  in  863  (§  82,  4).  Hincmar 
deemed  it  prudent  not  to  obey  the  citation.  Happily  for  him,  the  Pope 
himself  afterwards  annulled  the  decrees  of  this  synod  on  account  of 
the  venality  of  his  legates,  and  the  metropolitan  soon  afterwards  suc- 
ceeded in  appeasing  the  Pope  by  intercessions  and  letters.  Thus 
Gottschalk  was  deprived  of  his  last  hope.  Twenty  years  had  he  lin- 
gered in  prison,  but  to  his  latest  breath  he  rejected  with  indignation 
every  proposal  of  recantation.  He  died  in  868,  and  by  order  of  Hinc- 
mar was  interred  in  unconsecrated  earth.  —  From  his  prison  he  had 
charged  his  metropolitan  with  another  heresy.  In  the  hymn,  "  Te 
Trina  Deltas  Unaque,"  Hincmar  had  substituted  the  expression  "  vSancta 
Deltas"  for  "Trina  Deitas."  On  this  ground  his  opponents  accused 
him  of  Sabellianism,  a  charge  which  Ratramnus  embodied  in  a  contro- 
versial tractate.  But  the  reply  of  Hincmar  put  an  end  to  this  agita- 
tion (857). 

§92.   REFORMATORY  MOVEMENTS. 

The  independence  which  Charlemagne  restored  to  the  German 
Church  seems  to  have  awakened  in  the  divines  of  Germany  a 
feeling  that  they  were  destined  to  become  the  reformers  of  pre- 
vailing abuses.  This  tendency,  though  limited,  one-sided,  and 
frequently  liable  to  aberrations,  manifested  itself  more  or  less 
throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  until  it  reached  its  maturity  and 
perfection  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  series  of  reformers 
commenced  with  Charlemagne  himself,  who  vigorously  opposed 
the  image-worship  of  that  time.  Louis  the  Pious  continued  in 
the  path  of  his  father,  and  allowed  Agobard  of  Lyons  and  Glau- 
dius  of  Turin  to  combat  kindred  forms  of  ecclesiastical  super- 
stition—  in  the  case  of  the  latter  divine,  perhaps,  even  beyond 
the  bounds  of  evangelical  prudence. 


368      SECTION   II.  —  FIRST    PERIOD   (CENT.   4—9  A.D.). 

1.  Opposition  ofilie  Carlomngians  to  Image-Worsliip  (790-825). — On 
occasion  of  an  embassy  from  the  Emperor  Constantinus  Copronymus  (§66, 
2),  Pepin  the  Short  had  convoked  in  767  a  synod  at  Gentilh/  {!^9l,2), 
where  the  question  of  image-worship  was  also  discussed.  But  we  are 
left  in  ignorance  of  all  beyond  this  fact,  as  the  acts  of  the  synod  have 
been  lost.  Twenty  years  later  Poj^e  Hadrian  I.  sent  to  Charlemagne 
the  acts  of  the  Seventh  CEcumenical  Council  of  Nice  (?  66,  3).  In  his 
character  of  emperor-expectant,  Charlemagne  felt  deeply  aggrieved  at 
the  presumption  of  the  Greeks,  who,  without  consulting  the  German 
Church,  had  ventured  to  enact  laws  which  were  in  direct'opposition  to 
the  practice  of  the  Frankish  Church.  He  replied  by  issuing  in  his  own 
name  the  so-called  Libri  Carolini  (best  ed.  by  Hcnmann,  Han.  1731). 
In  this  work  the  attempts  of  the  Eastern  prelates  are  sharply  met,  and 
the  acts  of  the  Synod  refuted  seriatim.  Although  Charlemagne  dis- 
avowed the  views  of  the  iconoclasts,  and  admitted  the  utility  of  religious 
images  for  exciting  devotional  feelings,  for  instructing  the  people,  or 
as  suitable  decorations  in  churches — with  special  reference  to  the  views 
of  Gregory  the  Great  (|  59,  3) — he  reprobated  every  species  of  image- 
worship  as  a  kind  of  idolatry.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Libri  Carolini 
expressed  approbation  of  the  reverence  paid  to  saints,  to  relics,  and  to 
the  crucifix.  Charlemagne  sent  this  significant  treatise,  which  in  all 
probability  was  composed  hjAIcuin,  to  the  Pope,  Avho  rejoined,  although 
in  the  most  guarded  language.  But  this  reply  made  no  impression  on 
the  Frankish  monarch.  Nay,  the  authority  of  a  great  general  council 
of  all  the  Germanic  churches  was  to  be  opposed  to  that  of  the  Council 
of  the  Byzantine  Court.  During  his  sojourn  in  England  (790-792), 
Alcuin  secured  for  this  purpose  the  co-operation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church.  The  Synod  met  at  Frankfort  in  794,  and  solemnly  confirmed 
the  principles  of  the  "Libri  Carolini."  The  Pope  deemed  it  prudent 
to  leave  this  controversy  to  the  operation  of  time  and  popular  feeling. — 
Under  the  reign  of  Louis  the  Pious  the  question  was  again  discussed, 
on  occasion  of  an  embassy  from  the  iconoclastic  emperor,  Michael  Bal- 
bus.  At  a  national  synod  held  at  Paris  (825),  the  conduct  of  Hadrian  I. 
was  repreheudofl,  the  practice  of  image-worship  reprobated,  and  the 
principles  of  i\  •.'  "Libri  Carolini"  once  more  confirmed.  Pope  Eu- 
gene II.  made  nu  reply.  This  rejection  of  the  Second  Nicene  Council 
and  opposition  to  image-worship  continued  in  the  Frankish  Empire  till 
the  tenth  century. 

2.  Soon  after  the  Council  of  Paris,  Agohard  of  Lyons  [l  90,  4)  pub- 
lished a  tractate :  Contra  superstitionem  eorum,  qui  picturis  et  imagi- 
nibus  Sanctorum  adorationis  obsequium  deferendum  putant.  But  the 
prelate  went  much  further  than  the  Libri  Carolini.  He  proposed 
entirely  to  remove  all  images  from  churches,  as  the  practice  would 
inevitably  lead  to  abuses.  Besides,  he  also  rejected  the  idea  of  paying 
homage  to  saints,  relics,  or  angels.  Our  confidence  was  to  be  placed 
only  in  Almighty  God,  whom  alone  we  were  to  worship  through  Jesus 


REFORMATORY    MOVEMENTS.  369 

Christ,  the  sole  Mediator.  At  the  same  time,  he  wished  to  introduce 
certain  reforms  in  the  Liturgy  (|  90.  8).  He  also  opposed  those  por- 
tions of  the  public  services  which  were  merely  designed  to  affect  the 
senses,  and  would  have  banished  the  use  of  all  non-inspired  hymns. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  diligent  study  of  the 
Bible,  and  condemned  all  appeals  to  ordeals  (|  88,  4),  and  all  the  popu- 
lar superstitions  about  witchcraft,  and  supernatural  means  for  securing 
favourable  weather  (Contra  insulsam  vulgi  opinionem  de  grandino  ot 
tonitruis)  ;  as  also  the  belief,  that  diseases  and  other  plagues  might  be 
averted  by  donations  to  churches.  On  the  subject  of  inspiration  his 
views  were  somewhat  loose  (^  90,  G).  Still  nobody  thought  of  charging 
him  with  heresy. —  Clmidius,  Bisliop  of  Turin  (§90,4),  went  even 
bejrond  Agobard.  From  the  writings  of  Augustine  that  prelate  had 
derived  views,  more  deep  and  full  than  any  of  his  cotemporaries,  of  the 
blessed  truth,  that  man  is  justified  without  any  works  of  his  own,  only 
through  the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ.  Louis  the  Pious  had  elevated  him 
to  the  See  of  Turin  for  the  express  purpose  of  opposing  image-worship 
in  Italy,  the  great  stronghold  of  this  superstition.  In  his  diocese  the 
veneration  paid  to  images,  relics,  and  crucifixes  had  been  carried  to 
fearful  excess.  These  abuses  seemed  to  call  for  stringent  measures. 
Accordingly,  Claudius  ordered  all  images  and  crucifixes  to  be  flung  out 
of  the  churches.  Popular  tumults  ensued  in  consequence,  and  only 
fear  of  the  Frankish  arms  could  have  preserved  the  life  or  protected 
the  office  of  the  bold  prelate.  When  Pope  Paschal  expostulated  with 
him  on  the  subject,  he  replied,  that  he  would  only  recognize  his  apos- 
tolic dignity  so  long  as  he  did  the  works  of  an  apostle ;  if  otherwise, 
Matt,  xxiii.  2,  3,  applied  to  him.  Claudius  expounded  his  \  icws  in 
some  exegetical  tractates.  In  answer  to  Theodimir,  Abbot  of  Psalmody, 
the  Bishop  of  Turin  wrote,  in  825,  a  work  entitled  "  Ajwlogeticus," 
which  is  only  known  from  the  rejoinder  of  Theodimir.  A  Scotchman, 
Dxingal,  teacher  at  Pavia,  also  wrote  against  him,  and  accused  him 
before  the  Emperor.  Upon  this  Jonas,  Bisliop  of  Orleans,  was  com- 
missioned to  refute  the  Apologeticus.  The  work  (de  Cultu  Imaginum 
LI.  III.),  which  appeared  only  after  the  death  of  Claudius,  embodies 
the  principles  of  the  Frankish  Church  on  the  subject  of  image-worship. 


SECOND    PEEIOD 

OP 

ECCLESIASTICAL      HISTORY 

IN  ITS  MEDIEVAL  AND  GERMANIC  FORM  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

FROM  TIIE  TENTH  TO  THE  THIRTEENTH  CENT. 


I.  SPREAD  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

^  93.   MISSIONARY  OPERATIONS  DURING  THAT  PERIOD. 

The  christianization  of  the  continent  of  Europe  was  almost 
completed  during  this  period,  that  of  Lapland  and  Lithuania 
alone  being  reserved  for  the  following.  Both  the  mode  and 
results  of  missionary  operations  continued  as  before.  The 
labours  of  the  heralds  of  the  Cross  were  supported  by  armed 
force;  monasteries  and  fortresses  became  the  bases  for  the  spread 
of  Christianity  ;  political  motives  and  marriages  with  Christian 
princesses  generally  effected  the  conversion  of  heathen  rulers ; 
and  the  peoples  were  either  obliged  to  follow  the  example  of 
their  sovereigns,  or  submitted  in  silent  resignation  ;  while,  under 
the  cover  of  Christianity,  many  heathen  superstitions  continued 
to  exist.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  German  emperors  to  place 
the  newly-converted  races  under  the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the 
Metropolitan  of  Germany.  Thus  Hamburg  and  Bremen  was 
made  the  see  for  Scandinavia  and  the  Baltic  Provinces,  Magde- 
burg that  for  Poland  and  the  adjoining  countries,  llayence  for 
Bohemia,  Pansau  and  Salsbury  for  Hungary.  But  the  Papacy 
uniformly  opposed  such  attempts  of  the  German  clergy  and 
rulers.  Each  of  these  countries  was  to  have  its  independent 
metropolitan,  and  thus  to  occupy  a  place  of  equality  in  the 
great  family  of  Christian  states,  of  which  the  See  of  Rome  was 

(370) 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS.  371 

to  be  the  spiritual  head  (§  83). — The  Western  Church  repeatedly 
commenced  missionary  operations  among  the  Mongols  of  Asia 
and  the  Saracens  of  Africa,  but  without  leading  to  any  lasting 
results. 

1.  The  Scandinavian  Mission.  —  (Comp.  Fr.  M'dnter,  K.  G.  v.  Dane- 
mark  u.  Norweg.,  I.  Lpz.  1823.^ — K.  Mau7-er,  d.  Bekehr.  d.  Norweg. 
Stammes.  2  Bde.  Miinch.  1856. — F.  C.  Daldmann,  Gesch.  v.  Diinem.  I. 
Hamb.  1840.  —  ^.  G.  Gcijer,  Gesch.  Schwed.  I.  Ilamb.  1832.  — Main 
Source:  Adam  v.  Bremen,  Gcsta  Hamb.  eccl.  Pontiff.) — The  labours  of 
Ansgar  and  Rimhert  {I  80)  extended  only  to  the  border  provinces  of  Jilt- 
land  and  some  places  of  traffic  in  STveden  ;  and  the  churches  even  there 
established  had  virtually  died  out.  A  revival  of  the  mission  was  not 
to  be  thought  of,  in  the  face  of  the  predatory  incursions  of  the 
Normans,  or  Vikinger  (Wikingar  =  warrior),  who  were  the  terror  of 
the  entire  European  coast,  during  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries.  But 
their  incursions  opened  the  way,  in  other  respects,  for  the  new  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  in  those  countries.  Many  of  the  returning 
Vikinger  had  embraced  Christianity  abroad,  and  thus  carried  the 
knowledge  of  it  back  to  their  homes.  In  France  Norwegian  Normans 
founded  (912)  Normandy,  under  RoUo's  guidance ;  in  England,  in  the 
tenth  century,  the  northern  half  of  the  country  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Danish  Normans,  and  ultimately  King  Sven  of  Denmark  con- 
quered (1013)  the  whole  country.  In  both  countries  the  insurgents 
embraced  Christianity,  and  in  virtue  of  the  intimacy  kept  up  with 
their  native  countries,  participated  in  the  work  of  their  conversion. — 
In  Denmark  Gorm  ilie  Aged,  the  founder  of  the  Danish  monarchy, 
showed  violent  hostility  to  Christianity.  He  destroyed  all  the  Christian 
institutions  of  the  country,  drove  away  all  the  priests,  and  devastated 
the  neighbouring  German  coasts.  Finally  the  German  king  Henry  I. 
went  on  an  expedition  against  the  Danes,  made  them  tributary,  and 
exacted  toleration  of  the  Christian  faith  (934).  At  once  Archbishop 
Unni  of  Bremen  resumed  the  work  of  missions.  With  a  large  part 
of  his  clergy  he  went  into  the  Danish  territory,  restored  the  churches 
of  Jutland,  and  died  in  Sweden  (936).  Gorm's  son,  Harold  Blaatand 
(Blue-tooth),  was  baptized  after  having  concluded  a  peace  with  Otho  I. 
in  972.  But  his  son,  Sven  Gahelbart,  although  likewise  baptized, 
became  leader  of  a  heathen  reactionary  party.  Harold  fell  in  battle 
against  him  (986),  and  Sven  madly  persecuted  the  Christians.  In 
988,  however,  Erich  of  Sweden,  also  a  heathen  and  foe  of  Christianity, 
drove  out  Sven,  and  by  the  advice  of  a  German  embassy,  tolerated 
Christianity.  After  Erich's  death  Sven  returned  (998).  Converted 
during  his  exile,  he  now  furthered  Christianity  as  zealously  as  he  had 
opposed  it.  In  1013  he  conquered  all  England  and  died  there  in  1014. 
His  son,  Canute  the  Great  [oh.  1036),  united  the  two  kingdoms  under 
his  sceptre,  and  made  great  efforts  to  reconcile  both  nations  in  a  com- 
31* 


372     SECTION    II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

mon  Christian  faith,  and  thus  form  a  bond  of  union  between  them. 
The  German  mission  of  Bremen,  urged  by  him,  now  actively  co-operated 
"with  an  English  mission.  In  1026  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome, 
and  effected  an  intimate  connection  of  the  Danish  Church  with  the 
ecclesiastical  centre  of  the  Western  Church  ;  a  movement  which  was 
probably  based  on  far-seeing  political  considerations.  Thenceforth 
Denmark  appears  as  a  completelj'^  Christianized  country. —  (Main 
Source,  nest  to  Adam  of  Bremen:  Saxo  Grammatiais,  oh.  1204,  Hist. 
Danica.)  —  In  Swedex  also,  Archbishop  Unni  of  Bremen  reopened  the 
work  of  missions,  and  died  there  in  936.  From  that  time  the  German 
mission  continued  uninterruptedly  active.  But  little  was  effected, 
however,  until  English  missionaries  went,  early  in  the  eleventh  century, 
from  Norway,  with  Sigurd  (Sigfried)  at  their  head,  and  baptized  King 
Olaf  Skautkoming  (Lap-king,  o6.  1024).  Olaf  and  his  followers  did  all 
they  could  to  promote  the  mission,  which  was  very  successful  in  Goth- 
land, also  ;  whilst  in  Swealand  (with  the  heathen  temple  at  Upsala), 
heathenism  still  prevailed.  King  Inge,  having  refused  to  relapse  from 
Christianity,  was,  1080,  driven  with  stones  from  a  popular  assemblage 
at  Upsala.  His  brother-in-law,  Blot  Sven,  headed  the  heathen  reaction, 
and  excited  a  violent  persecution  against  Christians.  After  reigning 
three  years  he  was  killed,  and  Inge  restored  Christianity,  which,  how- 
ever, first  became  predominant  in  Upper  Sweden,  under  St.  Erich 
(0&.II6O). — (Sources:  Adam  v.  Br.  ;  SaxoGramm.) — Norway  had  early 
obtained  a  knowledge  of  Christianity  through  the  romantic  adventures 
of  its  seafaring  youth,  through  captives,  and  by  intei-course  with 
Norman  colonies  in  England  and  Normandy.  The  first  Christian  king 
of  Norway  was  Haco  the  Good  (934—61)  who  had  been  trained  a  Chris- 
tian at  the  English  court.  After  gaining  the  affections  of  his  people 
by  his  admirable  government,  he  ventured  to  request  them  legally  to 
adopt  Christianity.  The  people,  however,  compelled  him  to  participate 
in  heathen  sacrifices ;  and  when  he  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  over 
the  sacrificial  bowl  before  he  drank  it,  he  barely  escaped  violence  by 
an  evasive  reference  of  the  act  to  Thor's  mark.  He  could  never  forgive 
himself  for  this  weakness,  and  died  broken-hearted,  not  even  deeming 
himself  worthy  of  a  Christian  burial.  Olaf  Tryggvason  (995-1000), 
at  first  the  ideal  of  a  Northern  Viking,  then  of  a  Northern  king,  was 
baptized  during  his  last  invasion  of  England,  and  bent  all  the  energies 
of  his  character  to  the  forcible  introduction  of  Christianity.  Not  even 
a  stranger  left  Norway  without  being  persuaded  or  compelled  by  him 
to  be  baptized.  Those  who  resisted  were  imprisoned  or  put  to  death. 
He  fell  in  a  battle  against  the  Danes.  His  example  was  followed  by 
Olaf  Earoldson  (the  Fat,  afterwards  Saint;  1014-30).  Without  pos- 
sessing the  amiability  and  noble-heartedness  of  his  predecessor,  but 
pursuing  his  ecclesiastical  and  political  schemes  more  arbitrarily  and 
cruelly,  he  soon  lost  the  regard  of  his  subjects.  His  enraged  chief- 
tains conspired  with  Canute  the  Dane;  the  whole  country  rose  against 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS.  373 

him ;  lie  fell  in  battle,  and  Norway  became  a  Danish  province.  But 
the  hard  Danish  yoke  soon  changed  the  popular  sentiments  regarding 
Olaf,  who  now  came  to  be  considered  a  martyr  of  national  freedom  and 
independence.  Countless  miracles  were,  wrought  by  his  relics,  and  in 
1031  he  was  unanimously  proclaimed  a  national  saint.  Enthusiasm 
in  his  worship  daily  increased,  and  with  it  enthusiasm  for  the  libera- 
tion of  their  country.  Borne  onward  by  this  mighty  agitation,  Olaf's 
son,  Magnus  the  Good,  expelled  the  Danes  (1035).  But  although  the 
elevation  of  Olaf  to  saintship  at  first  led  to  purely  political  results,  it 
was  the  means  of  stamping  the  country  forever  with  the  seal  of  Chris- 
tianity (Source :  Siiorrs  Sturleson  o6.  1241  Ileimskringla  oder  norw. 
Kcinigssagen).  On  the  North-Western  group  of  islands,  the  Hebrides, 
Orkneys,  Sketland,  and  Faroe  islands,  the  sparse  Christian  Celtic 
population  was  driven  out  in  the  ninth  century  by  the  immigration  of 
heathen  Norwegian  Vikinger,  among  whom  Christianity  was  first 
introduced  by  the  two  Norwegian  Olafs.  —  The  first  mission  to  Ice- 
land was  conducted  by  the  Icelander  Thorwald,  who,  baptized  in 
Saxony  by  a  bishop  (?)  Frederick,  took  him  to  Iceland  to  assist  there 
in  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  natives.  After  nearly  five  years' 
labour  a  number  were  converted,  but  the  Thing  (national  diet)  con- 
demned the  movement,  and  the  missionaries  left  the  island  (985). 
Olaf  Tryggvason  did  not  readily  allow  an  Icelander  visiting  Norway 
to  return  without  being  baptized,  and  twice  sent  expeditions  thither 
to  convert  the  natives.  The  first,  under  Stefnir,  a  native  Icelander, 
accomplished  but  little  (996)  ;  the  second,  under  Olaf's  court  chaplain, 
Dankbrand  (a  Saxon  who  was  both  priest  and  warrior,  efiFecting  with 
his  sword  what  his  preaching  failed  to  accomplish),  converted  many 
of  the  most  powerful  chieftains.  A  civil  war  threatened  to  ruin  every- 
thing, but  was  averted  by  a  timely  compromise,  in  accordance  with 
which  all  the  natives  were  baptized.  Christian  worship  only  publicly 
performed,  whilst  secretly  idolatry,  infanticide,  and  the  eating  of 
horseflesh  was  tolerated  (1000).  Subsequently  an  embassy  of  the 
Norwegian  king,  Olaf  Haraldson,  had  these  relics  of  heathenism 
expunged  from  their  laws.  —  Greenland  also,  which  had  been  dis- 
covered by  an  outlawed  Icelander,  Uric  the  Red,  and  soon  after 
colonized  (985),  owes  its  Christianity  to  King  Olaf  Tryggvason, 
who  sent  thither  (1000)  a  son  of  Eric,  Lcif  the  Lucky,  with  an  expe- 
dition for  its  conversion.  The  people  did  not  object  to  being  baptized. 
This  same  Leif  discovered  on  his  voyage  a  rich  fertile  country,  which 
he  called  Vinland,  from  the  wild  grapes  found  there ;  it  was  subse- 
quently colonized  by  Icelanders.  In  the  twelfth  century  yet,  a  Green- 
land bishop,  Eric,  went  thither  to  confirm  the  inhabitants  in  the  faith. 
It  doubtless  lay  on  the  east  coast  of  North  America,  and  is  probably 
identical  with  Massachusetts  or  Rhode  Island. — (Main  Source :  Snorrs 
Sturleson.) 

2.  The  Slavonian  Magyar  Mission.  —  (Comp.  J.Palacky,  Gescli.  v. 
32 


374     SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

Bolimen.  I.  Pr<ag.  1836. — C.  G.  v.  Friese,  K.  G.  d.  Konigr.  Polen.  I.  Bresl. 
nS6.—E.  Eoevall,  Gesch.  Polens.  Ilamb.  1840.  I.—/,  v.  Mailaih,  Gcsch. 
d.  Magyaren,  I.  Wien  1828.  2  Ausg.  Regensb.  1852.  — i.  Giesehrecht, 
wendische  Gesch.  3  Bde.  Berl.  1843.— (7.  W.  SjneJco;  K.  u.  Ref.  Gesch. 
d.  Mark  Brandenb.  I.  18S9.  —  Jul.  Wigi^ers,  K.  G.  Mecklenb.  Parchim. 
1840.  —  P.  F.  Kaimegiesser, 'Bekehmngsgesch.  d.  Pommern.  Greifsw. 
1824.  — i^.  W.  Bartlilwld,  Gesch.  v.  Riigen  u.  Pommern.  2  Bde.  Hamb. 
1839.  —  E.  L.  Dlimmhr,  Piligrim  v.  Passau  Lpz.  1854.  —  F.  C.  Kruse, 
St.  Vicelin.  Altona  1826.  (/.  /.  Sell)  Otto  v.  Bamberg.  Stettin  1792.  — 
C.  F.  Busch,  Memoria  Ottonis  ep.  Bamb.  Jen.  1824.) — The  Gospel  had 
been  introduced  into  Bohemia  during  the  preceding  period  (|  79,  2). 
After  the  death  of  Vraiislav,  Drahomira,  his  widow,  a  heathen,  seized 
the  reins  of  government  in  name  of  Boleslav,  her  younger  son.  The 
attempt  of  Ludmilla,  with  the  aid  of  certain  priests  and  Germans,  to 
elevate  to  the  throne  St.  Wenceslav,  the  elder  son,  whom  she  had  edu- 
cated, was  frustrated.  Ludmilla  was  killed  by  order  of  Drahomira 
(927),  and  Wenceslav  fell  by  the  hand  of  his  brother.  Boleslav  at 
first  attempted  to  exterminate  Christianity  from  his  dominions,  but 
was  obliged  to  relax  his  former  severity  after  his  defeat  by  OtJio  I.  in 
950.  Ilis  son,  Boleslav  II.,  established  Christianity  in  the  country, 
and  founded  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Prague.  The  Pope  gave  his 
consent  to  the  erection  of  this  see,  on  condition  that  the  Romish  Liturgy 
should  be  introduced  (973).  —  From  Bohemia  the  Gospel  spread  to 
Poland,  Duke  Miecislav  was  induced  by  Dambrovka,  his  wife,  a 
Bohemian  princess  (daughter  of  Boleslav  I.),  to  adopt  the  Christian 
religion  (966).  His  subjects  followed  his  example,  and  the  See  of 
Posen  was  founded.  The  Church  secured  a  firmer  footing  under  his 
son,  the  powerful  Boleslav  Chrohry  (992-1025),  who,  with  the  appro- 
bation of  Otto  III.,  emancipated  the  Polish  Church  from  allegiance  to 
the  Magdeburg  See,  and  founded  an  archiepiscopal  see  at  Gnesen 
(1000).  He  also  freed  Poland  from  fealty  to  the  German  empire,  and 
let  himself  be  crowned  shortly  before  his  death  (1025).  Five  years  of 
anarchy,  which  threatened  to  destroy  Christianity  in  the  land,  were 
brought  to  an  end  by  his  grandson  Casimir  (1039).  Casimir's  grand- 
son, Boleslav  II.,  murdered  Bishop  Stanislaus  of  Cracow  (1079),  who 
had  put  him  under  the  ban,  and  thus  furnished  Poland  with  a  saint. — 
(Main  Source:  Thietmar's  v.  Merseb.  [oh.  1018)  Chronik,  and  Martini 
Galli  (c.  1130)  Chronic.  Polon.)  —  The  Gospel  was  first  carried  to 
Hungary  from  Constantinople,  where  Gi/las,  a  Hungarian  prince,  was 
baptized  in  950.  He  returned  home  with  Hierotlieus,  a  monk  who  had 
been  consecrated  Bishop  of  Hungary ;  but  this  connection  with  the 
Greek  Church  was  only  temporary.  After  Henry  I.  routed  the  Hun- 
garians (933)  at  Keuschberg,  and  still  more  after  they  had  been 
enfeebled  by  the  defeat  inflicted  on  them  by  Otto  I.  in  955,  German 
influence  became  predominant  there.  The  indefatigable  missionary 
zeal  of  Bishop  PUigi'im  of  Passau,   and  the  immigration  of  many 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS.  375 

foreignei'S,  especially  Germans,  soon  secured  for  Christianity  a  com- 
plete ascendancy  over  heathenism.  This  end  was  also  favoured  by 
Duke  Geitia  (972-97),  and  his  resolute,  energetic  wife,  SaroJtu,  a 
daughter  of  the  above-named  Gylas.  The  work  was  perfected  by 
Geisa's  son,  St.  Stephen  (997-1038),  who  was  baptized  at  his  marriage 
with  Gipela,  sister  of  the  subsequent  king  Henry  II.,  suppressed  a 
heathen  insurrection,  and  gave  the  country  a  constitution  and  laws. 
He  also  founded  the  archiopiscopatc  of  Gran,  with  ten  suffragan 
bishops,  put  on  his  head  the  crown  (1000)  which  had  been  solicited 
from  Pope  Sylvester  II.,  and  made  Hungary  a  powerful  member  of 
the  national  confederacy  of  Christian  Europe.  Under  his  successor, 
heathenism  twice  made  menacing  insurrections,  but  was  soon  put 
down.  Its  last  remains  were  annihilated  by  St.  Ladislaus  (1077-95). 
—  (Chief  Source :   Tli  ietmar. ) 

Among  the  numerous  tribes  of  Wends,  in  N.  and  N.  E.  Germany, 
the  most  prominent  were  the  Obotrites,  (in  modern  Holstein  and 
Mecklenburg),  the  Luticians  or  Wilzens,  (between  the  Elbe  and  Oder), 
the  Pomeranians,  (from  the  Oder  to  the  Weichsel),  and  the  Serbians 
or  Sorbens,  (southward  in  Saxony  and  Lusatia),  Henry  I.  (91G-36), 
and  his  son  Otho  I.  (936-73),  subjected  them  to  German  rule,  and  Otho 
founded, besides, several  bishoprics,  the  archbishopric  of  il/«5rfZe6;nY/(9G8). 
Tlic  loss  of  their  national  liberty,  as  Avell  as  the  pride  and  tyranny  of 
the  German  Margraves,  rendered  Christianity  exceedingly  odious  to  the 
Wends,  so  that  it  could  not  be  firmly  established  among  them  vintil 
their  freedom  and  nationality  had  been  wholly  eradicated,  and  the 
Slavic  population  had  been  merged  in  the  prcdominent  German  element. 
An  insurrection  of  the  Obotrites,  under  Mistevoi  (983),  who  hoped  with 
one  blow  to  get  rid  of  the  German  yoke  and  Christianity,  overthrew  all 
Christian  institutions.  His  grandson  GottschaJJc  was  reared  in  a  German 
monastery,  but  enraged  by  the  murder  of  his  father,  Udo  (1032),  fled 
from  the  monastery,  renounced  Christianity,  and  excited  a  fearful  per- 
secution against  Christians  and  Germans.  This  revengeful  madness, 
however,  was  soon  followed  by  repentance.  The  Germans  captured 
him  ;  on  being  set  free,  he  went  to  Denmark,  but  soon  returned  and 
founded  a  great  "Wend  empire  which  extended  from  the  North  sea  to 
the  Oder  (1045).  He  then  bent  all  his  energy,  with  glowing  zeal,  to 
the  establishment  of  the  Church  in  his  empire  upon  a  national  basis, 
Adalbert  of  Bremen  furnishing  him  with  missionaries.  He  himself 
became  in  a  great  measure  their  interpreter  and  expounder.  The  suc- 
cess was  brilliant,  but  the  national  sentiment  of  the  Wends  hated  him 
as  a  friend  of  the  Saxons  and  the  Church.  He  was  assassinated  lOOG. 
Then  followed  a  most  cruel  persecution  of  the  Christians.  Gottschalk's 
son,  Henry,  was  supplanted,  and  Cruco  (of  the  island  Rligen),  the 
powerful  prince  of  the  Rani,  a  fanatical  foe  of  Christianity,  was  chosen 
rulei'.  At  Henry's  instigation,  he  was  murdered,  1105,  in  his  house. 
Henry  died  1119.  A  Danish  prince,  Canute,  bought  the  Wend  crown 
from  the  Saxon  duke,  Lothar ;  but  he  was  murdered  in  1131.     Thus 


376     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CE  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

ended  the  "Wend  empire;  only  among  the  Obotrites,  prince  Niclot  (i/&. 
1160),  maintained  his  authority  for  some  time.  His  son,  Pribislas, 
(the  ancestor,  of  the  present  princes  of  Mecklenburg),  by  a  timely 
adoption  of  Christianity  (1164),  secured  for  himself  a  part  of  his 
paternal  inheritance,  as  a  Saxon  feudal  principality.  The  rest  of  the 
country  Henri/  the  Lion  divided  among  his  German  warriors,  settling 
the  devastated  possessions  -with  German  colonists.  The  power  of  the 
LuTiciANS  was  broken  by  Albert  the  Bear,  the  founder  of  Mark  Bran- 
denburg, after  long  contests  and  numerous  insurrections  (1157).  He, 
also,  jDlaced  a  great  number  of  German  colonists  upon  the  desolated 
country.  The  work  of  Christianizing  the  Sorbi  was  much  easier. 
After  their  first  defeats  by  Henry  I.  (922-927),  they  never  regained 
their  liberty.  The  mission  of  the  sword  more  or  less  closely  attended 
the  mission  of  the  cross  among  the  Wends.  Among  the  Sorbi,  bishop 
Benno  of  Misnia  [ob.  1106),  laboured  with  special  zeal;  among  the 
Obotrites,  St.  Yicelin,  under  sore  trials  and  sufi'erings.  St.  Vicelin  died 
whilst  bishop  at  Oldenburg  (1154).  His  successor,  Gerold,  who  trans- 
ferred the  see  to  Lubeck,  followed  in  his  footsteps.  Other  zealous 
Wend  apostles  deserving  mention,  are,  bishop  Everanod  of  Ratzeburg 
(from  1154),  bishop  Berno  of  Schwerin  (from  1158).  (Chief  sources: 
—  Widukinds.  v.  Coi'bei.  (c.  970),  Chronik.  —  Thietjyiar's  Chronik. — 
Adam  v.  Brem.  —  Helmold's  [ob.  1170),  Chronicon.  Slavorum).  The 
Pomeranians  were  subjugated  (1121),  by  the  Polish  duke  Boleslav  III., 
who  extorted  from  them  an  oath  that  they  would  embrace  Christianity. 
But  the  work  of  their  conversion  proved  so  difficult,  that  he  could  find 
no  one  among  his  clergy  willing  to  undertake  it.  Thereupon  Bern- 
hard,  a  Spanish  monk,  ofi'ered  his  services  (1122).  But  the  Pomera- 
nians drove  him  off  as  a  beggar,  asserting  that  if  the  God  of  the 
Christians  was  really  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  he  would  send  them 
a  servant  corresponding  with  his  dignity.  This  convinced  Boleslav 
that  none  but  a  man  who  combined  Avith  a  true  missionary  spirit,  the 
show  of  worldly  grandeur  and  wealth,  could  succeed  on  that  field,  and 
bishop  Otho  v.  Bamberg  seemed  to  suit  the  case.  Otho  consented,  and 
in  two  missionary  towns  (1124, 1128),  founded  the  Pomeranian  Church. 
Following  Boleslav's  counsel,  he  both  times  travelled  in  princely  style. 
The  result  was  astonishing,  though  he  several  times  came  near  losing 
his  life.  The  entire  Middle  Ages  furnish  no  example  (unless  St.  Boni- 
face be  excepted),  of  a  like  noble,  pure,  and  successful  missionary 
effort.  No  missionary  of  that  period  exhibited  the  same  firmness,  with- 
out egotism ;  earnestness,  without  severity  ;  gentleness,  and  placability, 
without  weakness  ;  glowing  zeal,  without  fanaticism  ;  and,  in  no  other 
instance  did  the  German  and  Slavic  nationalities  merge  so  harmoniously. 
The  last  bulwark  of  Wend  heathenism  was  the  island  RUgen;  it 
yielded  (1108),  to  a  league  between  the  Danish  king  Waldemar  I., 
and  princes  of  Christian  Pomeranians  and  Obotrites. — (Main  source : 
Vitae  Ottoni). 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS,  377 

3.  Missions  among  the  Fins  and  Ldonians.  —  (Cf.  Fr.  R'ulis,  Finnl. 
u.  s.  Bewohner.  Lpz.  1809.  — i^.  A".  Gadehusch,  livl.  Jahrb.  3  Bdo. 
Riga.  1780.  —  Fr.  Krusc,  Urgesch.  d.  esthnisch.  Volksstamnies.  Lpz. 
1846  (unreliable).— av/c.  Kienitz,  24  Bb.  livl.  Gesch.  Bd.  I.  Dorp. 
1847.  —  A'.  V.  Schldzer.  Livl.  u.  d.  Aufangc.  d.  deutsch.  Lebens  im  bait. 
Norden.  Bcrl.  1850.  —  A.  v.  liicJdcr,  Gesch.  d.  russ.  Kaisertli.  cinverl- 
eibten.  deutsch.  Ostsecprov.  Bd.  I.,  Abth.  I.  (1158-1347),  Riga.  1857. 
—  E.  Papst,  Meinhart,  Livland's  Apost.  Reval.  1847-49.  —  /.  Vuigt, 
Gosch.  Prcusscns.  bis  z.  Unterg.  d.  Ilerrseh.  d.  deutsch.  Ordcns.  Bd. 
I-III.,  Kiinigsb.  1827.— AT.  0.  TormmhU,  d.  Leb.  Adalb.  v.  Prag.  &c., 
in  d.  hist,  theol.  Ztschr.  1853,  11.  —  /.  M.  Wattericli,  d.  Grlindung.  d. 
deutsch.  Ordenstaates  Preussen.  Lpz.  1857).  —  Christianity  was  in- 
troduced into  Finland  by  St.  Eric,  by  means  of  conquest  and  force 
(1157).  Bishop  Henry  of  TJpsala,  the  apostle  of  the  Fins,  who  accom- 
panied him,  suffered  martyrdom  in  1158.  The  Fins  hated  Christianity 
as  ardently  as  the  Swedish  rule  which  brought  it  to  them.  It  was  only 
after  the  third  invasion,  under  the  chief  magistrate  Tliorkel  Canuteson 
(1293),  that  success  was  achieved.  Lapland  became  subject  to  Sweden 
in  1279,  and  Christianity  was  gradually  introduced.  In  1335,  bishop 
Hemming  of  Upsala  consecrated  the  first  church  in  Tornea.  Modern 
EsTHONiA,  Livonia,  and  Curland,  were  settled  by  people  of  Finnish 
descent;  though  Livonia  and  Curland  were  likewise  settled  by  Leto- 
nians  from  the  South  and  East,  (Letonians  and  Letonian-Gauls  in 
Livonia,  and  Semgauls  and  Wends  in  Curland).  The  first  attempts  to 
plant  Christianity  in  those  regions  proceeded  from  Swedes  and  Danes, 
and,  as  early  as  1048,  under  the  Danish  king  Svcn  III.,  Estritson,  a 
church  was  built  in  Curland  by  Christian  merchants  ;  and  the  Danes, 
not  long  after,  built  the  fortress  Lindanisso,  in  Esthnia.  The  elevation 
of  the  bishopric  of  Lund  to  a  metropolitan  see  (1098),  occurred  with 
reference  to  these  countries.  In  1171,  Pope  Alexander  HI.  sent  Fulco, 
a  monk,  as  bishop  of  Finland  and  Esthnia,  to  convert  the  heathen 
there,  but  he  seems  not  to  have  entered  upon  his  duties.  The  first 
permanent  results  were  secured  by  German  preachers  and  swords. 
Merchants  from  Bremen  and  Lubeck  had  formed  commercial  leagues 
with  the  regions  along  the  Dlina.  Meinhart,  a  pious  priest  from  the 
monastery  of  Segeberg,  in  Ilolstein,  undertook,  in  their  comjiany,  and 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Bremen  archbishop,  Ilartwig  II.,  a  missionary 
journey  thither  (118G),  established  a  church  at  Uerklill,  on  the  Dlina, 
and  became  its  bishop,  but  died  119G.  His  companion,  Dietrich, 
laboured  in  the  vicinity  of  Treiden,  as  far  as  into  Esthnia.  Meinhart's 
successor  as  bishop  Avas  the  Cistercian  abbot  Berthold  v.  Loccum,  in 
Hanover.  Driven  ofl"  soon  after  his  arrival,  he  returned  with  a  band 
of  German  crusaders,  and  fell  in  battle,  1198.  His  successor  was  the 
Bremen  canon,  Alljcrt  von  Burhoicden,  (v.  Appeldorn).  He  removed 
the  see  to  Riya,  which  he  built  in  1201 ;  and,  for  the  protection  of  the 
mission,  established,  1202,  the  Order  of  the  Sword  (?  98,  6),  and 
32* 


378      SECTION   U. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C E N T.  10— 13  A. D.). 

founded,  amid  constant  conflicts  -with  the  Eussians,  Esthnians,  Curs, 
and  Letonians,  new  bishoprics  in  Esthnia,  Dorpat,  Oesel,  and  Sem- 
gaul,  and  welhiigh  Christianized  all  these  countries.  He  died  1229. 
After  1219,  the  Danes  co-operated  with  Albert  in  the  conquest  and 
conversion  of  Esthnia.  Waldemar  II.  founded  Reval  (1219),  eleA^ated 
it  to  a  bishopric,  and  used  all  means  to  expel  the  Germans;  but  he 
failed.  Indeed  the  Danes  were  compelled  (1227),  to  leave  Esthnia. 
After  Albert's  death,  the  difiiculties  of  the  Germans  so  increased,  that 
Volguin,  the  excellent  master  of  the  Order,  had  to  invoke  the  aid  of 
the  new  Prussian  order  of  Teutonic  Knights.  The  union  of  the  two 
orders,  hindered  by  Danish  intrigues,  was  not  effected  until  1237,  when 
a  fearful  defeat  of  the  Germans  by  the  Letonians  not  only  threatened 
the  existence  of  the  Order  of  the  Sword,  but  the  Livonian  Church  itself. 
Then  first  was  Curland  (the  see  at  Pilten),  permanently  subjugated 
and  converted ;  it  had  promised  to  embrace  Christianity  in  1230,  but 
soon  again  relapsed  into  heathenism.  Finally,  in  1253,  Eicja  was  also 
made  a  metropolitan  see ;  Albert  Suerbeer  (previously  archbishop  of 
Ai-magh  in  Ireland),  having  been  appointed  by  Innocent  IV.  arch- 
bishop of  Prussia,  Livonia,  and  Esthnia,  removed  his  see  to  Riga. 
(Cf.  P.  V.  Gotze,  Albert  Suerbeer,  St.  Petersb.  1854).  —  (Chief  sources : 
Henry  the  Lettonian,  [ob.  after  1227),  Origines  Livonicae.  —  Ditleb's  v. 
Alepeke  livl.  Reimchronik.)  —  The  old  Prussians  and  Lithuanians  also 
belonged  to  the  Letonians.  To  the  Prussians  (between  the  Weichsel  and 
Memel),  St.  Adalbert  of  Prague  first  bore  the  tidings  of  salvation,  but 
suffered  martyrdom  soon  after  he  commenced  labours  in  Samland  (997). 
In  1009,  the  zealous  monk  Bruno,  and  eighteen  companions,  met  with 
a  similar  fate  on  the  borders  of  Letonia.  Two  centuries  elapsed  before 
another  missionary  showed  himself  in  Prussia.  The  first  was  abbot 
Godfrey,  of  the  Polish  monaster^r  of  Lukina.  At  the  outset  he  and  his 
companion  Philip  were  encouraged,  but  they  soon  suffered  martyrdom 
(1207).  The  labours  of  the  Cistercian  Christian,  of  the  Pomeranian 
monastery  Oliva,  three  years  later  (1209),  were  more  successful  and 
permanent.  He  was  the  real  apostle  of  the  Prussians,  became  bishop 
in  1214,  and  died  in  1244.  Following  the  example  of  the  Order  of  the 
Sword  in  Livonia,  he  founded,  1225,  the  order  of  the  Milites  Christi, 
which,  however,  was  I'educed  to  five  men  in  the  first  year  of  its  exist- 
ence. —  In  union  with  duke  Conrad  of  Masovia,  whose  country  had 
also  sufi'ered  fearfully  from  the  inroads  of  the  heathen  Prussians, 
Christian  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  (|  98,  6),  then 
already  in  high  repute  in  Germany,  a  branch  of  whom  emigrated  to 
Culmcrland  in  1228,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation  of  the  civil  sway  of 
the  Teutonic  Knights  in  Prussia.  Then  commenced  a  sanguinary  con- 
flict of  sixty  years'  duration,  for  the  extermination  of  Prussian  heathen- 
ism. This  struggle  may  be  said  to  have  lasted  until  the  greater  part 
of  the  Prussians,  after  numerous  insurrections,  victories,  and  defeats, 
were  slain  (1283),  by  the  swords  of  the  Knights  and  of  crusaders  from 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS.  37*) 

Germany,  Pulund,  Bohemia,  &c.  Among  hosts  of  mIssionai-ie3 
(chiefly  Dominicans),  Bishop  Christian,  the  papal  legate  Williani, 
bishop  of  Modena,  and  the  Polish  Dominican  Ui/acinth,  an  ardent 
preacher  of  repentance  and  faith  [ob.  1257),  merit  special  mention. 
As  early  as  1243,  AVilliam  of  Modena  had  drawn  up  an  ecclesiastical 
constitution  for  the  country,  which  divided  Prussia  into  four  bishoprics, 
which,  after  1253,  were  under  the  metropolitan  of  Riga.  —  (Chief 
sources:  the  Chronicon  Prussice  of  Peter  of  Duisburg,  of  the  14th  cent., 
a  Chron.  van  d.  Duitscher  Oirder  of  the  15th  cent.,  and  the  Pruss. 
Chron.  of  Luk.  David  [ob.  1583),  in  which  use  was  made  of  the,  since 
then,  lost  work  of  bishop  Christian,  Liber  filiorum  Belial).  —  The 
establishment  of  Christianity  in  Lithuania  proved  most  enduring. 
After  liingold  had  founded  (1230),  a  grand  duchy  in  Lithuania,  his 
son  Mindoioe,  (Mendog),  resolved  to  extend  it  by  conquest.  The 
Prussian  Livonian  Knights,  however,  so  reduced  him  that  he  sued  for 
peace,  and  was  compelled  to  be  baptized  (1252).  But  he  had  scarcely 
recovered  from  his  humiliation,  when  he  threw  aside  the  mask  (12G0), 
and  assailed  his  Christian  neighbours  anew.  His  son,  Wolstinik,  Avho 
had  adhered  to  the  faith,  reigned  too  short  a  time  [ob.  1266),  to  secure 
recognition  from  his  people.  With  him  disappeared  every  trace  of 
Christianity  in  Lithuania.  The  grand  duke  Gedimin  (1315-40),  was 
the  first  again  to  tolerate  Christianity  in  his  country.  Under  his  suc- 
cessor, Olgerd,  Romish  Dominicans  and  Russian  popes  rivalled  each 
other  in  their  missionary  zeal.  Olgerd  was  baptized  by  the  Greeks, 
but  soon  relapsed.  His  son,  Jagello,  whose  mother  was  a  Christian, 
and  who  had  married  the  young  Polish  queen,  Hedicig,  whose  hand 
and  crown  he  obtained  by  being  baptized,  and  obligating  himself  to 
introduce  Christianity  into  his  country  (1386),  put  an  end  to  heathen- 
ism in  Lithuania.  His  subjects,  to  each  of  whom  a  woollen  garment 
was  given  by  their  sponsors,  pressed  in  crowds  to  be  baptized.  An 
episcopal  see  was  founded  at  Wilna. 

4.  Missions  among  the  Mongols.  —  (Cf.  Marco  Polo,  Travels,  &c.  — ■ 
De  Gui{ines,  hist,  generale  des  Huns,  des  Turcs,  des  Mongols.  Par. 
1756.  —  D'Avezac,  Relation  des  Mongoles  on  Tartares.  Par.  1838,  in 
the  Recueil  de  voyages  et  memoires  public  par  la  soc.  geogr.  T.  IV.  — 
Ahel-Eemusaf,  Memoires  sur  les  relations  politiques  des  princes  Chre- 
tiens avec  les  empereurs  Mongols,  in  the  Mem.  des  I'lnstit.  royal  de 
France.— T.  VI.,  396,  &c.,  VII.,  355,  &c.,  Par.  1822,  I'^IA.—D'Ohsson, 
Hist,  des  Mong.  depuis  Tschingis-Khan  jusqu'il  Timur-lenk.  Par.  1824, 
—  L.  Mosheim,  Hist.  Tartarorum  eccl.  Helmst.  4to,  1741. —  W.  Hegd, 
Studien  Uber  d.  Kolonien  d.  riim.  K.  unter  d.  Tartaren,  in  the  hist, 
theol.  Ztschr.  II.  1858).  —  The  most  extravagant  accounts  of  the  power 
and  glory  of  the  Tartar  priest-king  .John  (^  73,  1),  were  current  in  the 
West,  even  after  his  kingdom  was  overthrown  by  Genghis  Khan,  in 
1202.  Pope  Alexander  III.  sent  an  embassy  to  him  (1177),  of  the 
result  of  which  liothing  is  known.     The  Mongol  princes,  after  the  time 


880     SECTION   II S ECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A. D.). 

of  Genghis  Khan,  in  deistic  indifference,  showed  themselves  equally 
tolerant  and  inclined  towards  Christianity,  Islam,  and  Buddhism.  The 
Nestoi-ians  were  very  numerous,  though  greatly  reduced  in  their 
empire.  In  1240  and  41,  the  Mongol  hosts,  in  their  constant  advances 
westward,  threatened  to  overrun  and  lay  waste  all  Europe.  Russia, 
Poland,  Silesia,  Moravia,  and  Hungary,  had  been  already  fearfully 
devastated,  when  the  wild  plunderers  suddenly  and  unexpectedly 
turned  their  course.  Pope  Luiocent  IV.  sent  (1245),  a  Dominican  em- 
bassy, under  Nidi.  Ascelinus,  to  the  commander-in-chief  Batcliu,  then 
in  Persia,  and  a  Franciscan  embassy  under  John  of  Piano- Carpini  to 
the  Great  Khan,  Oktai,  (successor  of  Genghis  Khan,  from  1227),  to  his 
capital  Caracorum,  calling  upon  him  to  be  converted,  and  commanding 
him  to  abstain  from  his  repeated  incursions.  Both  embassies  were 
fruitless.  Equally  so  were  two  embassies  of  Louis  IX.,  of  France,  oc- 
casioned by  a  pretended  Mongol  embassy,  which  told  the  king  some 
fabricated  stories  concerning  the  inclination  of  the  Great  Khan,  Gajuk 
and  his  princes,  to  Christianity  and  of  their  purpose  to  conquer  the 
IIol}'  Land  for  the  Christians.  The  first  embassy  (1241),  proved  an 
utter  failure,  for  the  Mongols  regarded  the  presents  brought  to  them 
as  tribute  and  an  acknowledgment  of  voluntary  subjection.  The 
second,  also,  to  the  Great  Khan  Mangu  (1253),  although  conducted  by 
that  admirable  tactician,  the  Franciscan,  William  Eiujsbroelc  (de  Rubru- 
quis),  was  fruitless,  for,  Mangu,  instead  of  allowing  them  to  remain 
and  preach  the  gospel  in  the  country,  sent  them  back  to  Louis,  after 
they  had  held  a  debate  with  the  Mohammedans  and  Buddhists,  with 
a  menacing  demand  of  subjection  to  him.  After  Mangu' s  death  (1257), 
the  Mongol  empire  was  divided  into  an  Eastern  (China),  and  AVestern 
(Persia).  The  former  was  ruled  by  the  Khan  Kuhlai,  the  latter  by 
the  Khan  Hidagu.  Hulagu,  whose  mother  and  wife  were  Christians, 
put  an  end  to  the  caliphate  of  Bagdad,  but  was  thereupon  so  pressed 
by  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  that  he  opened  a  long  series  of  embassies  and 
negotiations  in  England  with  the  popes,  and  kings  of  France,  who  were 
planning  a  common  movement  against  the  Saracens,  and  made  splendid 
offers  to  the  East.  Ilis  successor  continued  these  negotiations,  which, 
hoAvever,  were  only  empty  promises  and  encouragements.  The  age  of 
the  crusades  had  passed,  and  even  the  most  powerful  popes  could  not 
revive  them.  The  Persian  khans,  vaccilating  between  Islam  and 
Christianity,  sank  into  greater  impotence,  until,  finally,  Tamerlane, 
upon  the  ruins  of  their  power  undertook  (1387),  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Crescent,  to  found  a  universal  Mongol  empire.  But  with  his 
death  (1405),  perished  the  rule  of  the  Mongols  in  Persia,  and  that  of 
the  Turc-mans.  began.  Thenceforth  Islam  remained  the  predominant 
religion  amidst  all  the  changes  of  dynasties.  Ktiblai-Khan,  the  ruler 
of  China,  a  genuine  type  of  the  mixed  religion  of  the  Mongols,  also 
seemed  inclined  to  Christianity,  but  at  the  same  time  faA'oured  the 
IMohammedans,  and  in  1260,  gave  to  Buddhism  a  hierarchal  form  and 


MISSIONARY    OPERATIONS.  381 

consolidation  by  the  appointment  of  the  first  Grand  Lama.  The 
journey  of  two  Venetians,  of  the  house  of  Foli,  Avho  returned  from  the 
country  of  the  Mongols  in  1269,  led  to  the  establishment  of  an  Eastern 
Christian  mission  in  China.  In  1272,  Pope  Gregory  X.  sent  t^yo 
Dominicans  thither,  who  were  joined  by  the  two  Poll,  and  the  son  of 
one  of  them,  Marco  Polo,  then  seventeen  years  old.  Marco  won  the 
implicit  confidence  of  the  Khan,  who  entrusted  him  with  an  important 
vicegorency.  On  his  return  he  published  a  Perigrinaiio  s.  LI.  3  de 
Oriental,  regionibus,  Avhich  attracted  great  attention,  and  was  the  first 
work  to  furnish  the  West  with  correct  ideas  of  the  state  of  Eastern 
Asia.  But  the  Franciscan,  John  de  Moiite-Corvino  (1291-1329),  one 
of  the  most  noble,  discerning,  and  faithful  missionaries  of  the  entire 
Middle  Ages,  was  the  first  to  start  regular  and  persevering  effcn-ts  to 
evangelize  that  region.  Having  frustrated  the  inimical  machinations 
of  the  Nestorians,  he  gained  a  high  degree  of  favour  with  the  Khan. 
He  built  two  churches  in  Cambalu  (Peking),  the  Khan's  residence, 
baptized  about  GOOO  Mongols,  and  translated  the  Psalms  and  N.  T. 
into  the  Mongol  language.  Until  1303  he  laboured  alone.  After  that, 
other  Franciscans  went  to  his  aid.  Clement  V.  appointed  him  arch- 
bishop of  Cambalu.  Annualljr  new  congregations  were  gathered.  But 
intestine  quarrels  among  Kublai's  successors  reduced  the  strength  of 
the  Mongol  dynasty,  and  it  was  overthrown  in  13G8,  by  the  national 
Ming  dynasty.  The  Mongols  were  driven  from  China,  and  with  them 
the  missionaries  whom  they  had  favoured,  so  that  the  harvest  was  lost. 

5.  Missions  in  Mohammedan  Countries. — The  princes  and  hosts  of  the 
crusaders  only  desired  to  wrest  the  Holy  Land  from  the  power  of  the 
unbelievers,  but  did  not  (unless  we  except  Louis  IX.)  think  nf  con- 
ferring upon  them  the  blessing  of  the  Gospel.  Still  less  could  it  be 
expected  that  an  influence  favourable  to  Christianity  would  be  ex- 
erted upon  them,  by  men  so  dissolute,  covetous,  cruel,  faithless,  and 
immoral,  as  most  of  the  crusaders  were.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
13th  century,  the  new  orders  of  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  started 
zealous  but  unsuccessful  missionary  operations  among  the  Moslems  of 
Africa  and  Spain.  The  leader  in  this  movement  was  St,  Franciscus 
himself,  who,  during  the  siege  of  Damietta  by  the  crusaders,  1219, 
went  into  the  camp  of  the  Sultan,  Kamel,  and  challenged  him  to  kindle 
a  large  fire,  into  which  St.  F.  and  a  Moslem  priest  should  plunge.  When 
the  priest,  who  was  present,  secretly  withdrew,  Franciscus  ofiercd  to 
enter  the  flames  alone,  if  the  Sultan  would  promise,  that  he  and  his 
people  would  embrace  Christianity  if  he  came  forth  unhurt.  The 
Sultan  declined  the  test,  and  dismissed  Franciscus  with  presents, 
which  the  latter  rejected.  Subsequently  many  Franciscan  missions 
were  undertaken  to  the  Moslem,  which,  however,  accomplished  noth- 
ing but  the  increase  of  their  number  of  martyrs.  The  Dominicans 
commenced  similar  efforts  earlier,  but  with  no  better  results.  Their 
General,  Raymnn  d  of  Pcnnaforti   [ob,  1273),  devoted  himself  to  this 


382      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

work  with  great  zeal.  For  the  purpose  of  preparing  the  brethren  of 
his  order  for  this  work,  he  founded  institutions  at  Tunis  and  Murcia, 
for  the  study  of  Oriental  languages.  Most  important  were  the  labours 
of  Raijmund  Lullus  of  Majorca,  who  after  his  conversion,  thoroughly 
studied  the  requisite  languages,  and  thrice  visited  North  Africa,  and 
there  engaged  in  disputations  with  Saracen  scholars,  to  convince  them 
of  the  truth  of  Christianity.  But  his  "great  art"  (§104,  2),  which  he 
had  devised  for  this  purpose  with  extraordinary  efforts,  failed  to  secure 
appreciation  either  there  or  in  Europe.  Imprisonment  and  abuse  were 
his  usual  reward.     He  died  of  maltreatment  in  1315. 


I  94.   THE  CRUSADES. 

Sources:  J.  Bongars,  Gesta  Dei  per  Francos.  Hann.  1611.  2  Voll. — 
F.  J.  Michaud,  Biblioth.  des  Croisades.  Par.  1830.  4  T.  — Comf. 
William  of  Tyre,  Hist,  of  the  Crus.  and  of  the  Kingd.  of  Jerus.  — 
Chronicles  of  the  Crusaders  (in  Bohn's  Antiquar.  Libr.)  —  /.  Michaud, 
Hist,  des  Croisades,  transl.  by  W.  Bohson.  London  1852,  3  Vols. — 
jP.  Wilken,  Gesch.  d.  Kreuzziige  (Hist,  of  the  Cms.).  Leips.  1807. 
7  Vols.  —  H.  V.  Syhel,  Gesch.  d.  ersen  Kreuzziige.  Dlisseld.  1841  — 
the  same  author:  Aus  d.  Gesch.  d.  Kreuzz.  and  Braunschw.  1858. — ■ 
A.  H.  L.  Heeren,  Versuch  u.  Entw.  d.  Folgen  d.  Kreuzziige  fiir  Europa 
(essay  on  the  results  of  the  Crus.  for  Europe).  Gottg.  1808. 

During  the  rule  of  the  Arabs,  Christian  pilgrims  to  the  Holy 

Sepulchre  had  enjoyed  amplejprotection.     But  under  the  reign 

\  of  the  Fatimites,  at  the  commencement  of  the  tenth  century, 

I   persecutious   commenced,  especially  during    the    Caliphate    of 

Hakim,  who  equally  oppressed  native  Christians  and  pilgrims, 

and  interdicted  their  worship  under  severe  jenalty.  probably  in 

order  by  such  severities  to  wipe  out   the    disgrace    of  having 

sprung  from  a  Christiaja^  mother.     Under  the  dominion  of  the 

Sejiootian    Turks,    from    1070,    these    measures    of  oppression 

1  greatly  increased.     The  feeling  evoked  thi'oughout  the  West  by 

these  persecutions  was  all  the  more  deep,  since  the  expectation 

/of  the  approaching_end  of  the  world,  which  was  general  in  the 

<  tenth  century  (§  106,  1),  induced  many  to  undertakje_pilgriraages 

to  the  Holy  Land.     So  early  as  the  year  999  Sylvester  II.  had 

—  ex  persona   devastatte    Hierosolymae  —  made    an    appeal   to 

Christendom  to  rescue  the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidel.     Gregory 

VII.  entered  warmly  into  this  project,  and  had  indeed  resolved 

to  head  a  crusade  in  person ;  but  his  dissensions  with  Henry  IV. 

prevented  the  execution  of  the  plan.     Twenty  years  later  Peter 

of  Amiens,  a  hermit,  returned  from  his  pilgrimage.     In  burning 


THE    CRUSADES.  383 

language  he  portrayed  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  (Urban  II.)  the 
sufferings  of  the  Christians  ;  he  recounted  a  vision  in  which 
Christ  Himself  had  charged  hira  with  the  commission  to  rouse 
Christendom  for  the  delivery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  By  direc- 
tion of  Urban,  Peter  travelled  througli  Italy  and  France,  every- 
where exciting  the  feelings  of  the  people.  A  council  was  sum- 
moned at  Piacenza  in  1095,  where  this  cause  was  plead.  Still 
greater  success  attended  the  address  of  Urban  at  the  Council  of 
^Claremont  in  the  same  year.  In  response  to  his  enthusiastic 
appeal  for  a  holy  war  under  the  standard  of  the  Cross,  the 
universal  exclamation  was  heard  :  "  It  is  the  will  of  God  !  "  and 
on  the  same  day  thousands  enlisted  in  the  cause,  and  had  the  red 
cross  affixed  to  their  right  shoulder  —  among  them  Adhemar, 
Bishop  of  Le  Puy,  who  was  named  Papal  legate  for  the  war. 
On  their  return  to  their  dioceses,  the  bishops  everywhere 
preached  the  Crusade,  and  before  many  weeks  had  elapsed 
Western  Christendom  was  stirred  to  its  inmost  depths.  Thus 
commenced  a  movement  which  lasted  for  two  centuries,  and 
which  in  its  character  can  only  be  compared  with  the  migration 
of  nations.  By  these  expeditions  Europe  lost  nearly  5,000,000 
of  men  in  bootless  attempts.  In  the  end  every  hope  and  purpose 
cherished  by  the  crusaders  was  frustrated.  Still,  the  consequences 
of  these  expeditions  proved  of  deepest  importance,  and  their 
influence  extended  to  all  departments  of  life,  both  ecclesiastical 
and  political,  spiritual  and  intellectual,  civil  and  industrial. 
Jfew  views,  requirements,  tendencies,  and  forces  were  introduced, 
by  the  operation  of  which  medifeval  history  entered  on  the  last 
stage  of  its  development,  and  which  prepared  the  Avay  for  the 
modern  phases  of  society. 

1.  The  First  Crusade  (1096).— In  the  spring  of  1096  vast  multitudcg 
of  people,  impatient  of  the  tai-dy  preparations  of  the  princes,  started  on 
their  journey  under  the  leadership  of  Walter  the  PennUess.  He  was  fol- 
lowed by  Peter,  with  40,000  men.  But  the  excesses  committed  by  them, 
and  the  utter  absence  of  all  discipline,  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  popu- 
lations: half  the  army  Avas  destroyed  in  Bulgaria,  the  rest  perished  by 
the  sword  of  the  Saracens  at  Niccea.  Several  fresh  gatherings,  finally  a 
disorderly  host  of  200,000  men,  perished  in  Hungary,  or  on  its  confines. 
At  length,  in  the  month  of  August,  the  regular  army  of  the  crusaders  set 
out  under  the  command  of  Godfrey  of  Bouiixon.  Originally  it  con- 
sisted of  80,000  men,  but  by  the  way  it  increased  to  not  less  than  600,000. 
The  reception  which  the  Byzantine  Government  accorded  the  crusaders 
was  by  no  means  favourable.  In  1097  they  crossed  to  Asia.  Nicoca,  An- 
32* 


384     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

tioch,  and  Edessa  were  taken,  not  without  considerable  resistance  and 
great  losses.  But  their  efforts  ultimately  proved  successful,  and  on  the 
15th  July,  1099,  the  crusaders  scaled  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  with  the 
shout,  "  It  is  the  will  of  God !"  By  the  light  of  burning  houses,  and  wad- 
ing in  blood,  they  marched  in  solemn  procession  to  the  Church  of  the 
Resurrection,  repeating  psalms.  Godfrey  was  chosen  King  of  Jerusa- 
lem, but  refused  to  wear  a  royal  diadem  where  his  Master  had  been 
crowned  with  thorns.  The  pious  leader  of  the  crusaders  died  after  the 
lapse  of  only  one  year,  and  was  succeeded  by  Baldwin,  his  brother, 
who  was  crowned  at  Bethlehem.  The  bestowal  of  numerous  fiefs  soon 
gathered  a  number  of  vassals  around  the  new  monarch.  Jerusalem 
was  made  the  seat  of  a  patriarchate,  to  which  four  archiepiscopal  sees 
and  a  corresponding  number  of  bishoprics  were  subjected.  Tidings 
of  these  events  awakened  fresh  enthusiasm  throughout  the  West.  So 
early  as  the  year  1101  three  other  large  armies  of  crusaders  set  out. 
They  marched  against  Bagdad,  with  the  view  of  breaking  the  Moslem 
power  in  its  great  stronghold ;  but  these  undisciplined  masses  never 
reached  their  destination. 

2.  Becond  Crusade  (1147).  — The  fall  of  Edessa  (1146) —the  great 
bulwark  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem — seemed  a  loud  call  for  reneAved 
exertions.  Pope  Eugen  II.  summoned  the  nations  to  arms.  Bernard 
o/  Clairvaux,  the  great  teacher  of  that  period,  preached  the  Crusade, 
and  predicted  victory.  Louis  A^'II.  of  France  took  the  cross,  thereby 
to  expiate  the  sacrilege  of  having  burned  down  a  church  filled  with 
people.  Under  the  impression  of  the  sermons  of  St.  Bernard,  Conrad 
I.  OF  Germany  followed  his  example,  not  without  considerable  reluct- 
ance. But  their  noble  armies  fell  under  the  sword  of  the  Saracens,  or 
perished  through  the  perfidy  of  the  Greeks  and  the  utter  dissolution 
of  all  discipline,  amidst  want,  pestilence,  and  fatigue.  Damascus  was 
not  taken;  humbled,  and  with  the  scanty  remnants  of  their  armies,  the 
Christian  princes  returned  to  their  own  countries. 

3.  Third  Crusade  (1189).  —  A  century  had  not  elapsed  before  the 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  had  fallen  into  complete  decay.  The  incessant 
animosities  between  Greeks  and  Latins,  the  intrigues  of  vassals,  the 
licentiousness,  luxury,  and  lawlessness  of  the  people,  the  clergy,  and 
the  nobles,  and,  after  the  extinction  of  the  dynasty  of  Baldwin,  the 
disputes  of  pretenders  to  the  crown,  rendered  order,  security,  or  sta- 
bility impossible.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  comparatively 
easy  for  Sultan  Saladin  —  that  Moslem  knight  without  fear  or  stain, 
who  had  already  dethroned  the  Fatimite  dynasty  in  Egypt  —  after  the 
bloody  victory  of  Tiberias,  to  put  an  end  to  the  domination  of  Chris- 
tians in  Syria.  Jerusalem  was  taken  in  October  1187.  Tidings  of 
this  calamity  once  more  roused  Western  Christendom.  PMlip  Augustus 
of  France,  and  Henry  II.  of  England,  for  a  season  laid  aside  their  dis- 
putes, and  took  the  cross  at  the  hand  of  William  of  Tyre,  the  historian 
of  the  Crusades.     They  were  joined  by  the  Emperor  Frederic  I.,  in 


THE    CRUSADES.  385 

personal  courage  a  youth,  l)ut  old  in  years  and  experience,  •whoso 
energy,  prudence,  and  ability  seemed  to  insure  success.  The  intrigues 
of  the  Bj'zantine  court,  and  the  indescribable  difficulties  of  a  march 
through  a  desert,  could  not  arrest  his  progress.  He  met  and  defeated 
the  well-appointed  army  of  the  Sultan  of  Iconium,  and  took  his  capi- 
tal, but  soon  afterwards  was  drowned  in  a  small  river  of  Pisidia  (1190). 
The  greater  part  of  the  army  now  dispersed  ;  the  rest  were  led  against 
Ptolemais  by  Frederic  of  tSwabia,  the  Emperor's  son.  Soon  afterwards 
appeared  under  the  walls  of  that  city  Philip  Augustus  and  Richard 
C(EUR-DE-LX0N,  who,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  had  undertaken  his 
vow,  and  on  his  passage  to  Syria  conquered  Cyprus.  Ptolemais  (St. 
Jean  d'Acre)  fell  in  1191 ;  but  disputes  among  the  leaders  prevented 
any  lasting  success  from  that  enterprise.  Frederic  of  Swabia  had 
fallen,  and  Philip  Augustus  returned  to  France  under  pretence  of  ill- 
ness. Jiichard  gained,  indeed,  a  splendid  victory  over  Saladin,  took 
Joppa  and  Askelon,  and  was  about  to  march  upon  Jerusalem,  when 
tidings  arrived  that  Philip  Augustus  was  arming  against  England. 
Saladin,  who  respected  the  knightly  qualities  of  his  opponent,  agreed 
to  an  armistice  for  three  years,  on  conditions  favourable  to  Christian 
pilgrims  (1192).  The  district  along  the  shore,  from  Joppa  to  Askelon, 
was  ceded  to  Henrij  of  Champagne.  On  his  return  to  England,  Richard 
was  seized  by  Leopold  of  Austria,  whose  flag  he  had  insulted  before 
Ptolemais,  and  kept  a  prisoner  for  two  years.  The  Crusade  was  not 
resumed  even  after  his  liberation.     He  died  1199. 

4.  Fourth  Crusade  (1217). — Pope  Innocent  III.  summoned  Christen- 
dom a  fourth  time  to  the  Holy  War.  The  monarchs  of  Europe  were 
too  much  engaged  with  their  own  affairs  to  give  heed  to  this  call ;  but 
Fidk  of  Keiiilli/,  the  great  penitential  preacher  of  his  age,  induced  the 
nobility  of  France  to  fit  out  a  considerable  armament.  Instead,  how- 
ever, of  marching  against  the  Saracens,  they  were  induced  by  Dandolo, 
the  Doge  of  Venice,  to  assist  him  in  subduing  Zara  in  Dalniatia,  by 
way  of  payment  for  the  transport  of  the  troops,  and  then  to  advance 
against  Constantinople,  where  Baldwin  of  Flanders  founded  a  Latin 
;  Empire  (1204-1261 ;  Cf.  |  67,  4).  The  Pope  excommunicated  the  Doge 
and  the  crusaders  for  the  conquest  of  Zara,  and  strongly  censured  the 
campaign  against  Constantinople.  But  he  was  appeased  by  the  unex- 
pected result ;  he  rejoiced  that  Israel,  after  casting  down  the  golden 
calves  in  Dan  and  Bethel,  was  again  united  with  Judah,  and  bestowed 
the  pallium,  in  Rome,  upon  the  first  Latin  patriarch  of  Constantinople. 
— The  Crusade  of  the  Children  (1212),  which  robbed  parents  in  France 
and  Germany  of  40,000  children  (boys  and  girls),  terminated  most 
sadly.  Many  thousands  perished  in  Europe  already  of  hunger  and 
fatigue,  the  rest  fell  into  the  hands  of  ruthless  men  who  sold  them  into 
Egypt.  At  the  urgent  persuasion  of  Pope  Honorius  III.,  Andrew  II. 
of  Hungai-y  led  another  army  of  crusaders  to  Palestine  in  1217.  He 
gained  some  advantages ;  but,  being  betrayed  or  forsaken  by  the  barons 
33  z 


386     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

of  Palestine,  he  returned  the  following  year.  The  Germans,  however, 
who  went  out  with  him  under  Leopold  VII.  of  Austria,  remained,  and, 
having  been  strengthened  by  a  fleet  from  Cologne  and  the  Netherlands, 
undertook  (1218),  in  connection  with  King  John  of  Jerusalem,  a  cam- 
paign into  Egypt.  Damietta  was  taken  ;  but  by  the  breaking  of  the 
dykes  of  the  Nile,  they  were  driven  to  such  extremities,  that  they 
owed  their  escape  to  the  generosity  of  Kamel  (1221). 

5.  Fifth  Crusade  (1228).  —  The  Emperor  Frederic  II.  had  also  pro- 
mised the  Pope  to  undertake  a  crusade,  but  delayed  on  various  pretexts, 
till  Pope  Gregory  at  length  excommunicated  him.  Frederic  now  set 
out  at  the  head  of  a  comparatively  small  army  (1228).  Kamel,  the 
Sultan  of  Egypt,  was  at  the  time  engaged  in  war  with  a  rival.  Under 
the  apprehension  that  Frederic  might  co-operate  with  him,  he  hastily 
concluded  peace,  ceding  Jerusalem  and  several  other  towns.  On  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  the  Emperor  crowned  himself  with  bis  own  hands 
(Jerusalem  being  the  hereditary  portion  of  his  spouse  Jolanthe),  and 
then  returned  to  make  his  peace  with  the  See  of  Rome  (1229).  —  The 
crusaders  whom  King  Theobald  of  Novarra  (1239)  and  Count  Richard 
of  CornwalUs  (1240)  led  to  Palestine,  accomplished  nothing,  in  conse- 
quence of  factions  among  themselves,  and  the  distractions  prevailing 
among  Syrian  Christians. 

6.  Sixth  (1248)  and  Seventh  Crusades  (1270).  —  The  ardour  in  this 
cause  had  for  a  considerable  time  been  declining.  Nevertheless  St. 
Louis  (IX.)  of  France  assumed  the  cross,  during  a  dangerous  illness 
(1244).  At  that  time  Jerusalem  was  taken  by  the  Carizmians,  whom 
the  Sultan  of  Egypt  had  hired,  amid  the  most  feai'ful  cruelties.  Until 
1247  the  authority  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine  was  confined  to  Acre 
and  some  seaports.  Louis  could  be  restrained  no  longer.  In  1248  he 
once  more  set  out  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  army,  and,  having  win- 
tered in  Cyprus,  passed  in  1249  into  Egypt.  He  defeated  the  Egyptians' 
both  by  sea  and  by  land,  and  took  Damiette.  His  army,  however,  was 
decimated  by  battles,  pestilence,  and  famine,  and  himself  made  pri- 
soner by  the  Mamelukes,  who  had  lately  dethroned  the  dynasty  of 
Saladin.  After  payment  of  a  heavy  ransom,  he  was  alloAved  to  return 
to  his  own  country  in  1250.  The  pious  monarch  still  felt  as  if  his  vow 
had  not  been  fulfilled.  Accordingly,  he  embarked  a  second  time  in 
1270  for  Tunis,  in  the  hope  of  making  that  city  the  basis  of  fui'ther 
operations.  But  half  of  his  army,  and  the  king  himself,  were  swept 
away  by  a  pestilence  that  same  year.  Ptolemais,  the  last  stronghold 
of  the  Christians  in  the  Holy  Land,  fell  in  1291. 

g  95.  ISLAMISM  AND  THE  JEWS  IN  EUROPE. 

In  the  eleventh  century  the  dominion  of  the  Saracens  in  Sicily 
(§  81)  gave  place  to  that  of  the  Normans.     In  Spain  (§  81) 


ISLAM  ISM    AND    THE    JEWS    IN    EUROPE.        387 

also  the  sway  of  Moliararaedanism  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Fre- 
quent changes  of  rulers  and  dynasties,  and  the  division  of  the 
country  into  small  caliphates,  had  weakened  the  power  of  the 
Moors  ;  while  increasing  degeneracy  of  manners,  in  a  rich  and 
luxurious  country,  gradually  diminished  the  military  prowess  and 
ardour  of  the  people.  Although  the  Christian  forces  of  the 
country  were  also  drawn  from  a  number  of  small  kingdoms, 
patriotism  and  religious  enthusiasm,  which  grew  as  the  contest 
continued,  rendered  them  invincible.  Rodrigo  Diaz,  the  Casti- 
lian  hero  (called  by  the  Moors  the  Gid,  or  Lord,  by  Christians 
the  Gamjyeador  or  Commander)  —  ob.  1099  —  appeared  to  these 
warriors  the  embodiment  of  Spanish  and  Christian  chivaliy, 
though  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  conduct  of  these  heroes 
towards  vanquished  infidels  was  at  times  neither  Christian  nor 
knightly.  The  Moors  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Almoravides 
(1086) ;  but  neither  could  they  nor  the  Almohades  from  Bar- 
bary,  who  afterwards  (1146)  took  their  place,  restore  the  former 
glory  of  the  Moorish  arms. 

1.  Islamism  in  Sicily.  —  The  predatory  incursions  of  the  Sicilian 
Saracens  into  Italy,  put  an  end  (from  1017)  to  the  Norman  settlers 
there.  Robert  Guiscard  subverted  the  remnants  of  Greek  rule  in  Lower 
Italy,  subdued  the  small  Lombard  dukedoms  there,  and  founded  an 
independent  Norman  duchy  of  Apuleia  and  Calabria  (1060),  whilst  his 
brother  Roger,  in  a  war  of  30  years'  duration,  seized  all  Sicily  from 
the  Saracens,  and  governed  it  as  a  vassal  of  his  brother,  under  the 
name  of  Count  of  Sicily  {ob.  1101).  His  son  Roger  II.  {ob.  1154)  con- 
nected the  government  of  Apuleia  and  Calabria  with  that  of  Sicily, 
had  himself  crowned  king  of  Sicily  in  1130,  and  in  1139  conquered 
Naples.  By  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Constancia  with  Henry  IV., 
the  Sicilian  crown  passed  over  to  the  Hohenstaufen  (1194).  But  as 
Robert  Guiscard  already  had  given  an  oath  of  fealty  to  Pope  Nicholas 
II.,  the  successors  of  Peter  regarded  Sicily  as  a  papal  fief. 

2,  Islamism  in  Spain.  —  The  times  of  AbderraJiman  III.  (912-61) 
and  Hakem  II.  (961-76),  were  the  most  brilliant  and  happy  of  the 
Ommiyahen  caliphate.  After  the  death  of  the  latter  the  Iladschib 
Almansur  {ob.  1002)  reigned  in  the  name  of  the  effeminate  and  volup- 
tuous Hescliam  II.  But  endless  civil  wars  were  the  consequence  of 
this  arrangement ;  and  in  1031,  during  one  of  these  insurrections,  the 
last  Ommiyah,  Abderrahman  IV.,  voluntarily  renounced  the  crown 
and  fled.  The  caliphate  was  now  divided  into  as  many  emirates  as  there 
had  been  emirs.  Amid  these  distractions  Christian  princes  could 
extend  their  power.  Sancho  the  Great,  King  of  Navarre  (970-1035), 
united  under  his  dominion,  by  marriage  and  conquest,  wellnigh  the 


388    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  11— 13  A.  D.). 

■whole  of  Christian  Spain,  but  severed  it  again  by  division  among  his 
sons,  of  whom  Ferdinand  I.  [ob.  1065)  inherited  Castile  and  conquered 
Leon  (1037).  With  him  began  the  glory  of  Spanish  knighthood.  His 
son  Alfonzo  IV.  {ob.  1109)  wrested  (1085)  Toledo,  and  a  great  part  of 
Andalusia  from  the  Moors.  These  called  the  potent  Almoravide  lord, 
Tusnf  Ben  Tasclifin,  of  Morocco,  to  their  aid.  The  Christians  were 
defeated  on  the  plains  of  Salacca  (108G).  Soon  the  victor  turned  his 
arms  against  the  confederates,  and  within  six  years  all  Moslem  Spain 
fell  under  his  dominion.  His  son  Ali,  in  the  fearfully  bloody  battle  of 
Ucles  (1107),  annihilated  the  flower  of  the  Castilian  nobility.  That 
was  the  zenith  of  the  Almoravide  rule  ;  from  that  time  their  star  grew 
pale.  AJfonzo  I.  of  Aragon  (1105-34)  took  Saragossa  (1118),  and  other 
towns;  Alfonzo  VII.  of  Castile  (1126-57),  whose  power  rose  to  suchii 
height  that  most  Christian  princes  acknowledged  him  as  their  feudal 
lord,  and  that  he  had  himself  solemnly  crowned,  1135,  as  Emperor  of 
Spain,  made  a  splendid  campaign  into  Andalusia,  and  pressed  even  to 
the  S.  coast  of  Granada  (1144).  Alfonzo  I.  of  Portugal  wrested  Lisbon 
from  the  Moors.  Count  Eaymund  of  Barcelona,  took  Tortosa,  &c.  Si- 
multaneously the  power  of  the  Almoravides  was  undermined  in  Africa. 
In  1146  Morocco,  and  the  whole  of  N.W.  Africa,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Almohaden  Ahdolmnmin,  whose  general  Abu  Amram  at  the  same  time 
took  Andalusia  (Moslem  Spain).  Abdolmumin's  son  Yiisnf  himself 
entered  Spain,  1184,  with  an  immense  army,  to  exterminate  Christian 
rule  there,  but  fell  in  the  battle  of  Santerem,  against  Alfonzo  I.  of 
Portugal.  His  son  Yaknb  avenged  this  defeat  by  the  bloody  battle  of 
Alarcos,  in  which  30,000  Castilians  perished  (1195).  But  as,  after  a 
few  years,  the  Christians  made  new  attempts,  Yakub's  successor,  Mo- 
hammed, entered  Spain  with  a  half  million  of  fanatical  Africans.  It 
was  the  decisive  hour  for  Spain.  The  Christians  had  gained  time  to 
unite  their  strength.  On  the  plains  of  Tolosa,  1212,  they  fought,  under 
Alfonzo  VIII.  of  Castile,  with  unexampled  heroism.  More  than  200,000 
Africans  were  left  dead  on  the  field  of  battle.  It  was  the  death-blow  of 
Almohaden  rule  in  Spain.  In  spite  of  the  feuds  which  broke  out  among 
the  Christian  princes,  they  conquered  (especially  St.  Ferdinand  III. 
of  Castile,  1217-52,  and  James  I,  the  Conqueror  of  Aragon,  1213-76), 
during  twenty-five  years,  all  Andalusia ;  so  that  only  in  the  extreme 
south  of  Spain,  in  the  kingdom  of  Granada,  there  remained  a  remnant 
of  Moslem  dominion,  under  the  Emir  Moliammed  Aben  Alarnar,  where 
the  splendour  of  Arabic  culture  once  more  again  shone  forth. — In  1469 
the  two  most  powerful  Christian  kingdoms  of  Spain  were  united  by  the 
marriage  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  with  Isabella  of  Castile.  Then  came 
Granada's  last  hour.  On  January  2d,  1492,  Abu-Abdilahi  [Boabdil], 
the  last  caliph,  concluded  a  disgraceful  treaty,  in  accordance  with  which 
he  evacuated  Granada,  and  a  few  moments  afterwards  the  Castilian 
banner  waved  over  the  loftiest  turrest  of  the  proud  Alhambra.  The 
Pope  bestowed  upon  the  royal  pair  the  title  of  Catholic  kings.     Those 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.      389 

Moors  -who  refused  baptism  -^vere  expelled ;  but  even  the  Moriscoes,  or 
baptized  Moors,  proved  so  dangerous  an  element  in  the  state,  that 
._Philip  III.,  1G09,  resolved  upon  their  entire  expulsion.  Most  of  them 
Bought  refuge  in  Africa,  where  they  again  professed  Islamism,  which 
they  had  never  cordially  renounced. 

3.  By  trade  and  usury  the  Jews  had  obtained  almost  exclusive  posses- 
sion of  the  coined  money.  The  influence  thus  acquired  was  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  the  cruelty  and  oppression  to  which,  from  their 
wealth,  they  were  exposed  on  the  part  of  needy  princes  and  nobles. 
Every  public  calamity  was  popularly  ascribed  to  them ;  they  poisoned 
the  wells,  and  thus  occasioned  epidemics  ;  they  stole  consecrated  wafers 
in  order  to  pierce  them  through  with  needles ;  they  abducted  Christian 
children  to  sacrifice  them  at  their  Passover.  Popular  superstition  and 
enmity,  thus  excited,  frequently  found  vent  in  tumults,  in  which  thou- 
sands of  innocent  persons  fell  victims,  and  whole  quarters,  with  their 
defenceless  inhabitants,  were  consumed  by  the  flames.  Occasionally 
the  crusaders  also  commenced  their  heroic  exploits  at  home  with  a 
massacre  of  Jews.  In  Spain  the  synagogue  suffered  persecutions  simi- 
lar to  those  of  the  Moors  and  Moriscoes.  Several  of  the  popes  —  espe- 
cially Gregory  VII.,  Alexander  III.,  and  Innocent  III. — published  ordi- 
nances for  the  protection  of  the  Jews,  interdicted  the  practice  of  forced 
conversions,  and  called  attention  to  the  circumstance  that  they  were 
destined  by  Providence  to  be  living  evidences  to  the  truth  of  Chris- 
tianity.— The  German  Emperors,  also,  took  the  Jews  under  their  special 
protection,  regarding  them  as  servi  camerce  nostrce  speciales  (as  Vespa- 
sian and  Titus  had  done).  In  England  and  France  also,  they  were 
considered  as  property  of  the  crown. 


11.  HIERARCHY,  THE  CLERGY,  AND  MONASTICISM. 

^96.   THE   PAPACY  AND   THE   HOLY  ROMAN  GERMAN 
EMPIRE. 

Cf.  W.  Giesebrecht,  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Kaiserzeit.   Braunschw.  1852, 
etc.     (So  far  2  vols.) 

The  history  of  the  Papacy  during  this  period  opens  amid  its 
>3eepest  degradation.  It  was  Germany  which  put  an  end  to  these 
infamous  abuses  ;  the  Papacy  once  more  recovered  from  its  low 
state,  and  remembering  its  high  aims,  rapidly  rose  to  the  highest 
point  of  its  influence  and  power.  With  the  alternative  before  it 
33* 


390    SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

of  being  subject  to  the  secular  power  of  the  emperors  or  of  ren- 
pering  them  subject  to  its  spiritual  sway,  it  entered  into  mortal 
conflict  with  that  very  monarchy  to  which  it  owed  its  recovery. 
In  this  contest,  which  raged  most  fiercely  during  the  disputes 
with  the  Hohenstaufeu  dynasty,  the  Papacy  carried  indeed  the 
victory,  but  only  again  to  experience  that  it  could  neither  co- 
exist nor  dispense  with  a  strong  imperial  government.  As  the 
overturn  of  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  had  reduced  the  Papacy 
to  utter  degradation  under  the  vile  rule  of  Italian  nobles,  so  its 
victory  over  the  German  monarchs  Issued  in  rendering  it  subject 
to  French  policy,  to  an  extent  scarcely  less  humiliating.  —  At 
the  time  when  the  Papacy  rose  from  its  decay,  the  orders  of 
Clugny  and  Camaldoli  (§  98)  proved  its  strongest  supporters  and 
best  advisers ;  afterwards,  the  begging  friars  formed  a  sort  of 
Papal  standing  army;  while  the  Crusades,  besides  contributing 
a  good  deal  of  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  the  Church,  found  employ- 
ment and  a  grave  for  troublesome  princes  and  their  armies. — 
When  the  Papacy  reached  its  climax,  the  Holy  Father  was 
regarded  as  absolute  head  of  the  Church.  Already  theologians 
argued  that  the  position  of  the  Supreme  Pontiff  in  the  theocracy 
must  insure  the  infallibility  of  his  official  decrees.  Gregory  VII. 
claimed  for  the  chair  of  Peter  the  right  of  confirming  all  appoint- 
ments to  vacant  sees.  From  the  time  of  Innocent  III.,  what 
formerly  had  been  merely  papal  recommendations  to  vacant  posts 
{preces,  whence  the  parties  recommended  were  called  precistce) 
were  issued  as  man  data  ;  while  Clement  IV.  (ob.  1268)  insisted 
that  the  Pontiff  possessed  the  power  of  "  plenaria  dispositio  " 
over  all  ecclesiastical  benefices.  According  to  these  vicars  of 
Christ,  Universal  Councils  had  only  a  deliberative  voice.  From 
every  tribunal  an  appeal  might  be  taken  to  the  successors  of  the^ 
apostles  ;  they  might  grant  dispensation  from  any  law  of  the 
Church,  and  they  alone  possessed  the  right  of  canonizing.  The 
practice  of  kissing  the  foot  originated  in  an  Italian  custom  ;  and 
even  emperors  stooped  to  hold  the  stirrup  to  the  Pope.  In  all 
countries,  legates,  with  absolute  power,  acted  as  representatives 
of  the  Pope.  Theirs  it  was  to  convoke  and  to  preside  over  pro- 
vincial councils.  From  the  time  of  Nicholas  I.  it  was  customary 
to  crown  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  although  at  first  only  a  simple 
crown  called  tiat-a  was  used  for  the  purpose.  The  College  of 
Ga?'dinals,  which  consisted  of  the  clergy  of  the  cathedral  at 
Rome,  and  of  the  seven  bishops  in  the  metropolitan  diocese, 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.        391 

formed  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  council  of  the  Pope.  The 
lloraish  curia  discharged  all  the  ordinary  business  ;  the  ministry 
of  finance  bore  the  name  of  Rota  Romana.  Besides  the  regular 
revenues  derived  from  the  States  of  the  Church  and  the  animal 
tribute  from  foreign  countries,  the  bestowal  of  the  pall  upon 
newly-elected  metropolitans  brought  considerable  sums  into  the 
papal  treasury.  Under  special  circumstances,  the  popes  also 
claimed  the  right  of  levying  a  contribution  from  all  churches. 

1.  The  Papacy  to  tlie  Deaih  of  Sylvester  II.  (904-1003).  —  (Cf.  F.  E. 
Loscher,  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Ilurenregiments,  1707,  2.  Aufl.  unter  d.  Titel: 
Hist.  d.  mittlern  Zeiten  als  ein  Licht  aus  d.  Finsterniss.  Lpz.  1725, 
4to.  —  L.  Ranke,  Jahrb.  d.  deutsch.  Reiches  unter  d.  slichs.  Ilause  v. 
G.  Waitz,  R.  A.  Kophe,  W.  Dbnniges,  W.  Giesehrecld,  u.  R.  Wilmaniis, 
3  Bd.  Berl.  1837,  &c.  —  Vehsc,  Otto  d.  Gr.  u.  s.  Zeit.  Zittau,  1835.  — 
C.  Hofler,  d.  deutsch.  Papste.  Bd.  I.  Regensb.  19,2,^.— Floss,  d.  Papst- 
wahl  unter  d.  Ottomen.  Freib.  1858.)  —  In  the  contests  of  the  Italian 
nobles  which  ensued  after  the  departure  of  the  Emperor  Arnulf  {§  82,  5), 
the  party  of  Adalbert,  Margrave  of  Tuscany,  proved  ultimately  victori- 
ous. For  half  a  century  Theodora,  the  concubine  of  that  prince  —  a 
beautiful  and  noble  Roman,  but  steeped  in  lowest  vice  —  and  her 
equally  infamous  daughters,  Marozia  (Maria)  and  Theodora,  filled  the 
See  of  Peter  with  their  paramours,  their  sons,  and  grandsons,  who  sur- 
passed each  other  in  vileness  and  wickedness  of  every  kind  (the  so-called 
Pornocracy).  The  first  of  these  pontiffs  was  Sergius  III.  (904-911), 
the  paramour  of  Marozia.  He  was  succeeded  by  John  X.  (914-928), 
whom  the  elder  Theodora  summoned  from  his  see  at  Ravenna,  as  the 
distance  of  that  city  from  Rome  put  some  restraint  on  her  infamous 
connection  with  him.  John  successfully  resisted  the  inroads  of  the 
Saracens  in  Italy  (§81),  and  after  the  death  of  Theodora  would  have 
put  an  end  to  the  infamous  rule  of  these  women  ;  but  jMarozia  had  him 
cast  into  prison  and  smothered.  The  next  occupant  of  the  papal  chair 
was  John  XI.  (931),  the  son  of  Pope  Sergius  and  Marozia.  J^wi  Alheric, 
his  brother,  deprived  this  pontiff  and  his  successors  of  all  secular 
power  [oh.  954).  Octaviantis,  the  son  of  Alberic,  and  the  most  disso- 
lute of  that  race,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  once  more  combined  the  spirit- 
ual and  secular  pawer.  He  was  the  first  pontiff  who  on  his  elevation 
to  the  Papal  See  changed  his  name,  adopting  that  of  John  XII.  (955- 
963). — Meanwhile  matters  had  progressed  beyond  measure  in  Germany. 
After  the  death  of  Louis  III.  (911),  the  last  of  the  Carlovingians,  the 
Frank  duke,  Conrad  I.  (911-18),  was  chosen  German  king.  Although 
vigorously  supported  by  the  higher  clergy  (the  Synod  of  Hohenalthcim, 
915,  which  invoked  all  the  terrors  of  hell  upon  insurgents),  his  con- 
flicts with  other  dukes  prevented  his  founding  a  united  German  empire. 
This  point  was  first  attained  under  his  successor,  Henry  I.  of  Saxony 
(919-36),  who,  disclaiming  the  politics  of  the  clergy,  granted  the  dukes 
33 


392    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 

independence  in  the  government  of  their  respective  districts.  His  great 
son,  Otho  I.  (936-73),  after  long  civil  wars,  reducing  the  power  of  the 
dukes,  conquering  and  converting  the  heathen  Danes,  AVends,  Bohe- 
mians, and  Hungarians,  decided  on  interference  in  the  French  dissen- 
sions ;  and,  gathering  around  him  energetic  German  clergy,  secured 
such  influence  as  no  Western  ruler  since  Charlemagne  had  enjoyed. — 
Pope  John  XII.  and  the  princes  of  Lombardy  invoked  the  aid  of  Otho  I., 
against  Berengar  II.  Otho  conquered  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  at 
Candlemas,  692,  in  St.  Peter's,  was  convoked  by  the  pope  as  Roman  Em- 
peror—  a  dignity  which  had  been  extinct  for  thirty-eight  years  (962). 
Thus  was  the  holy  Roman  German  Empire  established — a  power  which 
for  centuries  continued  the  central  point  of  the  history  of  the  world 
and  the  Church.  But  Otho  had  hardly  left  Rome  until  the  Pope 
changed  sides,  and  entered  into  alliance  with  Berengar  for  the  purpose 
of  expelling  the  Germans.  Otho  hastened  to  Rome,  and  at  a  synod 
held  in  that  city  (963)  deposed  the  Pontiff,  as  guilty  of  incest,  perjury, 
blasphemy,  murder,  and  other  crimes,  and  made  the  Romans  swear 
over  the  relics  of  St.  Peter  that  they  would  never  again  elect  or  conse- 
crate a  pope,  without  obtaining  the  Emperor's  privilege  and  approba- 
tion. Otho  suppressed  repeated  insurrections  of  the  Romans,  without 
difficulty.  After  his  death,  the  Tuscan  party,  under  Crescentius,  a  son 
of  John  XII.  by  the  younger  Theodora,  again  obtained  the  ascendency, 
and  was  only  temporarily  kept  in  check  by  Otho  II.  (903-983).  While 
in  Rome  itself  the  Papacy  was  thus  in  the  hands  of  an  unprincipled 
political  party,  its  spiritual  supremacy  was  seriously  threatened  in 
France.  In  987  Hugo  Capet  had  assumed  the  French  crown  ;  he  now 
appealed  to  Pope  John  XV.  (985-6)  to  remove  Arnulf,  Archbishop  of 
Rheims,  who  had  opened  the  gates  of  that  city  to  the  enemies  of  the 
new  monarch.  The  Pope  hesitated ;  but  the  French  king  summoned 
a  synod  at  Rheims,  which  deposed  the  rebellious  prelate,  whose  place 
was  tilled  by  Gerbert  (991),  the  most  learned  man  and  the  ablest  poli- 
tician of  his  age.  The  council,  at  the  same  time,  openly  avowed  the 
purpose  of  separating  the  entire  French  Church  from  Rome,  whose 
bishops  for  a  century  had  sunk  into  the  deej^est  immoralities.  Gerbert 
presented  a  confession  of  faith,  which  rejected  celibacy  and  fasting, 
and  only  recognized  the  first  four  general  councils.  But  the  scheme 
failed,  less  in  consequence  of  the  rather  ineffectual  opposition  of  the 
Pope,  than  of  a  reaction  of  the  high-church  Cluniacensian  party,  and 
popvilar  feeling  excited  against  it  by  that  party.  Gerbert  could  not 
maintain  his  position,  and  was  heartily  glad  to  shake  the  dust  of 
Rheims  from  his  feet,  and  to  accept  an  honourable  call  of  Otho  III.  to 
become  his  classical  tutor  (997).  Bohert,  the  successor  of  Hugo,  was 
weak  enough  to  abandon  Gerbert  and  to  restore  Arnulf  (996).  John 
XV.  called  in  the  aid  of  Otho  III.  (983-1002)  against  the  oppressions 
of  Crescentius,  but  died  before  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  (996).  Otho 
directed  the  choice  upon  Bruno,  his  cousin,  who  assumed  the  name  of 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.         393 

Gregory  V.  (996-9),  the  first  German  pontifi".  This  excellent  prelate 
only  survived  to  999.  Gerbert,  who  had  lately  been  appointed  Arch- 
bishop of  Ravenna,  -was  now  elected  through  the  influence  of  the  Em- 
peror. He  ascended  the  chair  of  Peter  by  the  name  of  Sylvester  II. 
(999-1003).  In  Ravenna,  already,  Gerbert  had  adopted  high-church 
views,  and  as  pope  he  developed  a  degree  of  energy  which  made  him 
a  worthy  follower  of  Gregory  M.,  and  a  more  worthy  predecessor  of 
Gregory  VII.  He  especially  assailed  simony,  that  real  cancer  of  the 
Church,  and  by  sending  the  ring  and  staff  to  Arnulf,  he  made  the  first 
attempt  at  securing  for  the  papacy  the  right  of  investiture.  As  Otho's 
tutor  he  had  flattered  the  young  prince's  vanity,  by  inspiring  him  Avith 
the  idea  of  reviving  the  ancient  glory  of  Rome,  and  becoming  a  uni- 
versal Emperor.  This  led  Otho  to  raise  Gerbert  to  the  papal  chair. 
But  now  Gerbert  endeavoured  by  various  crafty  measures  to  evade  the 
scheme.  The  phantom  of  a  renovatio  imperii  Romani  was  actualized 
by  inti-oducing  the  mummery  of  the  ceremonies  and  grand  titles  of  the 
Byzantine  Court.  Upon  the  occasion  of  a  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of 
his  friend,  St.  Adalbert,  in  Gnesen  (§  93,  3),  the  Emperor  emancipated 
the  Polish  Church,  by  elevating  the  see  there  to  an  archbishopric. 
He  also  released  Boleslav  Chrohry  (§  93,  3),  the  most  dangerous  foe  of 
Germany,  from  vassalage  to  the  German  Empire,  and  incorporating 
him  in  his  imaginary  universal  dominion,  called  him  "A  friend  and 
confederate  of  the  Romish  nation"  (1000).  In  the  same  year  Sylvester 
bestowed,  in  the  exercise  of  papal  authority,  the  crown  on  St.  Stephen 
of  Hungary,  and  appointed  him,  on  the  annual  payment  of  a  feudal 
tax,  papal  vicar,  Avith  full  power  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  over  his  coun- 
try, which,  by  forming  a  separate  metropolitinate  at  Gran,  he  wrested 
from  its  ecclesiastical  subjection  to  Passau  and  Salzburg.  Thus  Otho 
alloAved  himself  to  be  tied  to  the  hierarchical  leading-strings  of  his  papal 
friend ;  although,  on  one  occasion,  Avhen  the  Pope  had  obtained  the 
gift  of  eight  manors  in  the  Roman  territory,  Otho  reminded  him  that 
it  was  a  free  gift  of  imperial  grace,  and  unsparingly  chastised  the 
extravagance  and  covetousness  of  the  popes,  and  pronounced  the  grant 
of  Constantino  a  fraudulent  fable.  His  Germans,  and  especially  the 
German  clergy,  Avere  alienated  by  his  anti-national  course.  The  Ger- 
man princes  charged  him  with  treason  against  the  German  Empire. 
,,  Soon  all  Italy,  Avith  spoiled  Rome  at  its  head,  was  in  open  rebellion. 
But  an  early  death,  in  his  tAventy-second  year  (1002)  rescued  the  un- 
happy youth  from  extreme  humiliation.  The  Pope's  lucky  star  also 
set.  He  died  1003.  According  to  popular  belief,  lae  had  practised  the 
black  art,  and  was  indebted  for  his  learning  and  the  success  of  his 
hierarchical  measures  to  his  league  with  the  devil. 

2.  To  the  Synod  of  Sutri  (1003-1040).  —  (Cf.  /.  G.  H.  Stenzel,  Gesch. 
Deutschl.  unter  d.  frilnk.  Kaisern,  2  Bde.  Lpz.  1827.  —  C.  Hoflcr,  d. 
Deutsche  PUpste.  2  Bde.  Regensb.  1839).  — After  the  death  of  Otho 
III.,  Henry  11.  (1002-24),  Duke  of  Bavavia,  a  great-grandson  of  Henry 


894    SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD   (CENT,    10—13   A.  D.). 

I.,  and  the  last  offshoot  of  the  house  of  Saxony,  attained  to  the  German 
throne,  one  of  the  best  rulers  who  ever  occupied  it.  Neither  a  bigoted  zealot 
nor  a  slave  of  the  priests,  and  yet  truly  pious  in  the  spirit  of  his  age ; 
strictly  churchly,  and  looking  to  his  bishops  as  the  props  of  his  empire 
against  all  revolutionary  tendencies  of  temporal  princes,  no  German 
emperor  ever  ruled  the  Ohurch  as  he  did,  none  ever  so  ventured  to  cut 
away  the  excrescences  which  clung  to  her,  or  so  thoroughly  to  reform 
hor  abuses.  In  Rome,  on  the  contrary,  after  the  death  of  Otho  III., 
John  Cresceniius,  son  of  Crescentius  II.,  who  had  been  beheaded  by 
Otho's  orders,  made  himself  sole  ruler  of  the  city,  and  placed  his  own 
creatures  on  Peter's  chair.  But  when  he,  and  the  pope  he  had  last 
appointed,  both  died,  in  1012,  the  long-oppressed  Tusculan  party  arose 
and  chose  a  scion  of  that  family,  Benedici  VIII.  (1012-24),  as  pope. 
Grerjorij,  whom  the  Crescentians  had  elevated,  was  compelled  to  flee. 
He  sought  aid  of  Henry  II.  But  Henry  preferred  the  more  mighty 
and  noble  Jknedict,  had  himself  crowned  by  him  (1014),  and  thence- 
forth continued  on  the  best  of  terms  with  him.  Both  the  emperor  and 
pope  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  monks  of  Clugny,  both 
acknowledged  the  need  of  a  thorough  reformation  in  the  Church,  and 
both  were  every  way  well  qualified  to  effect  it.  But  Benedict  was  so 
occupied  with  vanquishing  the  Crescentians,  and  then  the  Greeks  and 
Saracens  in  Italy,  and  Henry  so  engaged  with  the  suppression  of  the 
internal  and  external  dissensions  of  his  empire,  that  they  could  not 
devise  the  desired  measures  until  near  the  end  of  their  life.  The  pope 
took  the  lead;  at  the  Si/nod  of  Pavia  (1018),  he  excfjmmunicated  all 
priests  having  wives  and  concubines,  and  condemned  their  children  to 
servitude.  The  emperor  had  still  larger  schemes:  he  wished  to  call  a 
general  Western  council  at  Pavia,  and  there  reform  the  entire  Western 
Church.  But  Benedict's  death,  and  that  of  Henry,  a  few  months  later 
(1024),  frustrated  these  plans.  Henry  II.  left  no  issue.  After  his 
death,  Conrad  II.  (1024-39),  ascended  the  throne;  he  founded  the 
Frankish  or  Salic  house.  He  was  an  energetic,  and  in  his  way,  pious 
ruler,  who,  however,  lacked  all  deep  views  of  the  evils  of  the  Church, 
or  of  the  means  necessary  to  correct  them.  The  empire  was  greatly 
strengthened  and  extended  by  him,  but  the  reformatory  plans  of  his 
predecessor  were  wholly  disregarded  by  him.  Still  less  did  the  co- 
tempnrary  popes  attempt  any  thing  in  this  direction.  Benedict  VIII. 
was  followed  by  his  brother  Bomanii.i,  as  JoJm  XIX.  (1024—3.1),  Avho 
utterly  lacked  his  brother's  qualities  (Cf.  107,  2).  When  he  died, 
Count  Alberich  of  Tusculum  persuaded  the  Romans,  by  bribes  and 
promises,  to  elect  his  son  Theophylact,  but  ten  years  old,  yet  an  adept 
in  the  most  scandalous  vices  ;  he  called  himself  Benedict  IX.  (1033-48), 
and  dishonoured  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  with  the  most  vile  profligacy. 
Not  until  Henry  III.,  Conrad's  son  (1030-50),  interfered,  did  matters 
improve.  Ho  aimed  at  establishing  a  universal  monarchy,  after  the 
idea  of  Charlemagne,  and  came  nearer  attaining  this  object  than  any 


THE    PAPACY    AND    TOE    GERMAN    EMPIRE,         395 

other  German  emperor  ;  at  the  same  time  he  was  animated  with  a  strong 
desire  to  have  the  Church  reformed,  liencdirt  IX.  was  expelled  the 
second  time  by  the  Romans,  in  1044.  They  sold  the  tiara  to  Sylvester 
III.,  whom,  however,  Benedict  drove  off  three  months  afterwards. 
Benedict  now  conceived  the  mad  fancy  of  marrying  as  Pope ;  but  tho 
father  of  his  chosen  bride  refused  his  assent.  Then  Benedict  sold  the 
papal  chair  to  the  archdeacon,  JuhuGratian,  for  1000  pounds  of  silver. 
lie,  thou<>h  a  pious,  unassuming  man,  subjected  himself  (by  advice  of 
his  Cluniaccnsian  friends,  among  whom  was  a  young  Koman  monk, 
Ilihlebraud,  the  son  of  a  blacksmith  at  Saona,  who  had  then  already 
distinguished  himself),  to  the  scandal  of  simony,  in  order  to  rescue  tho 
papal  chair  from  ruin.  He  assumed  tho  name  of  Gregory  VI.  (1045- 
40).  But  he  lacked  strength  for  his  onerous  task.  Benedict,  whoso 
marriage  scheme  failed,  again  set  up  as  pope ;  likewise  Sylvester. 
Home  had  three  popes  at  once,  and  all  notorious  simonists.  The 
Cluniaccnsian  party  abandoned  Gregory,  and  invoked  the  intervention 
of  the  German  king.  Henry  came,  and  at  the  Synod  of  Sutri  (1040), 
caused  all  three  popes  to  be  deposed  as  simonists.  The  Romans 
allowed  him  to  choose  a  successor.  He  selected  Bishop  Suidger  of 
Bamberg,  who  took  the  title  of  Clement  II.  (1040-47),  and  crowned  tho 
king  emperor  on  Christmas  (104G).  The  Romans  were  so  overjoyed 
at  the  restoration  of  order  in  the  city,  that  they  conferred  upon  tho 
emperor  the  patriciate,  and  the  right,  perpetually,  of  chosing  tho  pope, 
and  swore  that  they  would  never  consecrate  a  pope  without  tho 
emperor's  consent.  Henry  took  the  ex-pope,  Gregory,  to  Germany, 
where  he  died  in  Cologne.  Ilildebrand,  his  chaplain,  attended  him  to 
the  last,  and  soon  after  his  death  entered  the  Clugny  monastery. 

3.  To  Gregory  VIL  (1046-73).  — (Cf.  HUfier  and  Stenzel,  11.  cc— /. 
F.  Gaab,  Apologie  Gregor's  VII.  Tlibg.  1792.  —  /.  Voigt,  Ilildebr.  als 
Gr.  VII.  u.  8.  Zeit.  2.  A.  Weimar,  1S4C>.— G.  Cassauder,  d.  Zeitalter 
Ilildebr.  fur.  u.  wider  ihn.  Darmst.  1842.— J.  M.  Soltl,  Greg.  VII.  Lpz. 
1S47. — /.  Ilelfenstein,  Gregor's  VII.  Bestrebungen  nach  d.  Streitschfrr. 
8.  Zeit.  Frankf.  19,5G.  — A.  F.  Gfrorcr,  P.  Greg.  VII.  u.  s.  Zcitalt. 
Sehaffh.  1X59.  Bd.  I.— /.  M.  SiJlti,  Ileinr.  IV.  Munch.  1823.-27.  Floto, 
Ileinr.  IV.  u.  s.  Zeitalt.  2  Bde.  Stuttg.  1855  etc.  —  li.  A.  Lipsius,  zur 
Gcsch;  Gr.  VII.  In  the  hist,  theol.  Ztschr.  1859,  II.)  —  Clement  II. 
was  the  first  of  a  long  series  of  able  German  Popes.  They  were  chosen 
by  Henry  III.,  and  under  his  protection  laboured  energetically  and 
effectually  at  reforming  the  Church.  All  the  reformatory  spirits  of 
that  age,  whether  disciples  of  Clugny,  pupils  of  Romuald,  or  hermits 
of  Vallambrosa  (^  97,  1),  acknowledged  simony  (or  the  procuring  of 
ecclesiastical  offices  by  purchase  and  bribery.  Acts  8  :  19),  and  Nico- 
laitanism  (§  19),  which  term  designated  all  the  carnal  sins  of  the 
clergy,  including  marriage  and  concubinage,  as  well  as  unnatural 
lecheries,  —  as  the  root  of  all  prevailing  evils;  and  both  these  were  so 
common,  especially  in  Italy,  that  scarcely  an  ecclesiastic  could  be 
33* 


396     SECTION    II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

found  who  ATas  not  guilty  of  them.  Clement  II.  opened,  in  the  empe- 
ror's presence,  at  a  synod  in  Rome  (1047),  the  attack  on  simony.  But 
he  died  (possibly  of  poison)  before  the  end  of  a  year.  Whilst  Roman 
ambassadors  were  seeking  a  new  pope  at  the  German  court,  Benedict 
IX.,  supported  by  the  Tusculan  party,  resumed  the  papacy,  and  Henry 
had  to  use  severe  threats  before  his  choice,  Bishop  Poppo  of  Brixen, 
could  ascend  the  papal  throne  as  Damasns  II.  In  twenty-three  days 
he  was  a  corpse.  This  fatality  cooled  the  ambition  of  German  bishops 
to  obtain  the  tiara.  After  long  resistance,  Bishop  Brvno  of  Toul,  the 
emperor's  uncle,  and  Clugny's  zealous  friend,  accepted  the  appoint- 
ment, but  only  on  condition  that  the  people  and  clergy  of  Rome  should 
assent  to  his  choice,  by  a  canonical  election.  At  Besan^on  he  met 
with  Hildebrand,  who,  at  his  request,  joined  him,  and  induced  him  to 
lay  aside  his  papal  insignia,  and  proceed  to  Rome  in  the  garb  of  a 
pilgrim.  Bruno  entered  the  Eternal  City  barefoot,  and  once  more 
elected  by  the  clergy  and  people,  ascended  the  throne  as  Leo  IX. 
(1048-54).  He  found  the  treasury  utterly  empty,  and  all  the  revenues 
from  estates  seized  by  the  nobility.  But  Hildebrand  became  his 
treasurer,  and  soon  improved  the  finances  of  the  pope  and  his  retinue. 
Leo  displayed  unexampled  activity  for  the  reform  of  the  Church  and 
the  elevation  of  the  papacy.  No  pope  travelled  about  so  much  as  he, 
none  held  so  many  synods  at  different  places.  At  all  these  the  extir- 
pation of  simony  was  the  burden  of  their  decisions.  Gratitude,  con- 
sanguinity, and  inseparable  common  interests,  bound  him  to  the 
German  emperor.  He  could,  therefore,  not  yet  have  thought  of  an 
emancipation  of  the  papacy  from  imperial  supremacy.  But  in  France 
(Council  of  Rheims,  1049),  he  confirmed  the  Pseudoisidore  decretal,  and 
demanded  of  the  Greek  emperor  the  restitution  of  Constantine's  grant. 
In  the  war  with  the  excommunicated  Normans  in  South  Italy,  his  army 
was  routed,  and  he  was  taken  prisoner  (1053).  But  as  soon  as  he 
released  them  from  the  ban  they  kissed  his  feet  most  devoutly.  On 
the  other  hand  his  ambassadors  in  Constantinople  completed  the  schism 
between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Church  (|  67,  2).  —  After  Leo's 
death,  Hildebrand's  friends  desired  him  to  wear  the  papal  robes;  but 
he  refused.  The  Church  had  not  yet  acquired  sufficient  power  to 
endure  the  deadly  conflict  with  imperial  supremacy.  He  therefore 
went  at  the  head  of  an  embassy  which  solicited  the  emperor  to  appoint 
a  new  pope.  Hildebrand  had  fixed  upon  Bishop  Gehhard  of  Eichstiidt, 
who  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of  the  emperor,  and  was  his  ablest 
counsellor,  and  he  did  not  rest  until  he  had  overcome  Henry's  and 
then  the  bishop's  objections.  It  was  a  masterpiece  of  Cluniacensian 
policy ;  for  thus  the  opposite  party  in  Germany  lost  its  ablest  leader, 
and  Rome  obtained  a  competent  pope.  At  length  Gebhard  yielded  to 
the  plea  of  the  emperor  with  the  declaration:  "Well!  I  yield  myself 
soul  and  body  to  St.  Peter,  but  only  on  condition  that  you  likewise 
restore  to  him  what  belongs  to  him."     The  emperor  consented  to  a 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.         397 

Bupplementary  election  in  Rome,  and  pledged  himself  to  restore  in 
full  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  Gebhard  took  the  title  of  Victor  II. 
(1055-57).  Henry  kept  his  word  ;  he  restored  the  papal  territories  in 
the  widest  sense,  and,  besides,  transferred  to  the  pope  the  governor- 
ship of  all  Italy.  Henry  died  in  1056,  having  first  conveyed  the 
regency  to  his  wife  Agnes,  and  earnestly  recommended  her  to  the 
counsel  and  support  of  the  pope,  then  present.  But  Victor,  likewise, 
died  in  1057.  Hildebrand  could  not  boast  of  having  ruled  over  him, 
influential  as  his  jDOsition  was  under  Victor's  reign. 

After  Victor's  death,  the  cardinals,  regardless  of  the  imperial  pre- 
rogative, forthwith  elected  Cardinal  Frederick  of  Lorraine,  then  abbot 
of  Monte-Cassino,  and  Hildebrand  went  to  Germany  to  obtain  the 
approbation  of  the  empress.  Stephen  X.  (1057-58)  as  Frederick  called 
himself,  died  before  Hildebrand's  return.  During  his  absence  the 
Tusculan  party  elevated  a  pope  after  their  own  mind,  Benedict  X. 
(1058-59.)  But  an  embassy  of  Hildebrand  to  the  empress  procured 
the  selection  of  Bishop  Gerliard  of  Florence  as  the  successor  of  Peter. 
Benedict  had  to  flee,  and  Gerhard,  under  the  name  of  Nicholas  11. 
(1059-61)  ascended  the  papal  chair.  Then  Hildebrand's  greatness 
began  to  shine  forth  in  its  full  brightness ;  he  became,  until  his  own 
elevation,  the  ruling  spirit  of  the  Komau  court.  In  spite  of  obstacles, 
he  raised  the  papacy  and  Church  to  unprecedented  power  and  glory. 
He  advanced  systematically,  ever  more  boldly  and  irresistibly,  toward 
a  total  reformation  of  the  Church.  The  freedom  of  the  Church  from  the 
arbitrariness  and  power  of  the  State ;  independence,  in  the  election  of 
popes,  of  all  temporal  influences ;  the  extermination  of  simony  ;  fearless 
.severity  against  the  immorality  of  the  clergy ;  the  enforcement  of 
celibacy  as  the  most  efficient  means  of  emancipating  the  clergy  from  the 
power  of  the  world  and  the  State ;  and  the  appointment  of  the  best  men 
to  the  respective  offices,  were  the  lever  of  this  reformation.  The  indis- 
pensable temporal  support  in  these  measures  Hildebrand  sought  among 
the  Normans.  Hence  Nicholas  II.  early  applied  to  them ;  released 
them  of  the  ban  under  which  they  had  rested  since  Stephen's  time ; 
on  the  ground  of  Constantine's  grant,  invested  their  leader,  Robert 
Guiscard  (|  95,  1)  with  the  dominion  over  Apuleia,  Calabria,  and 
Sicily  (not  yet  wrested  from  the  Saracens) ;  took  from  him  an  oath  of 
vassalage,  by  which  he  bound  himself  to  pay  an  annual  tribute,  to 
protect  the  papal  chair  against  every  invasion  of  its  rights,  and  above 
all  to  maintain  the  papal  elections  of  the  "  meliores  cardinales.'^  After 
Nicholas,  aided  by  the  Normans,  had  overthrown  the  last  citadels  of 
the  Tusculan  counts,  he  issued  a  decree,  at  a  Lateran  Council  in  Rome 
(1059),  according  to  which  the  election  of  popes  was  thenceforth  to  be 
made  by  the  cardinals  alone,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  nobility  and 
people,  yet  salvo  debito  honore  et  revereniia  dilectijilii  nostri  Heinrici, 
qui  imprcesentiarum  rex  kabetur,  et  Jtiturus  imperator  Deo  concedente 
speratu^',  sicut  jam  sibi  concessimus  et  successoribus  illiiis,  qui  ab  apos- 
34 


S98    SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

tolica  sede  personaliter  hoc  jus  impetraverint. —  This  decree,  and  no  less 
the  league  with  the  Normans,  was  a  public  coupling  of  the  imperial 
rights  in  Italy  with  the  papal  chair.     The  empress,  therefore,  sum- 
moned a  council  of  German  bishops,  about  Easter,  1061,  at  which  a 
sentence  of  condemnation  was  passed  upon  Nicholas,  and  all  his  regu- 
lations were  annulled.    The  pope  soon  after  died.    The  Tusculan  party 
now  united  with  the  Germans,  under  the  Lombard  Chancellor  Wiberf, 
requested  the  empress  to  furnish  a  new  pope.    At  the  Council  of  Basel 
(1061),  Bishop   Cadalus  of  Parma  was  appointed.     He  assumed  the 
title  of  Honorius  II.    (1061-72).     But  Ilildebrand  had,   four  weeks 
before,  by  agreement  Avith  Beatrix  of  Canossa,  caused  Bishop  Anselm 
of  Lucca  to  be   elected   by  the  cardinals,  and  consecrated  as   Alex- 
ander II.    (1061-73)     Honorius,   led  by  Wibert,  went  to  Rome  and 
repeatedly  vanquished  the  party  of  his  opponent  in  bloody  conflicts. 
Duke  Godfrey  the  Bearded,  of  Lorraine,  the  husband  of  Beatrix,  now 
interfered  as  mediator.    He  induced  both  popes  to  return  to  their  Sees, 
and  submit  their  controversy  to  the  decision  of  the  empress.     Mean- 
while, matters  in  Germany  were  tending  toward  a  most  pernicious 
catastrophe.    Archbishop  Anno  of  Cologne,  at  the  head  of  a  conspiracy 
of  princes,  allured  the  young  king,  then  tweh'e  years  old,  at  Kaisers- 
werth,  on  a  Rhine  vessel,  and  carried  him  off  to  Cologne  (1062).     He 
now  secured  the  guardianship  of  tlie  royal  youth,  and  with  it  the 
government  of  the  empire.     A  Council  at  Augsburg  (1062)  deposed 
Honorius,  and  acknowledged  Alexander  as  the  legitimate  pope.     But 
Honorius  by  no  means  yielded  his  claims.     "With  a  small  army  he 
marched  upon  Rome  (1064),  seized  the  Leonine  city,  fortified  himself 
in  St.  Angelo  castle,  and  repeatedly  routed  the  troops  of  his  opponent. 
But  Hildebrand  reminded  the  Normans  of  their  oath.     They  therefore 
came,  and  for  two  years  besieged  the  anti-pope  in  St.  Angelo,  when 
he  escaped  by  flight.     At  the  Council  of  Mantua  (1067),  Alexander 
was  again  acknowledged,  and  Honorius,  who  tried  in  vain  to  split  the 
council  by  martial  force,  once  more  deposed.     After  that  he  sank  into 
obscurity,  and  died  forsaken  in  1072.    Meanwhile  the  proud,  ambitious 
priest  of  Cologne  had  to  surrender  the  training  of  the  young  king, 
Henri/  IV.  (1056-1106),  to  his  Northern  colleague.  Archbishop  Adalbert 
of  Bremen ;  and  if  the  former,  by  his  excessive  severity,  had  exerted 
an  unhappy  influence  upon  the  royal  youth,  the  latter  spoiled  him  by 
excessive  leniency.     In  order  to  put  a  check  upon  his  debaucheries, 
Anno  persuaded  him  to  marry  the  Marchioness  Bertha.     Ere  long  he 
endeavoured  to  obtain  a  divorce,  but  his  attempt  was  frustrated  by 
the  opposition  of  the  papal  legate  Damiani,  at  the  Diet  of  Worms  (1069). 
This  was  Henry's  first  conflict  with  the  papacy.     Soon  afterwards  the 
Saxons  complained  to  the  pope  of  his  extreme  oppression  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  making  merchandise  of  all  the  offices  of  the  Church.     Alex- 
ander II.  had  the  unprecedented  boldness  to  cite  him  to  Rome.     The 
pope  died  soon  after,  and  escaped  Henry's  wrath,  and  the  matter  ended. 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.         399 

4.  Gregory  Til.  (1073-85). — (For  sources  see  the  preceding  section.) 
—  Hildebrand  had  now  sufficiently  strengthened  the  papacy,  and  no 
longer  hesitated  to  complete,  in  his  own  name,  the  work  which  he  had 
so  auspiciously  begun.  He  ascended  the  chair  of  Peter  by  the  name 
of  Gregory  VII.,  and  intimated  his  appointment  to  Henry  IV.  in  a 
letter  so  humble  and  conciliatory  as  to  procure  the  emperor's  con- 
firmation. At  a  synod  held  in  Rome  in  1074,  he  re-enacted  the  old 
stringent  laws  of  celibacy ;  declared  all  priests  who  lived  in  wedloiik, 
or  had  obtained  their  offices  by  simony,  to  be  deposed,  and  their 
priestly  functions  invalid.  The  lower  clergy,  who  were  generally 
married,  violently  opposed  this  measure ;  but  Gregory  carried  the 
point  (comp.  §  97,  2).  Papal  legates  visited  every  country,  and,  sup- 
ported by  the  popular  voice,  carried  the  order  of  the  Pope  into  exe- 
cution. At  another  synod  held  in  Rome  (1075),  the  real  contest 
against  simony  and  the  practice  of  receiving  investiture  from  secular 
lords  was  commenced.  Any  ecclesiastic  who  in  future  should  accept 
office  from  the  hands  of  a  layman  was  to  be  deposed,  and  the  secular 
lord  who  bestowed  investiture  to  be  excommunicated.  This  threat  was 
first  put  in  execution  in  the  case  of  Henry's  personal  advisers,  who 
had  been  guilty  of  the  most  shameless  simony.  The  emperor,  at  the 
time  fully  engaged  with  suppressing  a  revolt  of  the  Saxons,  concealed 
his  anger,  and  dismissed  his  advisers.  They  were,  however,  restored 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  former  simony,  spoliation  of  churches, 
and  oppression  recommenced.  Meantime  Gregoi'y  himself  met  with 
opposition  in  Italy.  Cencins,  the  leader  of  that  party  among  the 
nobles  which  was  opposed  to  reform,  attacked  the  pope  in  church 
during  the  celebration  of  the  Christmas  festivities  (1075)  ;  but  the 
Romans  set  him  free,  and  Cencius  had  to  fly.  A  papal  embassy  was 
now  (1076)  despatched  to  the  court  at  Goslar,  to  cite  the  emperor  to 
appear  personally  at  Rome  under  pain  of  excommunication.  Henry 
no  longer  restrained  his  indignation  ;  he  insulted  the  legates,  and  at  a 
synod  held  at  Worms  in  1070  had  the  pope  deposed,  on  the  charges  of 
tyranny,  magic,  and  adultery.  Gregory  replied  by  excommunicating 
all  the  bishops  who  had  taken  part  in  the  synod,  and  by  solemnly 
deposing  and  excommunicating  the  emperor,  at  the  same  time  freeing 
his  subjects  from  their  oath  of  allegiance.  The  papal  ban  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  people  and  princes  of  Germany,  and  the 
prelates  submitted  one  after  the  other.  At  a  diet  held  at  Tribnr  the 
election  of  a  new  empei-or  was  even  discussed,  when  the  weak  monarch, 
as  much  dismayed  as  formerly  he  had  been  obstinate  and  imperious, 
resolved  upon  humbling  himself  to  the  utmost.  Indeed,  such  a  step 
had  now  become  necessary,  and  took  not  the  pope  by  surprise,  although 
it  disconcerted  his  plans.  —  In  the  cold  winter  of  1077,  from  the  25tli 
to  the  27th  January,  the  emperor  stood  barefoot  in  the  garb  of  a 
penitent,  and  fasting  the  whole  day,  in  the  court  of  the  castle  of 
Canossa,  belonging  to  the  Countess  Matilda,  whom  Gregory  was  at  the 


400    SECTION   II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

time  visiting.  At  length  the  pope  consented  to  give  him  absolution^ 
but  only  on  condition  of  his  not  assuming  the  royal  dignity  till  his 
cause  had  been  investigated  and  decided.  But  Henry  immediately 
broke  his  promise,  and  accepted  the  proifered  aid  of  the  Lombards. 
Gregory  again  hurled  his  anathema,  pope  and  emperor  deposed  each 
other,  and  both  parties  set  up  antagonists.  The  armies  of  Henry  were 
successful.  Rudolf  of  Stvabia,  his  opponent  in  the  empire,  died  soon 
after  the  battle  of  Merseburg  (1080),  and  Henry  escorted  the  anti- 
pope,  Clement  III.,  to  Italy.  Rome  was  taken ;  but  still  Gregory 
refused  all  overtures  of  peace,  and  shut  himself  up  in  the  castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  till  the  Norman  duke,  Robert  Guiscard,  restored  him  to  liberty 
in  1084.     Gregory  died  the  following  year  at  Salerno  (1085). 

Gregory  VII.  also  came  in  conflict  with  King  Philip  I.  of  France, 
and  threatened  him  with  an  interdict  and  with  deposition  for  his  simony. 
But  the  result  of  this  attempt  was  comparatively  trifling.  Philip 
apparently  obeyed  the  command  of  the  Pope,  but  did  not  change  his 
course,  and  Gregory  thought  it  prudent  not  to  press  the  matter.  Still 
more  cautiously  did  he  act  towards  William  the  Conqueror,  of  England, 
although  "William  tyrannized  with  an  iron  grasp  over  the  Church  of 
his  realm,  and  was  scarcely  less  guilty  of  simony  than  the  Kings  of 
Germany  and  France.  But  the  Pope,  who  hoped  to  engage  William  in 
a  war  against  Henry  IV.,  and  who  even  excited  expectations  of  obtain- 
ing the  imperial  crown,  closed  his  eyes  against  William's  faults,  and 
overloaded  him  with  favours.  The  primate  of  England,  also,  Lanfranc 
of  Canterbury,  Avho  was  displeased  with  the  Pope  for  protecting  the 
heretic  Berengar  (?  102,  2),  showed  no  special  zeal  on  behalf  of  the 
reforms  desired  by  the  Pope.  Indeed  at  a  Synod  at  Winchester 
(1076),  the  law  of  celibacy  was  defeated,  though  with  the  restriction 
that  the  secular  clergy  should  no  longer  be  allowed  to  marry,  but 
priests  then  married  were  not  required  to  dismiss  their  wives. 

It  was  the  great  object  of  Ilildebrand's  life  to  form  a  universal 
theocracy,  of  which  the  Pope,  as  vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth,  and  hence 
as  possessing  supreme  power,  should  be  the  visible  head.  Not  that 
the  royal  power  was  to  be  abrogated,  or  its  independence  limited ;  it 
was  an  institution  of  God,  but  its  province  extended  only  to  secular 
matters,  and  any  invasion  of  spiritual  rights  was  to  be  corrected  and 
punished  by  the  Pope.  In  this  grand  papal  theocracy,  which  itself 
was  subject  only  to  God  and  His  law,  all  Christian  states  were  to  be 
joined  together  as  members  of  one  body.  It  was  the  spiritual  power 
which  consecrated  and  bestowed  divine  sanction  upon  secular  rulers  ; 
they  reigned  by  the  grace  of  God,  but  mediately,  not  immediately  — 
the  Church  being  the  medium  between  them  and  God.  The  Pope  was 
supreme  arbiter  and  lord  over  them,  to  whose  decisions  they  were  im- 
plicitly to  submit.  The  relation  between  royalty  and  the  Papacy  was 
similar  to  that  between  the  sun  and  the  moon,  which  imparted  to  the 
latter  its  lustre.     As  the  Church  gave  its  divine  authority  to  secular 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.        401 

rule,  it  might  again  withdra-w"  it  where  power  was  abused,  and  m  such 
cases  subjects  were  absolved  from  their  allegiance. — Admitting  that 
this  system  was  not  consonant  with  the  Gospel,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  during  this  period  of  transition  it  formed  a  necessary  counterpoise 
to  the  arbitrary  and  despotic  interferences  on  the  part  of  the  secular 
power.  Gregory,  and  with  him  the  ablest  men  of  his  age,  considered 
that  in  this  system  alone  lay  the  salvation  of  society,  the  sole  and  true 
preservation  both  of  Church  and  State,  of  princes  and  peoples.  And 
in  a  certain  sense  they  were  right.  If  the  Church  was  to  accomplish 
its  great  mission  in  the  training  of  tJiose  nations  on  whom  the  future 
devolved,  if  it  was  not  to  perish  amidst  the  barbarism  of  that  period, 
it  must  have  been  concentrated  and  secured  in  a  power  such  as,  ac- 
cording to  Gregory,  the  Papacy  was  intended  to  establish.  —  It  was 
not  to  place  his  own  individuality  on  the  summit  of  human  authority, 
but  to  preserve  the  Church  from  imminent  destruction,  that  Gregory 
undertook  his  gigantic  work.  Not  vulgar  love  of  power  nor  vain 
ambition  animated  him,  but  the  idea  of  the  high  destiny  of  the  Church, 
to  which  he  devoted  his  life  with  enthusiastic  ardour.  In  such  a 
service  only  would  he  have  spent  his  high  intellectual  and  moral 
powers.  True,  a  strong  individuality  supported  him  in  his  struggles, 
but  at  the  same  time  he  always  preserved  the  consciousness  of  being  a 
poor  sinner,  who  could  find  mercy  only  through  the  merits  of  the 
Saviour.  Occasionally,  indeed,  his  energy  degenerated  into  passionate 
obstinacy,  and  his  enthusiastic  devotedness  to  the  interests  of  the 
Church  led  him  to  forget  what  by  Divine  appointment  was  the  pro- 
vince and  authority  of  the  State ;  but  these  exaggerations  were  pro- 
voked by  the  determined  perversity  with  whicli  he  was  met.  Even  his 
bitterest  enemies  could  not  impugn  the  strict  morality  of  his  conduct. 
However  strict  and  unbending  in  matters  which  he  deemed  true  or 
necessary,  he  displayed  at  the  same  time,  not  unfrequently,  a  kindli- 
ness and  liberality  far  in  advance  of  his  age,  as,  for  example,  in  the 
dispute  of  Berengar  (§102,  2),  and  in  his  decided  opposition  to  the 
belief  in  witchcraft  and  magic,  common  at  that  period. 

5.  To  the  Settlement  of  the  Dispute  about  Investiture  (1085-1123) — • 
(cf.  E.  Garvais,  polit.  Gesch.  Deutchl.  unter.  Heinr.  V  n.  Lothar  III. 
2  Bde.  Lpz.  1841,  2.)  —  The  immediate  successors  of  Hildebrand  had 
been  trained  in  his  views,  and  adopted  his  policy.  The  contest  between 
the  imperial  and  papal  parties  still  continued.  Urban  II.  (1088-1099), 
the  second  in  the  See  of  Peter  after  Gregory,  was  indeed  obliged  to 
vacate  Rome  in  favour  of  Clement  III.,  the  imperial  anti-Pope  ;  but  the 
enthusiasm  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  excited  by  Peter  of 
Amiens,  and  with  which  at  the  Council  of  Claremont  (1095)  the  Pope 
inspired  Western  Christendom,  gave  him  the  greatest  influence  among 
his  cotemporaries.  An  army  of  crusaders  chased  the  anti-Pope  from 
Rome  ;  and  Urban  was  able  to  resist  successfully  the  opposition  of  Philij) 
J.  of  France,  whom  he  had  excommunicated  at  Clermont  on  account  of 
34*  2  a 


402 


SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 


his  adulterous  connection  with  Bcrtrada.  Tidings  of  the  conquest  of  Je- 
rusalem (1099)  reached  the  Pope  on  his  death-bed.  He  Avas  succeeded 
by  Paschal  II.  (1099-1118),  who  also  had  been  trained  at  Clugny. 
This  pontiff  completely  humbled  Henry  IV.  by  supporting  the  cause 
of  his  rebellious  son.  But  no  sooner  had  Henry  V.  (1106-1125) 
attained  the  object  of  his  ambition,  than  the  dispute  about  investiture 
commenced  anew.  The  Pope,  choosing  to  see  the  Church  poor  rather 
than  in  bondage,  was  obliged  to  conclude  a  treaty  by  which  the  right 
of  investiture  was  conceded  to  the  Church,  on  condition  that  all  ecclesi- 
astical fiefs  obtained  since  the  time  of  Charlemagne  should  be  restored 
to  the  State  (1110).  The  bishops  and  abbots,  however,  resisted  this 
agreement,  and  rendered  its  fulfilment  impossible.  Henry  took  the 
Pope  prisoner,  and  obliged  him  to  make  a  new  treaty,  by  which  the 
investiture  of  bishops  with  ring  and  stafi"  (the  symbols  of  priestly 
authority)  before  consecration  was  formally  acknowledged  as  a  right 
belonging  to  the  Emperor.  But  at  a  synod  held  at  Rome  (1112)  the 
party  of  Hildebrand  called  the  Pope  to  account.  His  concessions 
were  declared  invalid,  and  the  Emperor  excommunicated.  The  dispute 
now  broke  out  afresh.  Henry  took  Rome,  and  the  Pope  died  in  exile. 
At  last  the  controversy  terminated,  so  far  as  Germany  was  concerned, 
by  mutual  concessions  under  the  pontificate  of  Calixtus  11.  (1119- 
1124).  The  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122)  settled  that  all  elections  of 
bishops  were  to  be  freely  conducted  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  but  under  the  supervision  of  the  Emperor ;  and  that  the  right 
of  spiritual  investiture  by  ring  and  staff  belonged  to  the  Pope,  while 
that  of  secular  infiefment  with  the  sceptre  was  conceded  to  the  Empe- 
ror. This  agreement  was  confirmed  by  the  First  General  Lateran 
Council  in  1123  (called  in  the  "West  the  Ninth  (Ecumenical  Council). 
— In  Englatid  the  same  controversy  had  been  earlier  brought  to  a  close. 
Even  William  the  Conqueror  (1066-1087)  had  been  guilty  of  gross 
simony.  The  abuse  reached  its  highest  point  under  the  reign  of  his 
son  William  Rufus.  Ralph  Flamhard,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
acted  as  the  trusty  adviser  of  the  king  in  this  nefarious  traffic.  During 
a  severe  illness  William  promised  amendment,  deposed  Ralph  (1093), 
and  in  his  place  appointed  a  well-knoAvn  ecclesiastic,  Anselm,  Abbot 
of  Bee  (I  132,  1,  3).  But  the  good  resolutions  of  the  king  vanished 
with  his  illness ;  he  even  ventured  to  insist  upon  payment  of  a  large 
sum  from  Anselm  in  consideration  of  his  promotion.  As  this  was 
resisted  by  the  new  archbishop,  the  king  confiscated  the  estates  of  the 
archiepiscopal  see,  and  continued  to  oppress  Anselm  till  he  fled  to 
Rome  (1097).  Henry  Beauclerc,  the  son  of  William,  who  usurped  the 
throne  in  violation  of  the  claims  of  Robert,  his  elder  brother,  required 
the  support  of  the  clergy  to  maintain  his  position,  and  hence  recalled 
the  primate  (1099),  promising  to  abstain  from  every  form  of  simony. 
Daring  his  stay  in  Rome,  Anselm  had  attended  and  voted  at  a  synod 
against  lay  investiture.     Accordingly,  he  now  refused  to  take  even  the 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE.      403 

oath  of  feulty ;  and  as  the  king  insisted  upon  this,  left  Enghind  a 
second  time  (110,'j),  and  lived  for  several  years  in  exile  at  Lyons. 
Pope  Paschal  II.  took  up  his  cause,  and  threatened  to  launch  an 
interdict.  Ultimately,  however,  the  king  and  archbishop,  with  con- 
seat  of  the  Pope,  agreed,  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  monastery  of  Bee, 
wholly  to  dispense  with  the  ceremony  of  investiture  by  ring  and  staff, 
and  to  go  through  the  formality  of  taking  the  oath  of  fealty  (1106). 

G.  To  the  time  of  Lmoccnt  III.  (1123-1198.)  —  (Cf.  Fr.v.  Baumer, 
Gesch.  d.  Hohenstaufen,  2.  A.  6  Bde.  Lpz.  1857  etc.  —  W.  Zimmerman, 
die  Hohenst.  oder  d.  Kampf  d.  Monarchic  gegen  d.  Papst  u.  d.  republ. 
Freiheit.  2  Bde.  Stuttg.  1838.  — iT.  Renter,  Alex.  Ill  u.  d.  K.  sr.  Zeit. 
Berl.  1845,  I.  —  Ring,  Friedr.  I  im  Kampf  gegen  Alex.  III.  Stuttg. 
1838.  — if.  Franke,  Arn.  v.  Brescia  u.  sr.  Zeit.  Zurich  1825.— J^./. 
Buss,  d.  h.  Thomas  V.  Cantb.  Mainz  1856).  —  A  division  among  the 
cardinals  led  to  a  double  election  to  the  Papacy  in  1130.  Innocent  II. 
(1130-1143)  was  for  eight  years  kept  out  of  Rome  by  his  antagonist 
Anadete  II. ;  but  the  two  oracles  of  that  period,  Peter  of  Ciiiymj  and 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  declared  in  his  favour,  nor  did  they  rest  satisfied 
till  the  authority  of  Innocent  had  been  recognized  in  the  Eternal  City. 
Meantime  a  dangerous  opponent  to  the  system  of  Hildebrand  had  un- 
expectedly arisen  in  the  person  of  Arnold  of  Brescia,  a  young  and 
enthusiastic  priest.  To  him  a  complete  surrender  of  all  worldly  pos- 
sessions and  authority  appeared  necessary  for  the  regeneration  of  the 
Church ;  at  the  same  time  the  ancient  republic  of  Rome  was  to  be  re- 
stored, and  to  take  the  place  of  the  Papal  Government.  Arnold  was 
formally  condemned  by  the  Second  General  Lateran  Council  (1139). 
But  his  appeals  to  the  people  had  found  an  echo  in  many  breasts.  In 
1143  the  Romans  renounced  the  secular  rule  of  the  Pupe.  This  feeling- 
continued  till  the  time  of  Eugene  III.  (1145-1153),  the  third  Pope 
after  Innocent,  who  again  entered  Rome,  supported  both  by  the 
influence  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  his  teacher  and  friend,  and  by  the 
nCAvly  awakened  zeal  for  a  Second  Crusade  (|  124,  2).  With  Hadrian 
IV.  (1154-1159)  commenced  the  contest  between  the  Papacy  and  the 
Hohenstaufen  family,  which  lasted  during  a  whole  century,  and  ended 
in  the  extermination  of  that  dynasty,  when  the  Papacy  reached  the 
summit  of  its  power  and  authority.  Frederic  I.  Barbarossa  (1152- 
1190)  ascended  the  throne  with  the  full  determination  of  carrying  into 
execution  the  ecclesiastical  scheme  of  Charlemagne  (whom  he  after- 
wards had  canonized  by  his  Pope,  Paschal  III.).  In  1154  Arnold  of 
Brescia  fell  into  his  hands.  Frederic  surrendered  him  to  the  Pope  ; 
the  reformer  was  hanged,  his  body  burned,  and  his  ashes  cast  into  the 
Tiber  (1155).  Still  the  Pope  sought  an  occasion  of  dispute.  At  last 
Frederic  consented  even  to  hold  the  stirrup  to  the  Pontiff,  while  he 
rejected  with  merited  scorn  the  offer  of  the  Romans,  to  receive  from 
their  hand  the  crown,  and  witli  it  the  government  of  the  world.  He 
was  crowned  by  the  Pope  in  1155.  Fresh  dissensions  with  the  Pope 
34 


404    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CEN  T  .  10— 13  A.  D.). 

and  tho  hostile  attitude  of  the  Lombards  obliged  the  Emperor  to  pass 
a  second  time  into  Italy.  There  he  held  in  1158  a  diet,  at  which  the 
rights  of  the  Emperor  were  expounded  for  the  benefit  of  the  Lombards 
and  of  the  Pope.  The  indignation  of  the  PontijBF  was  about  to  find 
vent  in  an  anathema,  when  death  overtook  him.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Alexander  III.  (1159-1181).  Three  imperial  anti-popes  died 
Avithin  a  short  period  ;  and  when  the  Emperor  himself  was  defeated  by 
the  Lombard  confederates  at  Legnano  (1170),  he  was  obliged  to  recog- 
nize Alexander  as  pontifi".  —  Shortly  before,  the  Papacy  had  achieved 
in  England  a  victory  even  more  complete  than  this.  Henry  II.  (1154- 
1189)  was  bent  on  recovering  the  former  supremacy  over  the  clergy, 
who  now  refused  to  acknowledge  any  other  authority  than  that  of  the 
Curia.  Among  his  councillors  none  seemed  better  fitted  to  aid  him  in 
carrying  out  this  plan  than  Thomas  a  Becket,  his  chancellor,  who 
accordingly  was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  The  king  con- 
voked an  assembly  of  the  estates  of  the  realm  at  Clarendon  (1164); 
and  Becket  was  prevailed  upon  to  take  an  oath  to  the  anti-papal  statutes 
there  promulgated.  But  the  Primate  of  the  English  Church  soon 
altered  his  conduct ;  he  did  public  penance  for  his  thoughtless  oath, 
from  which  Alexander  III.  solemnly  absolved  him.  Becket  had  to 
flee,  and  in  his  exile  in  France  continued  to  oppose  his  monarch. 
In  1170  a  reconciliation  took  place.  Thomas  a  Becket  returned,  to 
pronounce  the  ban  upon  all  bishops  who  should  submit  to  the  statutes 
of  Clarendon.  Four  knights  took  up  an  unguarded  expression  of  the 
king,  extorted  from  him  in  a  moment  of  anger,  and  murdered  the 
archbishop  at  the  altar  of  his  chapel.  The  Pope  canonized  the  martyr 
of  the  Romish  system,  and  the  king  was  compelled  to  expiate  his 
ofi'ence  by  submitting  on  the  grave  of  his  sainted  enemy  to  a  humilia- 
ting penance  (1174).  At  the  Third  Lateran  Council  (the  Eleventh 
CEcumenical)  in  1179,  it  was  decreed  that  in  future  a  majority  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  votes  of  cardinals  should  be  required  to  render  a  papal 
election  valid. — Frederic  I.  died  far  from  his  country  (§  194,  3).  His 
son,  Henry  VI.  (1190-1197),  obtained  the  crown  of  Sicily  by  marrying 
Constance,  the  heiress  to  that  country.  He  continued  the  measures 
which  his  father  had  taken  to  secure  the  supremacy  of  the  Emperor. 
His  opponent,  Foiye  Coelestine  III.  (1191-1198),  a  man  ninety  years  of 
age,  was  too  weak  to  resist  the  monarch.  Soon  afterwards  Henry 
died,  leaving  an  infant  son,  Frederic,  only  three  years  of  age  (1197). 

7.  Innocent  IIL  (1198-1216).  —  (Cf.  Fr.  Hurter,  P.  Innoc.  III.  u.  s. 
Zeitgen.  3.  A.  4  Bde.  Hamb.  1845.  —  0.  Abel,  Kcinig  Philipp  d. 
Ilohenst.  Berl.  1852.  —  C.  Ilofler  (Catholic),  Kaiser  Friedr.  II.  Ein 
Beitr.  z.  Berichtig.  ii.  d.  Sturz  d.  Hohenst.  Mlinch.  1844.)  —  For  a 
time,  during  tho  pontificate  of  Coelestine,  it  seemed  doubtful  whether 
the  results  achieved  by  the  policy  of  Ilildeljrand  would  prove  lasting. 
But  in  1198  Innocent  III.,  the  greatest  Pope  whom  Rome  has  ever 
seen,  ascended  the  chair  of  Peter.     With  him  the  Papacy  rose  to  the 


THE    PAPACY    AND    THE    GERIMAN    EMPIRE.      405 

highest  conceivable  stage  of  influence  and  authority.  In  strength  of 
mind  and  purpose  Innocent  was  nowise  inferior  to  Gregory ;  in  learn- 
ing, acutcness,  and  general  ability,  he  was  his  superior ;  while  his 
piety,  moral  purity,  enthusiasm,  and  devotedness  to  the  interests  of  the 
Church,  were  at  least  as  great,  and  perhaps  more  deep  and  ardent 
than  in  the  case  of  his  great  predecessor.  He  came  forward  as  the 
avenger  of  every  species  of  wrong;  towards  widows  and  orphans  he 
acted  like  a  father ;  he  proved  a  peacemaker  both  to  peoples  and 
princes ;  and  although  himself  living  in  poverty  and  simplicity,  he 
succeeded  in  accumulating  such  immense  treasures  as  enabled  him  to 
adopt  measures  for  protecting  the  interests  of  the  Papacy.  Indeed  his 
history  was  that  of  the  period,  inasmuch  as  his  influence  extended  to 
all  countries  and  courts,  not  excepting  that  of  Constantinople.  Even 
where  his  theocratic  authority  as  vicar  of  Christ  was  not  at  first  recog- 
nized, he  succeeded  by  his  power  and  energy,  by  his  prudence  and 
wisdom,  in  extorting  the  homage  claimed.  It  was  the  great  aim  of  his 
life  to  achieve  the  j^olitical  independence  of  the  Papal  See  by  strengthen- 
ing the  States  of  the  Church,  ridding  Italy  from  foreign  domination, 
and  emancipating  Sicily  and  Naples  from  the  rule  of  Germany.  But 
even  this  was  only  means  to  the  higher  end  of  securing  the  power  of 
exercising  tinliniited  spiritual  suj)reinacif  over  all  Christian  states, 
princes,  and  peoples.  —  The  most  important  of  his  conflicts  were  those 
with  Germany  and  England.  On  her  death-bed,  Constance,  the  widow 
of  Henry  VI.,  had  committed  to  him  the  tutelage  of  her  son  Frederic, 
who  had  been  recognized  as  Emperor  even  before  his  baptism.  The 
Pope  justified  her  confidence  by  giving  his  pupil  the  most  ample  and 
liberal  education.  But  the  circumstances  of  Germany  required  with- 
out delay  a  strong  ruler.  The  choice  of  the  German  nobles  was 
divided;  the  Guelph  party  elected  Otlio  IV.,  the  Ghibellines  Philip  of 
Swabia.  In  virtue  of  his  theocratic  authority.  Innocent  gave  his  sanc- 
ti(m  to  the  choice  of  the  Guelphs.  Scarcely,  however,  had  Otho,  after 
the  murder  of  his  rival,  obtained  the  imperial  crown,  than  he  renewed 
the  old  claims  upon  Italy.  The  Pope  anathamatized  him  (1210),  and 
elevated  Frederic  II.  (1215-1250)  to  the  imperial  throne,  after  that 
prin'ce  had  ceded  Sicily  in  favour  of  Henry,  his  son.  —  In  England, 
Innocent  displayed  his  authority  in  a  manner  even  more  decisive.  In 
consequence  of  a  divided  election  there  were  two  claimants  to  the  See 
of  Canterbury  (1207).  Innocent  rejected  both,  and  appointed  Stephen 
Langton  to  the  ofiice.  The  resistance  of  King  John  was  punished  with 
excommunication  and  an  interdict  (1209).  John,  equally  tyrannical 
and  weak,  hated  by  the  nobles,  despised  by  the  people,  and  deposed  by 
the  Pope  (1212),  did  penance,  and  received  back  his  kingdom  as  a 
papal  fief  (1213).  But  soon  afterwards  the  estates  obliged  the  king  to 
grant  the  Magna  Charta  (1215)  ;  the  protest  of  the  Pope,  his  threats 
of  excommunication,  and  promise  that  their  grievances  should  be  other- 
■wise  redressed,  were  equally  vain. — In  France,  Innocent  obliged  Philip 


406    SECTION  II. — SECOND   PERIOD   (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

Augustus  to  take  back  Ingeburgis,  his  Trife,  -whom  he  had  repudiated 
(1201).  Arragon  and  Portugal  submitted  to  a  yearly  tribute.  He 
frequently  interposed  in  the  affairs  of  Poland,  Hungary,  Dalmatia,  and 
Norway.  Lastly,  he  gave  a  king  to  Bidgaria  and  Wallachia.  At  the 
close  of  his  life,  and  looking  back  upon  the  work  he  had  achieved,  he 
assembled,  in  1215,  the  representatives  of  the  Church  at  the  Fourth 
Lateran  Synod  (the  Twelfth  Oecumenical),  where  the  Eastern  patri- 
archs were  also  represented.  The  chief  topics  discussed  in  that  assem- 
bly were,  a  new  crusade,  the  condemnation  of  the  Albigenses,  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantiation  (which  was  formally  approved),  and  the 
coronation  of  Frederic  II. 

8.  To  Boniface  VIII.  (1216-1294).  —  (Cf.  Th.  Lau,  d.  Unterg.  d. 
Hohenst.  Hamb.  1856.)  —  After  the  death  of  Innocent,  Frederic  II. 
entirely  changed  his  conduct.  Pope  Honorius  III.  (1216-1227)  ab- 
solved him  from  the  obligation  of  separating  Sicily  from  Germany.  In 
return,  the  Emperor  guaranteed  to  the  Church  the  property  left  to  it 
by  the  Countess  Matilda,  and  promised  to  undertake  a  new  crusade. 
The  latter  he  delayed  under  various  pretexts,  till  Gregory  IX.  (1227- 
1241)  carried  into  execution  the  threat  of  anathematizing  him.  Upon 
this  Frederic  commenced  the  Fifth  Crusade  (1228),  without,  however, 
even  requesting  the  removal  of  the  papal  ban.  On  his  return,  an  ap- 
parent reconciliation  took  place  (1230).  But  the  energetic  measures 
which  the  Emperor  took  to  establish  his  supreme  rule  in  Italy,  soon 
brought  upon  him  another  anathema  (1239)  —  this  time  on  the  charge 
of  infidelity  and  blasphemy.  It  was  said  the  Emperor  had  declared 
the  miraculous  birth  of  the  Saviour  a  fable,  and  pronounced  Moses, 
Jesus,  and  Mohammed  the  three  greatest  impostors,  etc.  These  charges 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  wholly  ungrounded,  although  the  tractate 
"  De  tribus  impostoribus"  was  certainly  not  written  by  the  Emperor, 
being  a  later  production,  erroneously  imputed  to  Frederic  on  the  ground 
of  those  very  charges  made  by  the  Pope.  Frederic  conquered  the 
States  of  the  Church,  penetrated  to  the  gates  of  Rome,  and  prevented 
the  Meeting  of  the  General  Council  which  had  been  summoned  against 
him.  Gregory  died  in  1241,  and  his  successor,  Coelestine  V.,  after  a 
pontificate  of  only  seventeen  days.  Two  years  the  Papal  See  remained 
vacant.  At  length,  Innocent  IV.  (1243-1254),  formerly  the  friend  of 
Frederic,  but  as  pope  his  mortal  enemy,  was  elected.  Innocent  fled  to 
Lj'ons  ;  and  at  the  First  Council  of  Lyons  in  1245  (the  Thirteenth  CEcu- 
menical)  excommunicated  and  deposed  the  Emperor,  as  guilty  of  blas- 
phemy and  sacrilege.  Neither  Emperor  nor  Pope  would  yield.  Each 
insisted  on  absolute  submission,  and  the  contest  with  pen  and  sword 
continued.  Frederic  died  in  1250  ;  Innocent  four  years  later.  Urban 
IV.  (1261-G4)  called  in  the  aid  oi  Charles  ofAnjou,  the  brother  of  Louis 
IX.  of  France,  for  the  purpose  of  conquering  Sicily.  Treason  had  pre- 
pared the  way.  Manfred,  the  son  of  Frederic,  fell  in  the  battle  of 
Benevento  (1266),  and  Conradin,  the  grandson  of  Frederic,  and  the 


THE    CLERGY.  407 

last  of  the  Hohcnstaufen  dynasty,  died  on  the  scaffold,  after  the  battle 
of  Tagliacozzo  (12G8).  —  The  Papacy  had,  indeed,  obtained  the  vic- 
tory ;  but  its  triumph  was  only  apparent.  The  divisions  in  Germany 
and  the  partition  of  Italy  only  increased  the  power  of  France,  and 
enabled  that  country  effectually  to  subjugate  the  Papacy.  The  former 
enthusiasm  for  crusades  was  extinct,  and  with  it  a  powerful  bulwark  of 
the  Papacy  had  fallen.  By  ^pragmatic  sanction  (12G9)  Louis  secured, 
indeed,  the  French  Church  against  simony,  but  at  the  same  time,  also, 
against  the  interferences  and  extortions  of  the  popes,  —  thereby  laying 
the  foundation  of  the  liberties  afterwards  claimed  by  the  Gallicau 
Church. — Some  ultramontane  writers  have  unsuccessfully  attempted  to 
prove  that  this  document  is  a  forgery,  dating  from  the  fifteenth  century. 
Compare,  for  example,  Rosen,  die  pragm.  Sanct.,  Munst.  1855  ;  and 
against  this  ultramontane  production,  Soldan  in  his  "hist,  theol.  Zeit- 
schr."  for  1856,  III.  —  The  successors  of  Innocent  IV.  could  no  longer 
control  the  supremacy  of  the  French  in  Sicily;  they  hated  their  arro- 
gant liberators,  and  countenanced  the  conspiracy  which  issued  in  the 
bloody  Sicilian  Vespers  (1282).  French  influence  was  even  exerted  in 
elections  to  the  Papacy.  After  the  Papal  See  had  remained  vacant 
for  three  years,  Gregory  X.  (1271-1276)  decreed  in  1274,  at  the  Second 
Synod  of  Lyons  (the  Fourteenth  (Ecumenical),  that  in  future  the  elec- 
tion of  cardinals  should  be  conducted  in  conclave ;  and  that,  in  order 
to  accelerate  a  harmonious  vote,  their  allowance  of  food  should  be  daily 
decreased.  Still  the  evil  continued.  After  another  vacancy  of  the 
Papal  See  which  lasted  two  years,  the  antagonistic  parties  agreed  iu 
the  choice  of  a  pious  but  simple-minded  hermit — Ccelestine  V.  (1294), 
who  the  same  year  consented  to  abdicate  at  the  suggestion  of  the  cun- 
ning and  ambitious  Cardinal  Cajetan  (^  112,  6).  Cajetan  himself  now 
ascended  the  papal  throne,  by  the  name  of  Boniface  VIII. 


I  97.   THE   CLEKGY. 

After  the  tenth  century,  canonical  life  (§  84,  4)  gradually  de- 
generated and  decayed.  The  attempts  made  to  reform  these 
abuses,  led  to. a  distinction  between  "Canonical  seculares"  and 
"regulares."  The  latter  contended  for  the  ancient  discipline 
and  order ;  but  in  course  of  time  also  shared  in  the  general  cor- 
ruption. The  most  distinguished  among  the  advocates  of  a 
stricter  discipline  were,  Geroch,  Provost  of  Reichersberg  in  Ba- 
varia (ob.  1169),  and  Norhert,  a  canon,  the  founder  of  the  Order 
of  Pra^monstrants  (§  98,  3).  The  cathedral  chapters  were  in  the 
habit  of  themselves  filling  up  vacancies  in  their  number ;  since 
the  restoration  of  the  old  canonical  mode  of  election,  they  also 
chose  their  bishops  generally  from  among  themselves,  and  with- 
34* 


408      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (c  E  NT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

out  consulting  the  people.  From  the  laro:e  incomes  attaching  to 
cathedral  stalls,  these  posts  were  commonly  filled  by  members  of 
the  aristocracy  —  an  abuse  against  which  the  popes  in  vain  pro- 
tested. In  the  course  of  time  the  canons  became  more  and  more 
independent  of  episcopal  control ;  they  generally  lived  outside 
their  chapters,  and  employed  vicars  to  discharge  their  duties. 
The  bisJwjis  exercised  jurisdiction  over  all  the  clergy  in  their 
dioceses,  and  punished  offenders  by  deposition  or  by  imprison- 
ment in  a  monastery.  All  causes  connected  with  marriage,  tes- 
tamentary dispositions,  oaths,  etc.,  were  also  pleaded  before  their 
tribunals.  The  peculiarly  German  institution  of  Sends  gave 
place  to  the  Roman  form  of  judicial  administration.  The  arch- 
deacons threw  off  the  authority  of  their  bishops,  and  used  their 
power  in  so  arbitrary  a  manner  that,  in  the  twelfth  century,  the 
office  had  to  be  abrogated.  Their  duties  were  henceforth  dis- 
charged by  episcopal  officials  and  vicars.  The  office  of  chorejns- 
cojn  had  ceased  in  the  tenth  century.  During  the  Crusades  a 
number  of  Catholic  sees  had,  however,  been  founded  in  the  East, 
the  occupants  of  which  retained  their  titles  even  after  their  expul- 
sion, and  found  employment  as  assistants  of  Western  prelates 
(suffragan  bishops).  This  gave  I'ise  to  the  institution  of  Einscopi 
in  2^o.rtibus  (sc.  infidelium),  which  has  continued  ever  since,  in 
testimony  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  the  Church.  —  The  wealth 
of  churches  was  greatly  augmented,  partly  by  tithes,  legacies, 
donations  (especially  during  the  Crusades),  and  royal  fiefs,  partly 
from  the  increasing  value  of  landed  property.  Of  course  the 
poor  shared  in  the  benefits  of  this  growing  prosperity.  Ecclesi- 
astical property  was  subjected  to  taxation  only  in  time  of  public 
calamity.  The  celibacy  of  the  clergy  preserved  the  Church  from 
inevitable  impoverishment,  if  its  property  had  been  allowed  to 
descend  to  the  children  of  the  clergy,  as  at  one  time  seemed 
likely  to  be  the  case.  —  Strict  moralists,  such  usEatherius  (Bishop 
of  Yerona,  ob.  9'74),  and  especially  Petrus  Damiani,  Bishop  of 
Ostia  (ob.  10*72) — the  friend  and  admirer  of  Gregory  VII.,  whose 
"liber  gomorrhianus"  contains  a  fearful  picture  of  the  dissolute- 
ness of  the  clergy — and  such  monitors  as  St.  Hildegard  and  the 
Abbot  Joachim.  (§  108,  4),  made  fruitless  attempts  to  arrest  the 
moral  degeneracy  of  the  clergy.  Gregory  had,  indeed,  succeeded 
by  his  decrees  in  enforcing  clerical  celibacy,  but  not  in  putting 
an  end  to  concubinage,  and  even  to  worse  offences.  The  labours 
of  St.  Dunstan,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (ob.  988),  were  greatly 


THE    CLERGY.  409 

blessed  to  the  moral  elevation  of  the  English  clcrg-y.  — It  must 
not,  however,  be  forgotten,  that,  despite  this  corruption,  a  large 
number  of  the  clergy  were  excellent  and  conscientious  men  ;  and 
that,  even  with  a  degenerate  clergy,  the  clerical  office,  which  the 
people  knew  to  distinguish  from  its  occupants,  proved  the  salt 
of  the  age.  Like  other  professions,  the  ecclesiastical  reflected 
the  features  of  a  period,  big  not  only  with  gross  abuses,  but  with 
exalted  virtues,  deep  thoughts,  and  great  forces.  The  ignorance 
of  the  clergy,  especially  in  respect  to  religious  knowledge,  proved 
even  a  greater  hindrance  than  their  immorality  to  the  progress 
and  prosperity  of  the  Church.  The  Word  of  God  was  locked 
np  from  the  people  in  a  dead  language,  and  only  a  very  small 
proportion  of  the  clergy  were  sufficiently  educated  or  fitted  to 
declare  and  expound  its  blessed  truths. 

1.  The  Political  Influence  acquired  by  the  liigher  Clergy  during  this 
period  was  very  great,  especially  in  Germany.  On  more  than  one 
occasion  did  the  sagacious,  firm,  and  consistent  measures  advocated  by 
the  German  clergy  —  forming  as  they  did,  uuder  the  leadership  of  the 
primates  of  Mayence,  a  united  and  compact  body — preserve  the  empire 
foom  imminent  rnin,  or  from  division,  through  the  folly  of  ambitious 
princes  and  lords.  The  influence  of  these  prelates  was  not  only  derived 
from  their  sway  over  the  consciences,  but  also  from  their  having 
standing  in  the  Diet,  and  from  the  circumstance  that  they  were  terri- 
torial lords.  The  possibility  of  a  war  frequently  depended  on  the  con- 
sent or  refusal  of  the  spiritual  princes  to  furnish  contingents  to  the 
imperial  army.  The  clergy  desired  to  see  Germany  united  and  strong  ; 
the  neighbouring  countries  were  to  be  connected  with  the  German 
Church,  and  to  form  part  of  the  empire,  but  not,  as  the  emperors 
wished,  in  the  shape  of  personal  domains,  but  as  incorporated  with  the 
State.  The  German  clergy  always  opposed  those  expeditions  of  the 
empei-ors  to  Rome,  which  alienated  the  rulers  from  the  distinctive 
interests  of  Germany,  and  ruined  the  country.  They  desired  to  see 
the  chair  of  Peter  free  and  independent  —  a  European,  not  a  German 
institution — and  the  Emperor  its  protector,  not  its  oppressor;  but  they 
also  resisted  every  assumption  and  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
popes.  Such  a  type  of  the  good  old  German  prelates  was  WiUigis  of 
Magence,  to  whom  Germany  owed  one  of  its  wisest  and  happiest  admi- 
nistrations under  the  sway  of  Henry  II.,  whose  elevation  to  the  throne  he 
had  procured.  Under  Henry  IV.  the  German  clergy  were  divided  into  three 
parties.  The  Papalists  were  headed  by  GehJiard  of  Salzburg,  and  num- 
bered almost  all  the  Saxon  bishops ;  the  Imperialists  M^ere  led  by  Adal- 
bert of  Bremen,  who  intended  founding  a  northern  Patriarchate  inde- 
pendent of  the  Pope  ;  while  the  purely  German  party  was  guided  by 
A)ino  of  Cologne,  the  last  genuine  representative  of  the  ancient  episco- 
35 


410      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (c  E  NT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

pal  policy  of  the  country.  (Comp.  C.  Grunliagen,  Adalb.  v.  Hamb.  u. 
d.  Idee  eines  nord.  Patriarchates.  Leips.  1854.)  Henry  V.  and  the 
first  Hohenstaufens  were  vigorously  supported  by  the  German  clergy. 
But  want  of  proper  respect  on  the  part  of  Frederic  II.,  and  his  oppres- 
sion of  the  bishops,  entirely  alienated  the  clergy  from  the  crown. — 
During  the  time  of  Otho  I.  those  high  imperial  offices  originated,  to 
whom,  under  the  reign  of  OtJio  IV.,  the  exclusive  right  of  nominating 
successors  to  the  empire  was  entrusted.  Thus  the  Archbishops  of 
Mayence,  Treves,  and  Cologne  were  elevated  to  the  rank  of  Spiritual 
Princes,  Electors,  as  holding  the  office  of  arch-chaplains  or  arch-chan- 
cellors. These  privileges  and  offices  were  confirmed  and  settled  by  the 
Golden  Bull  of  Charles  IV.  (1356). 

2.  The  Pataria  of  Milan.  —  Among  the  Lombard  clergy,  more  than 
any  other,  simony,  concubinage,  and  the  marriage  of  priests,  were  com- 
mon. Accordingly,  the  changes  introduced  by  Hildebrand  met  with 
most  strenuous  resistance  in  that  country.  The  oppostion  was  headed 
by  Wido  (Guido),  Archbishop  of  3Iilan,  whom  Henry  III.  had  in  1046 
appointed  to  that  diocese.  Indeed,  this  prelate  renewed  the  former 
claims  of  his  see  to  spiritual  independence,  and  even  renounced  his 
allegiance  to  Rome  (|  83,  1).  Wido  was  supported  by  the  nobility  and 
clergy.  But  two  deacons,  Ariald  and  Landiilf  Cotta,  organized  a  con- 
spiracy among  the  common  people,  which  their  opponents,  by  way  of 
derision,  designated  Pataria,  Paterini  [i.e.,  blackguards).  The  papal 
party  adopted  this  name,  and  began  a  warfare  against  married  priests, 
which  for  thirty  years  led  to  continual  scenes  of  violence  and  bloodshed. 

?98.   THE   RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

CoMP.  1 2,  2.  c.  and  Fr.  Hurler,  Innoc.  III.  u.  s.  Zeitgen.  Bd.  Ill,  IV. 

Despite  growing  corruptions,  Monasticism  reached  at  this 
period  its  highest  stage,  and  more  than  ever,  before  or  after  it, 
earned  the  title  of  "Knighthood  of  Asceticism."  A  number  of 
new  monastic  orders  were  founded  as  an  offset  to  the  degeneracy 
of  older  orders,  partly  in  the  form  of  branches  (or  so-called 
congregations)  of  the  Benedictines,  partly  as  independent  insti- 
tutions under  a  separate  and  distinct  rule.  Almost  every  day 
new  monasteries  rose  —  frequently  also  in  cities.  The  reformed 
Benedictine  monasteries  organized  themselves  into  a  general 
society,  under  the  management  of  the  parent  monastery,  and 
styled  themselves  congregations.  The  oldest  of  these  congrega- 
tions, and  for  two  centuries  the  most  influential,  was  that  of 
Clngny.  Its  glowing  zeal  for  high-church  reforms,  made  it  one 
of  the  main  instruments  in  elevating  the  Church  and  the  Papacy 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ORDERS.  411 

from  their  decay  during  the  tenth  century.  A  smaller  order,  that 
of  the  Camaldotites,  was  also  helpful  in  that  direction.  The 
monastery  of  Glairvaux  disputed  with  that  of  Ulugny  the  vene- 
ration of  Christendom.  The  ?7on-reformed  monasteries  of  the 
Benedictines,  on  the  contrary,  persisted  in  their  self-sufficient 
isolation  and  their  luxurious  life.  To  distinguish  them  from  the 
Cistercians,  who  wore  a  white  dress,  they,  and  those  of  Clugny, 
were  called  Black  3Ionks.  To  prevent  too  great  a  subdivision 
of  the  monastic  orders,  Innocent  III.,  at  the  Fourth  Lateraa 
Council  in  1215,  prohibited  the  formation  of  any  new  society. 
But  the  Pope  himself  assisted  in  founding  two  new  orders,  which, 
in  importance  and  influence,  soon  surpassed  all  others — we  mean 
the  two  celebrated  mendicant  fraternities.  The  monks  acted  as 
the  standing  army  of  the  Papacy,  and  to  them  Gregory  was 
chiefly  indebted  for  the  success  of  his  policy.  The  popes  readily 
exempted  monasteries  from  the  supervision  of  their  diocesans  ; 
princes  conferred  dignities  and  offices  on  abbots ;  while  the  peo- 
ple, v/ho  looked  upon  monasteries  as  representing  the  popular 
element  in  the  Church,  regarded  these  institutions  with  the  great- 
est veneration.  Legacies,  donations,  fiefs,  and  purchases  swelled 
the  wealth  and  increased  the  landed  property  attaching  to  mon- 
asteries. —  From  the  tenth  century  monks  were  regarded  as 
constituting  a  special  ecclcsiadical  order  (ordo  religiosorum)  ; 
the  secular  business  of  monasteries  was  entrusted  to  lay  brethren 
(conversi).  These  were  addressed  as  fratres,  whilst  the  others, 
who  had  received  clerical  orders,  were  called  patres.  The  mo- 
nastic orders  were  distinguished  from  each  other  by  different 
gax'bs.  Frequently  disputes  arose  between  these  ecclesiastics 
and  the  secular  clergy,  as  the  monks  too  often  and  improperly 
interfered  with  the  duties  and  emoluments  of  the  regular  priests. 
— Besides  these  monastic  orders,  who  were  bound  by  a  perpetual 
vow  and  a  fixed  rule,  voluntary  associations  of  men  and  women — 
the  Beghards  and  Beguins  —  were  formed.  The  members  of 
these  communities  were  not  under  any  monastic  constraint,  but 
voluntarily  agreed  to  retire  from  the  world,  and  to  devote  them- 
selves to  their  own  spiritual  advancement  and  to  labours  of 
Christian  love. — In  consequence  of  the  enthusiasm  evoked  by  the 
Crusades,  the  profession  of  monasticism  was  combined  with 
knighthood.  Thus  the  knightly  orders  originated,  of  which 
the  members,  under  their  grand-masters  and  commanders,  were 
arranged  into  knights,  priests,  and  serving  brothers. — (Cf  §  112.) 


412     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (c  EN  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

1.  Soon  after  the  reformation  introduced  by  Benedict  of  Aniane 
(^  85,  2),  the  Benedictine  monasteries  again  degenerated  in  discipline 
and  morality.  Accordingly,  William,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  entrusted  to 
Berno,  a  Burgundian  count  [oh.  927),  who  had  already  restored  order 
in  two  Burgundian  cloisters  of  which  he  was  the  abbot,  the  duty  of 
founding  a  new  monastery.  Thus  arose  the  celebrated  Abbacy  of 
Cliigny  (Cluniacum)  in  Burgundy,  which  its  founder  placed  under  the 
immediate  supervision  of  the  Pope  (910).  Under  Odo,  the  successor  of 
Berno  [oh.  942),  a  courtier,  who  had  renounced  the  world  during  a  dan- 
gerous illness,  this  monastery  became  the  centre  of  a  separate  "con- 
gregation"—  that  of  Clugny  —  which  formed  an  offshoot  from  the 
Benedictine  Order.  The  strict  asceticism  of  these  monks,  the  great 
splendour  displayed  in  the  celebration  of  all  the  rites  of  religion,  their 
zeal  for  science  and  literature,  their  efforts  for  the  education  of  youth, 
and  lastly  a  succession  of  distinguished  abbots — among  them,  especially 
Odilo  [oh.  1048),  the  friend  of  Ilildebrand,  and  Peter  the  Venerable  [oh. 
1156).  —  (Of.  C.  A.  Wilkens,  Petrus  d.  Ehrw.,  &c.,  Lpz.  1857)  —  pro- 
cured for  the  "congregation"  an  influence  almost  unexampled, upon 
their  cotemporaries.  In  the  twelfth  century  it  numbered  no  fewer 
than  2000  monasteries  in  France.  At  the  head  of  this  powerful  order 
was  the  Abbot  of  Clugny  ;  he  appointed  the  priors  of  the  subordinate 
monasteries.  Under  the  rule  of  Pontius,  a  dissolute  man,  who  was  de- 
posed in  1122,  the  order  decayed,  but  again  rose  when  Peter  the  Ven- 
erable became  its  head.  —  [C.  Pelargtis,  Gesch.  d.  Abtei  Clugny.  Tlib. 
1858.)  — In  Italy,  the  Camaldolite  Order  occupied  a  position  analogous 
to  that  of  Clugny  in  France.  It  was  founded  in  1018  by  Roimiald,  a 
scion  of  the  ducal  family  of  Ravenna,  who  built  a  monastery  in  Camal- 
doli  (campus  Maldoli),  a  desolate  part  in  the  Apennines.  Nunneries 
were  also  erected  in  connection  with  these  monasteries.  Like  the  Order 
of  Clugny,  that  of  Camaldoli  espoused  the  High  Church  cause,  and 
acquired  considerable  influence  upon  their  cotemporaries,  although  not 
to  the  same  extent  as  their  French  brethren.  —  Twenty  years  later, 
Johannes  Giialhertns,  a  Florentine,  founded  the  Vallamhrosian  Order, 
after  the  model  of  that  of  Camaldoli,  in  a  shady  vale  (Vallis  Umbrosa) 
of  the  Apennines.  It  was  the  first  to  receive  lay  hrethren  for  the  pur- 
pose of  attending  to  temporal  matters,  that  so  the  monks  might  observe 
their  vows  of  silence  and  of  strict  confinement  to  the  wallsof  their  cloister. 
—  The  Congregation  of  tlie  Scotch  Benedictine  Monastery,  in  Germany, 
owed  its  origin  to  the  unabated  love  of  travel  which  animated  Irish  and 
Scotch  monks,  and  which  was  excited  ancAv,  in  the  tenth  century,  by 
the  invasions  of  the  Danes  and  Normans  (|  93,  1).  The  first  convent 
in  Germany,  designed  exclusively  for  the  reception  of  Irish  monks,  was 
St.  Martin's  at  Cologne  (tenth  century).  But  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery of  St.  James  at  Rogcnsburg  was  more  important.  It  was  founded 
by  the  Scot,  Marianus,  and  two  companions,  in  1067.  From  it  sprang 
eleven  others  in  southern  Germany,  which  Innocent  III.,  at  theLateran 


THE    RELiaiOUS    ORDERS.  413 

Council  of  1215,  confirmed  as  separate  congregations.  At  first  they 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  zealous  asceticism,  strict  discipline, 
and  literary  labours  ;  but  later  they  became  notorious  for  immorality 
and  gluttony  (?  112).  —  (Cf.  Wattenhach,  d.  Congreg.  d.  Schottenkl.  in 
Deutschl.  In  Quast'  u.  Otto's  Ztschr.  f.  christl.  Archoeol.  Bd.  I. 
Lpz.  1856.) 

2.  From  the  year  1098,  the  Congregation  of  Cistercians,  founded  at 
Citeanx  (Cistcrcium),  near  Dijon,  by  Robert,  proved  a  rival  to  the 
popularity  of  the  Order  of  Clugny,  from  which  it  difi'ered  by  voluntarily 
submitting  to  ej^iscopal  supervision,  and  by  avoiding  all  splendour  in 
their  churches  and  monasteries.  Instead  of  the  black  garb  of  the 
Benedictines,  the  Cistercians  wore  a  white  habit ;  otherwise,  their  con- 
stitution was  similar  to  the  rule  of  the  Order  of  Clugny.  The  order 
enjoyed  comparatively  small  influence,  till  the  fame  of  Bernard,  Abbot 
OF  Clairvaux — a  monastery  dependent  on  the  institution  at  Citeaux — 
elevated  it  to  the  highest  place  in  public  esteem.  In  honour  of  him, 
the  order  assumed  the  name  of  Bernardines.  (On  St.  Bernard,  comp. 
below,  §  103,  1.)  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  order  numbered  no 
fewer  than  2009  monasteries  and  6000  nunneries.  The  jealousy  sub- 
sisting at  one  time  between  the  monks  of  Clugny  and  those  of  Citeaux 
gave  place  to  more  proper  feelings,  chiefly  through  the  intimacy  of  St. 
Bernard  with  Peter  the  Venerable. 

3.  The  following  were  the  most  important  among  the  numerous 
other  monastic  orders  at  the  time  of  Innocent  III.:  —  1.  The  Order  of 
Granimont,  in  France,  founded  by  Stephen  of  Tigerno  (1073).  It  pro- 
fessed no  other  rule  than  the  Gospel.  Its  members  led  a  quiet,  unpre- 
tending life.  But  the  arrogance  of  their  lay  brethren  led  to  its  decay 
in  the  twelfth  century.  2.  The  Order  of  Fontevraiix,  founded  in  1006  by 
Robert  of  Arbrissel,  at  Fontevraux  (Fons  Ebraldi),  in  Poitou.  The 
founder  travelled  through  the  country,  summoning  all  to  repentance, 
and  reared  nunneries  for  maidens,  widows,  and  fallen  females.  The 
lady-abbess,  who  was  regarded  as  the  representative  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  the  patroness  of  the  order,  had  the  supervision  even  of  the 
priests  emploj^ed  by  the  nuns.  3.  The  Order  of  Guilhcrtines,  a  parallel 
with  the  last-named,  founded  by  Gidlhert,  an  English  priest,  of  noble 
descent.  In  it,  also,  women  constituted  the  chief  clement,  holding  all 
the  property  of  the  order ;  the  men  merely  managed  it.  Its  monaste- 
ries were  mostly  double  (for  men  and  women).  It  was  confined  to 
England,  where  the  Order  had  twenty-one  large  convents,  provided 
with  houses  for  paupers,  invalids,  and  orphans.  4.  The  Carthusians, 
founded  by  Bruno  of  Cologne,  Principal  of  the  Cathedral  School  at 
Rheims  (1084).  From  disgust  at  the  dissolute  life  of  Manasse,  his 
archbishop,  he  retired  with  some  like-minded  friends  into  a  solitary 
valley,  near  Grenoble,  called  Chartreuse.  He  imposed  on  his  monks 
the  obligations  of  the  most  rigid  asceticism,  of  strict  silence,  study, 


414     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.D.). 

prayer,  and  contemplation.  5.  The  Order  of  Prcemonsfranfs.  Its 
founder,  Norhert  (1121),  had  been  a  rich  and  worldly  canon  atXanthen, 
in  the  diocese  of  Cologne.  His  conversion  -was  completed  during  a 
furious  tempest,  when  the  lightning  struck  close  by  hira.  He  now 
changed  not  only  his  own  conduct,  but  attempted  to  introduce  a  refor- 
mation among  his  colleagues.  Baffled  in  this,  he  retired  with  a  few 
friends  into  the  desolate  valley  of  Premontre  (Prasmonstratum),  neat 
Laon.  His  rule  imposed  on  his  followers  the  ordinary  duties  of  the 
cure  of  souls,  while  at  the  same  time  it  bound  them  to  a  life  of  rigid 
monasticism.  When  on  a  visit  to  Spires,  where,  at  the  time,  the  Em- 
peror, papal  legates,  and  deputies  from  the  clergy  of  Magdeburg,  were 
met,  he  was  chosen  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  and  was  received  with 
great  pomp  in  his  diocese,  still  wearing  the  hal)it  of  his  community. 
The  order  numbered  many  monasteries  and  nunneries.  6.  The  Order 
of  the  Carmelites  was  founded  (1156)  by  Berthold  of  Calabria,  a  cru- 
sader, who,  along  with  some  companions,  settled  in  the  cave  of  Elijah, 
on  Mount  Carmel.  The  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  drew  up  a  very  rigid 
rule  for  them.  When  expelled  by  the  Saracens,  the  order  settled  in 
Europe  (1238),  and  became  a  mendicant  fraternity.  The  Carmelites 
traced  their  origin  to  no  less  a  personage  than  Elijah  himself,  and 
stoutly  denied  that  their  order  had  been  founded  by  Berthold.  They 
also  maintained  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  person  had  handed  to 
Simon  Stock,  the  general  of  the  order,  the  holy  Scapulary,  as  its  dis- 
tinctive badge,  with  the  jiromise,  that  whoever  died  Avearing  it,  was 
sure  of  eternal  bliss.  Every  Saturday  the  Virgin  descended  into  pur- 
gatory to  fetch  thence  the  souls  of  those  who  had  worn  the  Scapulary. 
7.  The  Order  of  Trinitarians  (called  also  "  ordo  sanctte  Trinitatis  de 
redemptione  captivorum")  was  founded  by  Innocent  III.,  for  the  re- 
demption of  Christian  captives.  8.  The  Humiliati,  in  the  eleventh 
century,  —  an  association  of  pious  trades-people  at  Milan,  of  which  the 
members  wrought  at  their  crafts  —  had  their  possessions  in  common, 
and  engaged  in  spiritual  exercises.  The  fraternity  declined  in  the 
sixteenth  century. 

4.  The  Mcyidicant  Orders.  —  (Cf.  E.  Vogf,  d.  h.  Franz,  v.  Assisi. 
Tlibg.  1840.  —  K.  Hase,  Franc,  v.  Assisi,  &c.  Lpz.  1856.  —  Demore, 
Leben  d.  h.  Clara  v.  Assisi;  transl.  from  the  French  by  Lochner. 
Regensb.  1857.  —  Lacordaire,  Vie  de  St.  Dominique.  Par.  1841.  —  E. 
Caro,  d.  h.  Dominicus  u.  d.  Dominicaner,  libers,  v.  E.  W.  Regensburg. 
1854.) — These  Orders  originated  in  the  desire  of  literally  carrying  out 
the  vow  of  poverty.  The  idea  was  first  conceived  by  St.  Francis,  the 
son  of  a  rich  merchant  at  Assisi  (born  1182).  He  seems  to  have  been 
greatly  struck  by  the  injunction  of  the  Saviour  (Matt.  x.  8-10)  to  His 
disciples,  to  go  forth  carrying  neither  gold  nor  silver,  staff  nor  scrip. 
Accordingly,  he  gave  away  all  his  property,  and  henceforth  depended 
on  charity  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  Cursed  by  his  father,  sometimes 
derided  by  the  populace  as  mad,  at  others  worshipned  as  a  saint,  he 


THE    RELIGIOUS    ORDERS.  415 

travelled  tlirouo;li  the  East  and  West,  everywhere  calling  to  repentance 
(from  1208).  Ilis  complete  renunciation  of  the  -world  and  of  self,  the 
simplicity  of  his  faith,  the  ardour  of  his  love  towards  God  and  man, 
and  the  deep  treasures  of  his  poverty,  made  St.  Francis  appear  like  a 
heavenly  stranger  in  the  midst  of  a  selfish  world.  Ilis  sympathy  with 
nature  was  truly  marvellous.  In  childlike  simplicity,  he  would  hold 
converse  with  the  birds  of  the  air  and  the  beasts  of  the  field  as  with 
brothers  and  sisters,  calling  upon  them  to  praise  their  Maker ;  in  fact, 
the  saint  seemed  again  to  restore  the  original  position  of  man  towards 
the  lower  creation.  When  attempting  to  address  the  Pope  and  his 
cardinals  in  a  set  oration,  he  utterly  broke  down ;  but  when  he  ad- 
dressed them  in  language  unprepared,  and  coming  directly  from  the 
fulness  of  his  heart,  his  speech  was  like  a  mighty  stream  sweeping 
away  all  resistance.  Innocent  III.,  "overcome  by  his  simplicity  and 
humility,  allowed  the  strange  saint  to  go  on."  (According  to  an  old 
legend,  he  had  first  ordered  him  to  take  up  his  abode  with  swine, — an 
injunction  which  the  saint  literally  obeyed.)  Uonorius  III.,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Innocent,  gave  in  1223  his  formal  sanction  to  the  association 
which  had  gathered  around  Francis,  and  bestowed  on  the  order  of  the 
Fratres  minores  (Minors  or  Franciscans)  the  right  of  preaching  and 
exercising  the  cure  of  souls  in  any  district  or  country.  But  according 
to  the  idea  of  the  founder,  the  order  was  to  preach  by  deeds  of  complete 
self-abnegation  rather  than  by  words.  Its  peculiar  garb  consisted  of  a 
brown  habit  with  a  hood ;  a  rope  round  the  waist  served  as  girdle. 
This  contempt  of  the  world,  combined  with  unfeigned  humility,  and 
ardent,  self-denying  love,  made  a  deep  impression  on  their  cotompo- 
raries,  and  procured  for  the  order  the  designation  of  seraphic.  A  female 
branch  of  the  order  (the  Sisterhood  of  St.  Clare)  was  founded  in 
1212  by  Clara,  a  noble  virgin  of  Assisi.  St.  Francis  drew  up  a  rule 
for  this  sisterhood.  The  fraternity  of  Tertiaries  [Tcrims  ordo  de 
poenitentia)  consisted  of  persons  who  were  allowed  to  continue  in  the 
world,  but  were  bound  by  a  semi-monastic  rule,  drawn  up  by  St. 
Francis.  The  church  of  Portmncida,  at  Assisi,  became  the  great 
centre  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  and  successive  popes  enriched  this 
sanctuary  with  the  most  plenary  indulgences.  St.  Francis  died  in 
1226,  stretched  on  the  pavement  of  this  church,  and  literally  naked  as 
he  had  entered  the  world.  A  legend  declares  that  during  the  last  tAvo 
years  of  his  life  the  saint  had  borne  the  marks  of  the  crucifixion  of  the 
Saviour  (stigmata),  which,  during  a  trance,  a  seraph  had  impressed  on 
his  body.  The  story,  though  strenuously  attested  by  many  witnesses, 
does  not  bear  the  test  of  impartial  criticism  (comp.  JETase,  u.  s.).  Gre- 
gory IX.  canonized  him  in  1228.  In  the  fourteenth  century  the  General 
Chapter  of  the  Franciscans  at  Assisi  gave  its  sanction  to  a  book,  enti- 
tled "Liber  Conformitatum,"  by  one  Bartholomew  of  Pisa,  which  enu- 
merated forty  points  of  similarity  between  Christ  and  St.  Francis.  At 
the  time  of  the  Reformation  a  new  edition  of  it  appeared,  with  a  pre- 
35 


416     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT  .  10— 13  A.  D.), 

face  by  Luther,  bearing  the  title,  "  Der  Barfussermonche  Eulenspiegel 
und  Alkoran." 

Even  while  St.  Francis  was  alive,  Elijah  of  Cortona,  who  during  the 
absence  of  the  saint  in  the  East  had  been  intrusted  with  the  superin- 
tendence of  the  order,  had  attempted  to  soften  its  rigid  discipline. 
St.  Francis  resisted  the  innovation ;  but  when,  after  his  death,  Elijah 
was  nominated  general  of  the  order,  he  carried  out  his  project.  The 
more  rigid  party  joined  St.  Aniliony  of  Padua,  who  lived  and  acted  in 
the  spirit  of  St.  Francis,  and  even  preached  to  fishes  when  men  refused 
to  give  audience.  Violent  discussions  arose  within  the  order,  and 
Elijah  was  twice  deposed.  He  afterwards  supported  the  cause  of  Fre- 
deric IL,  and  was  excommunicated  along  with  him,  but  again  recon- 
ciled to  the  Church  before  his  death  (1253).  The  fanaticism  of  the 
rigid  party  increased  in  proportion  as  their  more  lax  opponents  grew 
in  number.  The  popes  supported  the  majority.  At  length  the  dispu- 
tants separated.  The  milder  party  (fratres  de  communitate)  strove  to 
reconcile  the  principles  of  their  founder  respecting  poverty  with  their 
actual  tenure  of  property  by  distinguishing  between  absolute  posses- 
sion and  usufruct,  and  by  the  formality  of  making  over  their  posses- 
sions to  the  Romish  Church.  The  stricter  party  (spirituales,  zelatores, 
Fratricelli)  gradually  became  avoATcd  opponents  of  the  Church  and  of 
its  rulers,  who  had  disowned  them,  and  even  denounced  the  Pope  as 
Antichrist  (comp.  |  108,  4). —  The  Franciscans  were,  also,  the  first 
barefoot  monks.  Their  example  in  this  respect  was  followed,  subse- 
quently, by  many  other  orders  (as  by  the  Augustines),  but  not  by  the 
Dominicans.  Bej'ond  Italy,  in  colder  climates,  however,  even  the 
Franciscans  Avere  exempted  from  this  peculiarity  ;  at  least  they  might 
wear  sandals. 

The  Order  of  Dominicans  was  founded  by  Dominicus  Guzman  (born 
in  1170),  the  scion  of  a  noble  Castilian  family.  Dominic  was  a  priest 
at  Osma,  and  a  man  of  considerable  prudence  and  learning.  From 
zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  he,  along  with  some  associates,  went  to 
the  south  of  France  (1208),  there  to  labour  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Albigenses.  In  1215,  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  Innocent  III. 
gave  to  this  order  a  rule,  which  was  afterwards  enlarged  by  Honorius 
III.  The  Dominicans,  or  Order  of  Preachers  (ordo  fratrum  prfedica- 
torum),  were  empowered  everywhere  to  preach  and  to  hear  confession, 
for  the  special  object  of  restoring  heretics  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church 
by  their  sermons  and  teaching.  At  a  later  period  (1220),  Dominic  and 
his  order  adopted  the  rule  of  St.  Francis,  and  became  a  mendicant  fra- 
ternity. He  died  in  1221,  pronouncing  an  anathema  on  any  one  who 
should  contaminate  his  order  by  bestowing  upon  it  worldly  possessions. 
Dominic  was  canonized  by  Gregory  IX.  A  female  branch  of  the  order 
was  formed  by  some  of  the  Albigensian  converts.  Like  the  Francis- 
cans, the  Dominicans  had  male  and  female  Tertiaries  (fratres  et  sorores 
de  militia  Christi). 


THE    RELIGIOUS     ORDERS.  417 

Various  circumstances  combined  to  give  these  two  orders  an  extra- 
ordinary popularity.  Not  only  did  they  specially  meet  the  wants  of 
the  time,  but  the  fact  that  they  required  no  endowment,  and  obtained 
considerable  privileges  from  the  popes,  enabled  them  to  spread  rapidly 
throughout  AVestern  Europe.  Each  of  these  orders  was  under  the 
supreme  rule  of  a  general,  who  resided  at  Rome;  provincials  super- 
intended the  monasteries  of  particular  countries ;  while  every  monas- 
tery had  its  own  guardian  (among  the  Franciscans)  or  prior  (among 
the  Dominicans).  From  the  first  the  Dominicans  gave  themselves  to 
literary  pursuits;  their  primar}^  object  —  the  conversion  of  heretics  — 
rendering  such  studies  necessary.  Afterwards,  they  also  displayed 
considerable  zeal  in  missionary  labours;  but  their  influence  proved 
greatest  in  the  academic  chair.  Thus  incited,  the  Franciscans  also 
began  to  cultivate  these  departments  of  labour,  and  sought  to  obtain  a 
standing  in  the  universities.  The  veneration  shown  them  by  the  com- 
mon people,  who  preferred  confessing  their  secrets  to  such  migratory 
mendicants,  excited  the  envy  of  the  secular  clergy,  as  their  increasing 
influence  in  the  universities,  that  of  the  learned.  The  opposition  to 
their  growing  interference  was  chiefly  carried  on  by  the  University  of 
Paris.  William  of  St.  Amour,  a  doctor  of  that  college,  in  1156,  charac- 
terized them,  in  his  controversial  tractate,  "  De  periculis  novissorum 
temporum,"  as  the  forerunners  of  Antichrist.  To  this  attack  learned 
members  of  the  order  (such  as  Thomas  Aquinas  and  Bonaventura) 
replied,  and  they  were  supported  both  by  papal  authority  and  royal 
power.  But  no  sooner  was  this  contest  ended,  than  the  former  jealousy 
and  rivalry  subsisting  between  the  two  orders  reappeared.  The  feeling 
of  hostility  increased  as  on  scholastic  questions  they  took  opposite  sides, 
— (Comp.  I  104,  1,  and  |  112,  1.) 

Only  two  other  mendicant  orders  of  later  origin  attained  great  influ- 
ence, viz.:  the  Augustines,  whom  Pope  Alexander  IV.  drevi-  from  the 
members  of  monastic  orders  which  had  been  scattered  (1256)  ;  and  the 
Servites  (Servi  b.  Marias  Yirg.),  instituted  by  seven  pious  Florentines 
for  the  service  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  in  1233  —  an  order  very  popular, 
both  in  Italy  and  Germany. 

5.  The  Beguins  and  Begliards.  —  (Cojip.  Mosheim,  de  Beghardis  efc 
Beguinabus.  Lps.  1790. — E.  Hallmann,  Gesch.  d.  Ursp.  d.  belgischen 
•Bcghiden  (Hist,  of  the  Orig.  of  the  Beg.  in  Belg.).  Berl.  1843.)  — 
Female  associations  of  Beguins  existed  undoubtedly  prior  to  those  of 
the  Beghards.  But  the  exact  period  when  they  arose,  and  even  the 
origin  of  the  name,  are  matter  of  controversy.  Older  historians  were 
wont  to  trace  the  Beguins  to  St.  Begga,  a  daughter  of  Pepin  of  Landcn, 
in  the  seventh  century ;  but  on  no  other  ground  than  the  similarity  of 
name.  Mosheim  derived  the  name  from  the  word  beggen,  to  pray ; 
latterly,  however,  Hallmann  has  shown,  on  grounds  which  to  us  seem 
convincing,  that  both  the  name  and  the  association  were  derived  from 
Lambert  le  Beghc,  a  celebrated  preacher  at  Liege,  during  the  twelfth 

2b 


418     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

century.  The  Bcgtiins  took  the  three  monastic  vows,  but  only  for  the 
period  during  which  they  remained  members  of  the  society.  They 
were  free  to  leave  the  society  at  any  time,  to  marry,  or  to  undertake 
other  duties.  They  placed  themselves  under  the  superintendence  of  a 
lady-superior  and  a  priest,  and  lived  in  what  was  called  a  Beginaghim, 
or  curtis  Beguinarum,  which  generally  consisted  of  a  number  of  small 
houses  within  a  common  enclosure.  Each  of  the  Beguins  kept  house 
for  herself.  On  entering  the  society,  they  entrusted  their  property  to 
the  community,  and  received  it  back  on  leaving.  The  Beguins  employed 
themselves  in  manual  labour  —  such  as  sewing,  washing,  or  taking 
charge  of  the  sick.  They  were  also  engaged  in  teaching  j-oung  females, 
or  attending  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  their  own  sex.  Any  profit  derived 
from  these  employments  was  applied  in  works  of  charity.  Each  asso- 
ciation wore  a  distinctive  habit.  They  soon  spread  over  Belgium, 
Germany,  and  France.  By  and  by  male  associations  of  the  same  kind, 
and  for  the  same  purposes  (the  Beghards),  were  founded.  Those  sup- 
ported themselves  also  by  manual  labour,  especially  by  weaving.  But 
in  the  course  of  the  thirteenth  century  such  associations  became  greatly 
demoralized.  Brothers  and  sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit  (114,  3),  Fratri- 
celli,  and  other  heretics,  sought  refuge  among  them  from  the  persecu- 
tions of  the  Church,  and  infected  them  with  their  errors.  Accordingly, 
the  Inquisition  (|  109)  directed  its  inquiries  to  their  doings,  and  many 
of  their  members  were  executed,  especially  in  the  south  of  France. 
At  the  Fifteenth  General.  Council  of  Vienne,  in  1311,  eight  heretical 
tenets,  supposed  to  be  held  by  them,  were  condemned.  A  number  of 
their  houses  were  closed ;  others  only  allowed  to  continue  on  condition 
of  their  inmates  joining  the  Franciscan  or  Dominican  Tertiaries.  Pope 
John  XXIII.  (1410-1415)  again  extended  protection  to  them,  when  the 
community  of  Beguins  once  more  increased.  But  their  growing  disso- 
luteness, and  concubinage  with  Beghards  and  secular  priests,  obliged 
the  secular  and  spiritual  authorities  to  interfere.  At  the  time  of  the 
Reformation  these  houses  were  secularized ;  in  Belgium  alone,  some  of 
their  communities  still  exist. 

6.  Knightly  Orders. — (Cf.  Biedenfeld,  Gesch.  u.  Verfass.  aller  geistl. 
u.  weltl.  ilitterorden.  2  Bde.  Weim.  1841.  —  W.  F.  Wilclcc,  Gesch.  d. 
Tcmpclherrnord.  2  Bde.  Lpz.  1826.— jP.  Miinter,  Statutenbuch  d.  Ord. 
d.  Tempi.  Berl.  1794. —  [Nieihammer]  Gesch.  d.  Malteserord.  nach 
Verst.  Jena.  2  Bde.  Dresd.  1833. — /.  Voighi,  Gesch.  Pressens  bis  zum 
Unterg.  d.  Ilerrsch.  d.  deutsch.  Ord.  4  Bde.  Kgsb.  1827,  &c. — /.  Voight, 
Gesch.  d.  deutsc.  R.-Ord.  in  s.  12  Balleien.  Berl.  1857,  Bd.  I.  — J.  M. 
Watierich,  d.  Grlindung  d.  deutsch.  Ordenstaates  in  Preussen.  Lpz. 
1827.— C.  Henfiig,  Statutt.  d.  deutsch.  Ord.  Kgsb.  1806.  — J.,  ij.  Win- 
ierfeld,  Gesch.  d.  ritterl.  Ordens  St.  Johannis.  Berl.  1859. — The  Orders 
of  Knights  took,  besides  the  three  monastic  vows  (of  poverty,  chastity, 
and  obedience),  that  of  continual  contest  with  the  infidels.  Among 
these  orders  we  reckon :  —  1.  The  Order  of  the  Templars,  founded  by 


ECCLESIASTICAL    JURISPRUDENCE.  419 

Hugh  de  Payens  (1118),  for  the  protection  of  pilgrims  in  the  Holy 
Land.  They  wore  a  white  cloak,  with  a  red  cross  on  the  breast.  St. 
Bernard  warmly  interested  himself  in  favour  of  this  order,  and  accord- 
ingly, procured  a  large  accession  to  its  membership.  When  St.  Jean 
d'Acre  fell  (in  1291),  the  Templars  retired  to  Cyprus;  but  soon  after- 
wards returned  to  the  West,  when  Paris  became  the  head-quarters  of 
the  order.  The  name  of  the  order  was  derived  from  the  circumstance, 
that  the  palace  which  King  Baldwin  of  Jerusalem  assigned  for  their 
use,  was  built  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of  Solomon  (cf.  |  112,  2). 
2.  Originally  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  or  Hospitallers,  were  ordinary 
inmates  of  a  monastery,  whose  special  duty  it  was  to  take  charge  of 
sick  pilgrims,  to  relieve  their  wants,  and  to  extend  hospitality  to  them 
(founded  in  1099).  With  these  duties  Raymond  du  Piiy,  the  second 
general  of  the  order,  combined,  in  1118,  the  obligation  of  fighting 
against  the  infidel.  They  wore  a  black  dross,  with  a  white  cross  on 
the  breast,  and  had  a  red  cross  on  their  banners.  When  expelled  by 
the  Saracens,  they  settled  first  in  Rhodes  (1310),  and  lastly  in  Malta, 
in  1530.  3.  The  Order  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  consisted  also,  at  first, 
of  the  inmates  of  an  hospital,  or  inn,  founded  during  the  siege  of  St. 
Jean  d'Acre,  in  1190,  by  some  citizens  of  Bremen  and  Lubeck.  The 
knights  wore  a  white  cloak,  with  a  black  cross  on  the  breast.  At  a 
later  period  the  order  settled  in  Prussia,  where  in  1237  it  amalgamated 
with  that  of  the  Livonian  Brethren  of  the  Sword.  —  During  the  contest 
with  the  Moors  several  knightly  orders  were  founded  in  Spain.  Th& 
most  important  of  these  was  the  Order  of  Calatrava,  founded  by  Velas- 
quez, a  Cistercian  monk,  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  town  of 
Calatrava.  In  1164  it  obtained  the  formal  sanction  of  Pope  Alexander 
III.  At  present,  like  the  Order  of  Malta,  it  is  only  an  honorary 
distinction. 

I  99.   ECCLESIASTICAL  JURISPRUDENCE. 

The  forged  Decretals  of  Isidore  (§  St,  2)  were  not  the  only 
collection  of  ecclesiastical  laws  made.  But  with  the  increase  of 
such  works,  contradictions  only  multiplied,  and  no  attempt  was 
made  to  remove  them.  Among  these  compilations,  that  by  Bur- 
chard,  Bishop  of  Worms,  about  1020,  that  by  Anselm,  Bishop 
of  Lucca  (ob.  1086),  and  that  by  Ivo,  Bishop  of  Ghartres  {oh. 
1025),  were  the  best  known.  In  the  twelfth  century,  Gralian,  a 
Camaldolite  monk,  at  Bologna,  undertook  the  difficult  task  of 
making  a  complete  collection  of  these  laws,  and  of  solving  the 
contradictions  with  which  they  abounded,  by  means  of  certain 
scholastic  deductions.  The  work,  which  appeared  about  the 
year  1150,  under  the  title  "  Concordantia  discordantium  cano- 
num,"  commonly  bears  the  name  of  Decretum  Gratiani.  This 
35* 


420     SECTION   II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

work  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  study  of  ecclesiastical  law, 
especially  in  the  universities  of  Paris  and  Bologna.  While  the 
so-called  Legists  lectured  on  Roman  law,  the  Decretists  taught 
canonical  law,  wrote  commentaries  on  the  work  of  Gratian,  and 
made  compilations  similar  to  his.  To  put  a  stop  to  the  confu- 
sion which  threatened  to  ensue,  Gregory  IX.  commissioned,  in 
1234,  Raymundiis  de  Pennaforti,  a  Dominican,  to  make  a  new 
compilation  (Decretum  Gregorii,  consisting  of  five  books),  which, 
besides  the  older  decretals,  contained  his  own  and  those  of  his 
immediate  predecessors.  This  work  served  as  text-book  for  the 
lectures  delivered  at  Paris  and  Bologna.  To  this  collection 
Boniface  VIII.  added  a  sixth  book,  containing  his  own  docretals ; 
and  lastly,  Clement  V.,  those  issued  under  his  pontificate,  with 
the  special  title  of  Glemevtina.  To  this  compilation  the  most 
important  decretals  of  later  popes  were  added,  in  the  year  1500, 
under  the  title  of  Extravagantes,  which  completed  the  Corpus 
juris  canonici. 


III.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE  AND  CONTROVERSIES. 

CoMP.  H.  Bitter,  Gosch.  d.  christl.  Philos.  Vols.  III.  IV.  By  the 
same  author,  Uebersicht  liber  d.  Gesch.  d.  scholast.  Philos.,  in  Bau- 
mer's  hist.  Taschenb.  Ill,  7,  p.  269  etc.  Lpz.  1856.  —  B.  Haureau,  la 
philos.  scolast.  2  Veil.  Par.  1850.  —  ^.  Schmid,  d.  Mystic,  d.  M.  A.  in 
s.  Entstehungsper.  (Mystic,  of  the  M.  A.  dur.  the  Per.  of  its  Orig.), 
Jena  1824. — A  Heljferich,  d.  christl.  Mystik  in  ihrer  Entw.  u.  ihr. 
Denkm.  (Chr.  Myst.",  its  Develop,  and  Monum.).  Gotha  1842.  2  Vols. 
— J  Gorres,  d.  chr.  Myst.  Regensb.  1836.  3  Vols.  —  Vaughan,  Hours 
with  the  Mystics. 

I  100.  GENERAL  VIEW  OF   SCHOLASTICISM. 

Notwithstanding  the  intellectual  decay  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
that  period  witnessed  the  growth  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
productions  of  the  human  mind,  which  can  only  be  likened  to 
those  cathedrals  reared  in  the  Gothic  style.  Scholasticism, 
which  derived  its  name  from  the  cathedral  and  monastic  schools 
where  it  originated,  has  aptly  been  designated  as  "the  knight- 
hood of  theology."     In  liberality  and  enthusiasm,  loyalty  and 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF    SCHOLASTICISM.  421 

perseverance,  courage  and  ardour,  the  schoolmen  emulated  the 
knig-hts  properly  so  called  ;  only  that  their  weapons  were  not 
the  sword  and  lance,  but  speculation  and  dialectics  ;  and  their 
ideal  not  knightly  honour,  but  ecclesiastical  oi'thodoxy.  It  was 
the  great  object  of  scholasticism  to  analyze  Christian  dogmas  by 
means  of  dialectics,  to  develop  them  by  speculation,  and  to  show 
their  inherent  truth  and  necessity.  Generally  speaking,  scholas- 
ticism adopted,  expounded,  and  defended  the  ecclesiastical  views 
already  in  vogue  (dogmatism)  ;  sometimes,  however,  a  sceptical 
tendency  also  appeared  —  at  least  for  a  time.  In  the  latter 
case,  certain  philosophical  principles  were  laid  down,  and  it  was 
attempted  by  means  of  these  to  harmonize  reason  with  ecclesias- 
tical dogmas.  Along  with  scholasticism,  sometimes  in  combina- 
tion, at  others  in  antagonism  with  it,  another  tendency  appeared. 
If  scholasticism  sought  rationally  to  elucidate  and  develop 
theology,  it  was  the  object  of  mysticism  to  apprehend  the 
salvation  offered  by  the  Church  not  by  means  of  the  intellect, 
but  by  the  feelings,  and  to  develop  it  not  by  dialects,  but  by  in- 
ward contemplation.  These  intellectual  strivings,  which  con- 
tinued throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  may  historically  be  arranged 
into  four  periods,  each  of  which  almost  comprised  a  century.  1. 
The  first  traces  of  the  new  science  occur  during  the  tenth  century 
—  a  period  in  other  respects  intellectually  barren,  and  aptly 
called  the  "  Seculum  obscurum."  The  distinctive  features  of 
scholasticism,  however,  did  not  yet  appear.  2.  These  tendencies 
became  more  manifest  during  the  eleventh  century,  at  first  in  the 
form  of  dialectics,  which  again  took  either  a  sceptical  or  dog- 
matical turn,  and  led  to  a  contest  betwixt  these  two  directions. 
3.  During  the  twelfth  century,  mysticism  appeared  as  a  distinct 
tendency  by  the  side  of  the  dialectics  of  the  schoolmen.  The 
conflict  which  now  ensued  between  mysticism  and  sceptical 
dialects  ultimately  ended  in  an  alliance  with  dogmatic  dialectics, 
which  proved  mutually  useful.  4.  During  the  thirteenth  century, 
dialectic  scholasticism,  or  dogmatism,  attained  its  highest  stage. 
Generally  speaking,  the  former  alliance  with  mysticism  was  con- 
tinued, although  some  of  the  schoolmen  again  tended  towards 
scepticism. 

1.  Nurseries  of  ScJiolasticism.  —  At  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century, 

Universities  were  planted  for  the  same  purposes  as  the  cathedral  and 

monastic  schools,  only  with  a  wider  range  of  subjects  in  view.     These 

seminaries   originated   independently  both  of  State  and  Church,  of 

36 


422      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

Emperor  and  Pope.  Celebrated  teachers  appeared  in  the  larger  cities ; 
pupils  from  all  countries  gathered  around  them ;  by  and  by  other 
lecturers  joined  those  who  had  first  taught  in  these  cities ;  and  then 
teachers  and  scholars  constituted  themselves  by  mutual  agreement  into 
an  independent  corporation,'  and  thus  the  University  was  founded. 
But  this  designation  did  not  imply  anything  like  a  "universitas 
literarum,"  in  which  all  the  sciences  should  be  cultivated.  —  Separate 
faculties  for  diiferent  sciences  did  not  as  yet  exist;  and  where  the 
number  of  teachers  and  students  rendered  some  division  necessary,  it 
was  made  according  to  nations,  not  sciences.  The  name  University 
was  only  intended  to  designate  the  "universitas  magistrorum  et 
scholarium"  as  an  organised  society.  The  studies  carried  on  in  these 
seminaries  were  called  "  studium  generale"  or  "universale,"  because 
every  person  had  free  access  to  the  lectures.  At  first  one  special  science 
was  particularly  —  sometimes  even  exclusively  —  cultivated  in  diiferent 
universities.  Thus  theology  was  studied  at  Paris,  at  Oxford,  and  at  a 
later  period  at  Cologne;  jurisprudence  at  Bologna;  and  medicine  at 
Salerno.  The  first  university  expressly  founded  for  the  cultivation  of 
all  sciences  was  that  which  Frederic  II.  instituted  at  Naples  in  1224. 
Our  present  arrangement  into  faculties  originated  from  the  circum- 
stance, that  the  mendicant  orders  in  Paris,  being  proscribed  by  the 
other  teachers  in  the  University  (^  198,  4),  constituted  themselves  into 
a  separate  theological  faculty  (1259).  The  number  of  students  in  the 
universities  —  among  them  many  persons  advanced  in  life  —  was  A^ery 
large,  amounting  in  the  most  celebrated  seats  of  learning  occasionally 
to  from  10,000  to  20,000.  All  the  members  of  the  congregation  of 
Clugny  had  to  pass  through  a  curriculum  of  ten  years  (two  years  being 
devoted  to  Logicalia,  three  years  to  Liters?  Naturales  et  Philosophicae, 
and  five  years  to  Theology).  The  Council  of  Tours  enjoined,  in  1236, 
that  every  priest  should  go  through  a  preparatory  course  of  five  years' 
study.  (Comp.  C.  E.  Bidceus,  Hist.  univ.  Paris,  et  aliarum  univers. 
Par.  1665.  0  Voll.  L  —  A.  Wood,  Hist,  et  ant.  univ.  Oxon.  Oxon.  1674. 
2  Voll.  {.—Diibarle,  H.  de  I'Univ.  Par.  l829.—Crei-ier,  Hist,  de  I'Univ. 
de  Paris.  Par.  1761.  7  Tom.  12.  —  Chr.  Meiners,  Gesch.  d.  hohen  Schu- 
len.  [Hist,  of  Univ.].  Gottg.  1802.—  F.  A.  Either,  d.  engl.  Univ.  Cassel 
1839.  Vol.  I.  —  F.  C.  V.  Savigny,  Gesch.  d.  rcim.  Rechtes  in  M.  A.  Bd. 
Ill,  2.  A.  Heidelb.  1834.). 

2.  The  writings  of  Aristotle  were  introduced  among  the  learned  of 
the  West  by  the  Moors  of  Spain,  who  since  the  eleventh  century  had 
successfully  prosecuted  these  studies.  The  Philosophy  of  Scholas- 
ticism was  derived  from  the  dialectics  of  Aristotle,  whose  works  were 
translated  into  Latin,  either  from  the  Arabic  (with  the  Commentaries 
0^  Avicenna,  oh.  1036,  of  Ghazali,  oh.  1111,  and  of  Averrhoes,  oh.  1217), 
or  else  directly  from  the  Greek.  Hitherto  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle 
had  only  been  known  at  second  hand,  chiefly  from  the  writings  of 
Boethius.     But  now,  when  scholars  had  the  opportunity  of  perusing 


GENERAL    VIEW    OP    SCHOLASTICISM.  423 

the  works  of  the  "  master"  himself,  their  study  was  prosecuted  with 
great  enthusiasm.  At  the  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  century 
this  philosophy  was  for  a  short  time  in  disrepute,  and  the  study  of 
Aristotle  prohi])ited  by  ecclesiastical  ordinance — the  origin  of  the  pan- 
theistic sect  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (|  108,  2)  being  traced  to  the  teaching 
of  the  Stagyrite.  But  when  by  the  extinction  of  the  sect  this  danger 
was  at  an  end,  Gregory  IX.  again  authorized  the  favourite  study  (1231) ; 
and  such  was  the  esteem  in  which  Aristotle  was  held,  that  he  was 
ranked  with  John  the  Baptist  as  the  precursor  of  Christ,  and  that  on 
all  scientific  questions  his  writings  enjoyed  the  same  authority  in  the 
Church  as  that  of  the  Bible  and  tradition  in  matters  of  faith.  At  the 
same  time,  there  was  also  in  the  Middle  Ages  a  school  attached  to  the 
philosophy  of  Plato.  The  study  of  the  writings  of  Augustine  and  of 
the  Areopagite  pointed  towards  Platonism,  while  the  school  of  specu- 
lative mystics  was  always  opposed  to  the  exclusive  claims  set  up  on 
behalf  of  Aristotle.  —  Scholasticism  started  with  a  speculative  inquiry 
about  the  relation  subsisting  between  thinking  and  being,  or  between  the 
idea  of  a  thing  and  its  essence.  In  answer  to  this  question,  the  Nomi- 
nalists, following  up  the  views  of  the  Stoics,  maintained  that  those 
general  conceptions  or  generic  ideas  (universalia)  which  constitute  the 
common  essence  of  a  genus,  were  merely  intellectual  abstractions 
(nomina)  derived  from  the  common  properties  of  individual  objects, 
and  possessing  no  real  existence  beyond  the  human  intellect  (univer- 
salia POST  7-es).  The  Realists,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  on  the 
reality  of  these  general  conceptions,  and  believed  in  their  objective 
existence  prior  to  and  beyond  the  mere  thinking  of  man.  The  Realists 
were  divided  into  two  sections :  the  one,  adopting  the  Platonic  view  of 
ideas,  held  that  these  general  conceptions  existed  prior  to  the  actual 
origin  of  individual  objects,  being  their  archetypes  in  the  Divine  reason ; 
and  that  hence  they  also  existed  in  the  intellect  of  man,  even  before  he 
came  to  the  contemplation  of  things  as  outwardly  presented  to  him 
(universalia  ante  res).  The  other  school  of  Realists,  following  in  the 
wake  of  Aristotle,  held  that  these  general  conceptions  were  inherent  in 
the  objects  themselves,  and  thence  passed  by  experience  into  the  intel- 
lect of  man  (universalia  in  rebus).  Hence  the  former  school  of  Real- 
ists expected  to  reach  the  essence  of  things  (or  truth)  by  pure  think- 
ing, through  the  ideas  innate  in  the  intellect  of  man,  while  the  second 
school  expected  to  attain  that  result  by  a  contemplation  of  things 
through  experience  and  thinking. 

3.  Object  and  Method  of  Scholastic  Theology. — The  theological  studies 
carried  on  during  the  rule  of  the  Carolingians  had  been  directed  exclu- 
sively to  practical  objects,  and  fostered  or  prosecuted  by  practical  men 
(such  as  princes,  bishops,  and  abbots)  with  the  view  of  meeting  present 
ecclesiastical  wants.  But  from  the  eleventh  century  this  was  no  longer 
the  case.  Gradually  practical  objects,  and  the  immediate  requirements 
of  the  Church,  gave  place  to  purely  scientific  pursuits.     Theological 


424      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

studies  and  writings  now  breathe  a  spirit  of  speculation;  the  ancient 
doojmas  of  the  Church  are  explained  and  defended  in  a  philosophical 
manner  ;  and  the  great  aim  is  to  convert  what  had  been  object  of  faith 
into  logical  truths,  and  to  arrange  Christian  doctrines  into  a  compact 
system.  For  this  purpose  the  schoolmen  employed  dialectics,  in  order 
by  means  of  it  to  resolve  and  analyze  the  dogmas  of  the  Church  into 
their  constituent  ideas,  to  explain  and  to  demonstrate  them,  to  marshal 
and  to  combat  all  possible  objections  raised  by  scepticism,  with  the 
view  of  thus  establishing  and  proving  the  rationality  of  the  dogmas 
of  the  Church.  Withal,  no  attempt  was,  however,  made  to  place  these 
doctrines  on  an  exegetical  basis,  or  to  prove  their  truth  from  Scripture ; 
philosophic  proof  was  the  only  object  sought,  and  dogmatics  and  ethics 
the  only  departments  of  scholastic  theology.  If  exegesis  was  at  all 
cultivated,  writers  either  adopted  the  old  allegorical  method  or  com- 
posed catence,  while  historical  theology  was  entirely  neglected.  The 
mystics  among  the  schoolmen,  on  the  other  hand,  sought  more  than 
merely  to  understand,  to  vindicate,  and  to  compose  a  system  of  dog- 
matics. They  recommended  the  practice  of  contemjilation,  by  which 
thinking  and  feeling  would  descend  directly  into  the  depths  of  Divine 
truth,  there  to  behold,  to  experience,  and  to  enjoy  what  was  Divine. 
The  necessary  condition  for  this  was  purity  of  heart,  deep  love  to  God, 
and  complete  abnegation  of  self.  What  had  thus  been  perceived  in 
contemplation,  discovered  by  means  of  speculation,  or  experienced  in 
immediate  contact  with  the  Divine,  was  afterwards  to  be  presented  in 
a  scientific  and  systematic  form. 

§  101.  THE  SECULUM  OBSCURUM  (TENTH  CENTURY). 

CoMP.  A.  Vogel,  Ratherius  von  Verona  u.  d.  10  Jahrh.  Jen.  1854.  2 
Vols.  —  M.  Bildinger,  uber  Gerbert's  wissenschaftl.  u.  pol.  Stellung. 
(On  the  Scientif.  and  Pol.  Place  of  Gerbert).  1  Sect.  Kass.  1851.  — J5V. 
Hock,  Gerbert  u.  s.  Jahrh.  Vienna  1837.  —  Gu.  Giesebrecht,  de  littera- 
rum  studiis  opud  Italos  primis  medii  ^evi  sasculis.  Berol.  1845. 

The  darkness  and  ignorance  of  the  tenth  century,  which  also 
witnessed  the  deepest  decay  of  the  Papacy,  contrasts  most  un- 
favourably not  only  with  the  culture  and  the  science  which  at  the 
time  flourished  in  the  portion  of  Spain  subject  to  the  Moors, 
more  especially  at  the  celebrated  school  of  Cordova,  but  with 
the  learning  and  activity  of  the  Church  during  the  preceding 
(ninth)  century.  And  yet,  during  this  very  period  of  the 
Church's  deepest  decay,  and  of  the  complete  secularization  of 
the  clergy,  old  classical  heathenism  and  its  literature  were 
enthusiastically  cultivated  in  Italy.  But  all  this  stood  in  avowed 
opposition  to  Christian  theology  and  the  Church,  and  proclaimed 


THE    SECULUM    OBSCURUM-  425 

the  praises  of  the  most  ungodly  frivolity  and  the  most  unblushing 
sensuality.  A  grammarian,  WHgard,  taught  publicly  in  Ravenna, 
that  Virgil,  Horace,  and  Juvenal,  were  incomparably  better  and 
nobler  than  Paul,  Peter,  or  John.  True,  the  Church  still  had 
sufficient  power  to  condemn  him  to  death,  as  a  heretic  ;  but  men 
of  his  spirit  abounded  in  the  cities  of  Italy,  including  clergymen 
no  less  than  others.  This  spirit  was  not  wholly  banished,  until 
the  influence  of  the  monks  of  Clugny,  the  efforts  of  Romuald, 
and  St.  Nilus,  combined  with  the  elevation  of  the  Church  through 
the  Saxon  Emperors,  for  its  suppression. — The  efforts  of  Alfred 
the  Great,  and  their  results,  ceased  with  the  life  of  that  monarch 
{oh.  901).  But  in  959  the  reformatory  labours  of  Dunstan 
(§  9T)  were  crowned  with  success,  and  with  them  both  the 
interest  and  the  zeal  for  theological  and  national  culture  again 
revived  ;  while  the  connection  between  the  family  of  the  Emperor 
Otho  and  Byzance  proved  the  means  of  awakening,  to  some 
extent  at  least,  a  desire  for  the  revival  of  classical  lore.  The 
imperial  chapel,  founded  by  Bruno  (Archb.  of  Cologne)  the 
brother  of  Otho  I,  became  the  nursery  of  the  higher  German 
clergy,  who  were  there  trained,  as  thoroughly  as  the  age 
allowed,  in  politics,  classics  and  theology.  —  Towards  the  close 
of  the  century,  the  literary  activity  of  the  Moors  attracted  the 
attention  of  Western  Christendom,  and  incited  to  imitation. 
Thus  the  seeds  of  learning  were  once  more  scattered  over 
Europe. 

1.  The  writings  of  Roswitha,  a  learned  nun  in  the  convent  of 
Grandersheim  (Helen  of  Rossow,  oh.  984),  who  made  religious  subjects 
the  text  of  comedies  composed  after  the  model  of  Terence,  may  serve  as 
index  of  the  classical  learning  of  that  period.  She  also  wrote  a  "  Car- 
men de  gesti  Ottonis  I,"  and  a  "  Carmen  de  primordiis  coenobii  Gander- 
sheim"Cf.  Fr.  Loher,  Hrotswitha  u.  ihre  Zeit.  In  d.  Mlinch.  wissench. 
Vortr.  Braunschu.  1858;  p.  405  etc.  —  Dnastan  was  ably  supported  iu 
his  labours  by  Ethelwold,  Bishop")  of  Winchester,  a  prelate  who  with 
his  followers  zealously  prosecuted  the  study  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  tongue. 
The  most  celebrated  of  his  pupils  was  Aelfric  of  Malmesbury,  a  monk, 
who  preached  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  commenced  a  translation  of  the 
Bible  into  that  language.  —  Notker  Labeo,  Abbot  of  St  Gall,  oh.  1022, 
translated  the  Book  of  Psalms,  the  Organon  of  Aristotle,  the  Moralia 
of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  a  number  of  the  tractates  of  Boethius  into 
the  old  German.  Ratherius,  Bishop  of  Verona,  and  afterwards  of 
Lieges  (from  both  which  seats  he  was  repeatedly  expelled,  oh,  974), 
a  rigid  reformer  and  reprover  of  clerical  dissoluteness,  equally  insisted 
36* 


426    SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (C  E  N  T,  10— 13  A.  D.). 

on  the  duty  of  studying  the  Bible,  and  remonstrated  against  all  mere 
externalism  in  religion,  against  superstition  and  ecclesiastical  abuses 
of  every  kind.  On  this  account,  and  from  his  attachment  to  the 
interests  of  Germany,  he  frequently  suffered  persecution.  Ratherius 
was  certainly  the  ablest  divine  of  the  tenth  century.  Along  with  him 
we  mention  Atto,  Bishop  of  Vercelli,  distinguished  as  an  exegetical 
writer,  a  preacher,  and  a  strenuous  advocate  of  the  Church  against  the 
oppression  of  the  secular  power  (de  pressuris  ecclesiaj) ;  oh.  960.  Odd 
of  Clugny  composed  hymns  and  homilies  ;  —  his  Collationum  LI.  III. 
contains  a  philippic  against  the  corrupt  morals  of  his  time.  Lastly, 
at  the  close  of  the  century,  we  have  Gerbert — oh.  1003 — a  man  versed 
in  classical  and  Arabic  lore,  highly  celebrated  as  a  theologian,  mathe- 
matician, astronomer,  and  natural  philosopher,  but  regarded  by  the 
people  as  a  magician.  His  presence  shed  for  the  last  time  a  passing 
lustre  on  the  school  of  Rheims.  —  Among  historians  of  the  tenth 
century,  Luitprand,  secretary  to  Otho  I.,  and  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Cremona,  oh.  972  (Antapodosis,  Hist,  of  Otho  I.)  ;  Flodoard  of  Rheims, 
oh.  906  (Hist.  eccl.  Rhemensis)  ;  Richer,  a  monk  and  pupil  of  Gerbert 
(author  of  a  history  of  his  own  time,  883-896)  ;  and  Widukind,  from 
940,  a  monk  at  New  Corbey  (author  of  a  Sason  hist,  in  3  vols.)  — 
deserve  special  notice. 

?  102.  DIVISION  AMONG   THE   DIALECTICIANS  (ELEVENTH 

CENT.). 

When  in  the  eleventh  century  the  Church  rose  from  its  late 
decay,  the  ardour  for  scientific  literary  pursuits  also  revived. 
The  anxiety  so  generally  felt  to  put  an  end  to  former  abuses  and 
stagnation  manifested  itself  also  in  every  department  of  theologi- 
cal study.  At  first  this  new  zeal  appeared  chiefly  among  the 
Cistercian  monks  and  their  brethren  of  Clugny  ;  but  towards  the 
close  of  the  century  it  extended  to  the  various  universities.  The 
dialectic  method  was  now  almost  exclusively  employed  in  the 
discussion  of  theological  questions  ;  and  dogmatism  gained  itsj 
first  triumphs  over  scepticism  in  the  Eucharistic  controversy  be- 
tween Lanfranc  and  Berevgar,  in  that  concerning  the  existence 
of  God  between  Anselm  of  Canterbury  and  Gaunilo,  and  in  the 
discussion  between  that  prelate  and  Roscellinus  about  the 
Trinity. 

1.  The  series  of  schoolmen  opens  with  Fulbert,  a  pupil  of  Gerbert, 
and  from  1007  Bishop  of  Chartres.  Even  before  his  elevation  to  the 
episcopate  he  founded  at  Chartres  a  theological  school.  His  fame 
spread    throughout    Western    Christendom,    and    students    from   all 


DIVISION    AMONG    THE    DIALECTICIANS.       427 

countries  attended  his  seminary.  —  One  of  his  pupils  was  Berengar 
o/  Tours,  a  canon  and  teacher  in  the  cathedral  school  of  his  own  city, 
and  afterwards  Archdeacon  of  Angers.     His  fame  shed  great  lustre 
upon  the  school  of  Angers.     For  further  prrticulars  see  below.  —  Lan- 
FRANC,  the  antagonist  of  Berengar,  was  first  a  monk,  then  Abbot  of 
Bee  in  Normandy.     In  1070  he  was  elevated  to  the  archiepiscopal  See 
of  Canterbury.     Under  his  superintendence  the  school  of  Bee  attained 
its  highest  eminence.  —  Petrus  Damiani,  oh.  1072,  Cardinal-Bishop  of 
Ostia,  a  friend  of  Hildebrand,  and  a  zealous  supporter  of  his  views  on 
the   subject   of  simony,    of  clerical   purity,    monastic   austerity,  and 
priestly  celibacy.     His  tractrate,  "Liber  Gomorrhianus,"  contains  an 
unsparing  exposure  of  the  vices  of  the  clergy.     His  own  indulgences 
consisted  in  retiring  into  his  cell,  there  to  scourge  himself  till  the  blood 
flowed  from  his  shoulders.   [A.  Vogel,  Petr.  Damiani,  Ein  Vortrag.  -Jena 
1856.)  —  Anselm  of  Canterbury,  born  at  Aosta  in  Italy,  educated  in 
the  monastery  of  Bee,  of  which  he  was  afterwards  abbot,  and  finally 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  ob.  1109,  comp.    |  96,  3.     It  will  be   re- 
membered  that  his  courageous   defence   of  the  independence   of  the 
Church,  at  least  in  the  sense  of  Hildebrand,  cost  that  prelate  three 
years  of  exile.     Anselm  has  been  compared  to  St.  Augustine,  whose 
theology  he  adopted  and  developed.     By  a  rare  combination,  he  united 
acuteness  with  philosophic  depth  and  ardent  Christian  feeling  —  the 
practical  tendency  with  dialecticism,  and  even  mysticism.     Like  his 
great  model,  he  regarded  faith  as  the  necessary  condition  of  all  true 
knowledge,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he  aimed  at  elevating  belief  into 
knowledge  ("  credo  ut  intelligam").     His  most  celebrated  tractate  was 
that  on  the  Incarnation  of  God   ("Cur  Deus  homo?"),  in  which  he 
defended,  on  philosophical  grounds,  and  developed  the  docti'ine  of  the 
vicarious  atonement.     Best  ed.  of  his  writings  by   G.  Gerberon,  Par. 
1675  f.  Comp.  G.  F.  Frank,  Anselm  von  Canterb.  Tlibg.  1842.— i^.  R. 
Basse,  Ans.  v.  C.  Leips.  184.3,  1852.  2  Vols.     C.  cle.  Eemvsat,  Ans.  de 
Cant,  transl.  into  German  by  Wurzbach. — Anselmus  of  Laon  (Laudu- 
nensis),  surnamed  Scholasticus,  a  pupil  of  his  namesake  of  Canterbury. 
From  1076  he  lectured  with  great  success  at  Paris,  where  indeed  he 
may  be  said  to  have  originated  the  University.    Afterwards  he  returned 
to  Laon,  became  archdeacon  and  scholasticus,  and  founded  a  theologi- 
cal school;  ob.  1117.     His  theological  views  were  the  same  as  those  of 
his   teacher.     His    "  Glossa   interlinearis "    (being   the  Vulgate  with 
brief  interlineal    exposition)  and   Walafrid's    Gl.  ordinaria  (|  90,  6) 
were  favourite  exegetical  manuals  of  the  Middle  Ages.  —  William  op 
Champeaux  (De  Campellis),  the  real  founder  of  the  University  of  Paris. 
He  had  for  some   time  lectured  with   great   success  in   that   city  on 
rhetoric  and  dialectics,  when  the  fame  of  Anselm  brought  him  to  Laon. 
He  returned  to  Paris  in  1108,  delivered  theological  lectures,  and  became 
archdeacon.     Every    year    the    number    of    his   students   increased. 
Among  them  was  Abelard,  whose  arrogance  and  continual  disputations, 
36 


4'^8     SECTION   II.— SECOND   PERIOD   (CEN  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

in  which  the  celebrated  teacher  ultimately  had  to  own  himself  worsted, 
BO  embittered  his  existence,  that  he  retired  from  the  chair.  He  died  in 
1113  as  Bishop  of  Chalons.  —  Among  the  chroniclers  of  this  century 
we  mention  the  names  of  Ditmar,  Bishop  of  Merseburg,  oh.  1018  ; 
Hermann  the  Lame  (Contractus),  a  monk  at  Reichenau,  oh.  1054; 
Marianus  ScoUis,  a  monk  at  Mayence,  oh.  1086 ;  Lambert,  a  monk  at 
Hersfeld,  oh.  1100  (Chronicon  historicum  apud  Germanos) ; — as  Church 
historians  Adam  of  Bremen  (Gesta  Hammen-burgens.  eccles.  Pontificum, 
from  788-1072)  ;  as  Danish  historians  Saxo  Gramm.,  ob.  1204  (Hist. 
Danica  to  1186).  Amatus  of  Salerno  wrote  a  history  of  the  Normana 
in  Italy. 

2.  Eucharisiic  Controversy  of  Berengar  (1050-1079). — Berengar  of 
Tours  had  adopted  views  concerning  the  Eucharist  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  prevailing  theory  of  Radbertus  on  the  subject.  He  taught  that 
the  elements  were  indeed  changed,  and  that  the  body  of  Christ  was 
tq-aUj present  in  the  Eucharist;  but  he  denied  that  this  change  was 
one  of  stihstance,  or  the  presence  one  of  essence  (essentialiter).  The 
presence  of  the  body  of  Christ  consisted  in  that  of  His  jjoicer  in  these 
elements,  and  the  change  of  the  bread  in  the  real  manifestation  of  this 
power  under  the  form  of  the  bread.  But  in  order  to  secure  the 
presence  of  this  power,  consecration  alone  was  not  sufficient ;  it  also 
needed  faith  on  the  part  of  him  icho  partook  of  it,  without  which  the 
bread  remained  an  empty  and  powerless  sign.  These  views  he  dis- 
seminated among  his  numerous  pupils  at  Tours  and  Angers,  without 
for  some  time  meeting  with  opposition.  But  when  he  expressed  them 
in  an  epistle  addressed  to  Lanfranc,  that  divine  entered  the  lists 
against  him.  At  a  synod  held  in  Rome  (1050),  he  was  condemned 
unheard;  at  another  synod  held  the  same  year  at  Vcrcelli,  before  which 
Berengar  would  have  appeared,  if  in  the  meantime  he  had  not  been 
imprisoned  in  France,  the  tractate  of  Ratramnus  on  the  Eucharist 
(which  was  erroneously  ascribed  to  Erigena)  was,  in  an  excess  of  zeal, 
torn  to  pieces  and  consigned  to  the  flames,  and  the  views  of  Berengar 
were  again  condemned.  Meantime  Berengar  had,  by  the  intercession 
of  influential  friends,  been  restored  to  liberty,  and  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Ilildebrand,  at  that  period  legate  of  the  Pope.  While  Hilde- 
brand  believed  the  simple  doctrine  of  the  scriptures,  that  the  bread  and 
wine  in  the  sacrament  were  really  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  he 
probably  took  a  middle  view,  equally  avoiding  the  gross  literalism  of 
Radbertus  and  the  opinions  of  Berengar.  The  legate  disapproved  of 
the  fanaticism  displayed  by  the  opponents  of  Berengar,  and  at  a  synod 
held  in  Tours  (1054)  declared  himself  satisfied  Avith  a  statement  upon 
oath,  that  so  far  from  denying  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist, 
he  regarded  the  consecrated  elements  as  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 
But  even  this  formal  acquittal  did  not  satisfy  the  opponents  of  Beren- 
gar, who  accordingly  in  1059  undertook  a  journey  to  Rome,  in  the  hope 
of  securing,  through  the  influence  of  Hildebrand,  the  protection  of  the 


DIVISION    AMONG    THE    DIALECTICIANS.  429 

Papal  See.  Ilis  expectations  were  doomed  to  disappointment,  and  he 
found  himself  confronted  by  a  powerful  party,  under  the  leadership 
of  Cardinal  Humbert.  At  a  synod  held  in  Rome  (1059)  the  unprinci- 
pled man  was  obliged  to  consign  his  writings  to  the  flames,  and  to 
subscribe  a  formula  which  in  its  gross  literalism  went  far  beyond  even 
the  expressions  used  by  Radbertus.  On  his  return  to  France  he  re- 
tracted his  subscription,  and  once  more  defended,  against  Lanfranc 
and  others,  his  former  views.  This  step  excited  a  fresh  storm.  Hilde- 
brand,  who  in  the  meantime  had  been  elevated  to  the  Papacy  (in  1073), 
vainly  endeavoured  to  allay  the  dispute  by  getting  Berengar  to  sub- 
scribe a  formula  which,  in  temperate  language,  asserted  the  real 
presence  in  the  Eucharist.  The  opposite  party  even  ventured  to 
attaint  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Pope  himself;  and  Hildebrand  was  obliged, 
at  a  second  synod  held  in  Home  (1079),  to  insist  upon  a  full  and  un- 
ambiguous declaration  of  belief  in  the  conversion  of  the  substance  of 
the  elements.  Berengar  was  bold  enough  to  appeal  to  his  private 
interviews  with  the  Pope, — when  Hildebrand  ordered  him  immediately 
to  fall  down  and  abjure  his  errors.  Berengar  tremblingly  obeyed,  and 
was  dismissed  with  testimonials  of  orthodoxy,  and  the  injunction  to 
abstain  from  further  discussions.  Bent  under  the  weight  of  years  and 
sorrows,  he  retired  to  the  island  of  St.  Come,  near  Tours,  where  ho 
lived  in  solitude  and  penitence,  a  rigid  ascetic,  and  died,  in  1088,  at  a 
very  advanced  age,  reconciled  to  the  Church.  —  The  principal  treatise 
of  Berengar,  "  de  Coena  s.  adv.  Lafranc,"  was  discovered  by  Lessing 
in  the  library  of  Wolfenbiittel,  and  has  been  edited  by  Vischer,  Berol. 
1834.  —  (Comp.  Lessing, 'Ber.  Turon.  od.  Ankiind.  e.  wicht.  Werkes 
dess.  (or  Notice  of  an  import.  Tract,  of  his).  Bruns.  1770.  4  ;  H.  Sii- 
dendorf,  Ber.  Tur.  od.  e.  Sammlung  ihn  betr.  Br.  (or  a  Collect,  of 
Letters  concern,  him).    Hamb.  1850.) 

3.  Controversies  of  Anselm. — I.  Following  up  his  philosophical  views 
as  a  Realist,  Anselm  of  Canterbury  deduced  an  ontological  and  d  jtriori 
argument  for  the  being  of  a  God,  and  maintained  that  the  idea  of  an 
entirely  perfect  Being  Avas  inherent  in  reason,  real  existence  forming 
one  of  the  necessary  attributes  of  this  Being.  This  argumentation  he 
embodied  in  two  treatises,  the  Monologium  and  the  Proslogium.  The 
unsatisfactory  character  of  this  ratiocination,  however,  was  ably  ex- 
posed by  Gaunilo  of  Marmonticrs,  an  Aristotelian  Realist,  who,  in 
answer  to  Anselm,  wrote  the  "Liber  pro  insipiente"  (as  Anselm  had 
asserted  that  only  an  "  insipiens"  would  deny  that  the  existence  of  God 
could  be  demonstrated).  Anselm  replied  in  a  tractate  entitled  "  Apo- 
logeticus  c.  Gavinilonem,"  and  the  discussion  terminated  Avithout  lead- 
ing to  any  definite  result.  —  II.  Of  greater  importance  was  the  contro- 
versy between  Anselm  and  Rosceli^inus,  a  canon  of  Compiegne.  The 
latter,  a  Nominalist,  asserted  that  our  generic  conception  of  the  Deity 
was  only  an  intellectual  abstraction,  and  that  the  three  Persons  of  the 
Godhead  could  not  be  spoken  of  as  Tina  Res  (ovcria),  as  otherwise  they 


430    SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13A.D.). 

must  all  have  become  incarnate  in  Christ.  In  a  tractate,  entitled  "De 
fide  trinitatis  et  de  incai-natione  verbi  contra  blasphemias  Rucelini," 
Anselm  sho-vred  the  fallacy  of  this  argumentation.  A  synod  held  at 
Soissons  in  1092  condemned  Roscellinus  as  a  Tritheist. 


1 103.  SEPARATION  AND  REUNION  OF  DIALECTICS  AND 
MYSTICISM. 

In  the  writings  of  Anselm  dialectics  and  mysticism  had  still 
been  united ;  soon  afterwards,  however,  their  champions  were 
marshalled  in  opposite  camps.  The  great  representative  of  dia- 
lectic scepticism  was  Ahelard,  a  man  of  singular  boldiiess  and 
acuteness,  who  had  already  come  victorious  out  of  many  a  con- 
test. But  he  was  obliged  to  succumb  before  his  great  opponent, 
St.  Bernard.  Of  less  importance  was  the  discussion  between 
Bernard  and  Gilbertus  Porretanus. — After  the  defeat  of  Abe- 
lard,  the  tendency  which  he  represented  was  for  a  considerable 
time  in  the  minority,  nor  indeed  did  it  ever  again  assert  itself  in 
the  same  daring  and  reckless  manner.  In  fact,  dialectics  was 
now  chiefly  employed  in  the  support  and  explanation  of  the 
dogmas  of  the  Church.  Thus  mysticism  and  dialectics  were  once 
more  reconciled  and  combined  for  a  common  purpose.  This 
union  was  accomplished  by  Petrus  Lomhardus,  so  far  as  dialec- 
tics, and  by  Hugo  of  St.  "Victor,  so  far  as  mysticism  was  con- 
cerned. The  combination  proved  mutually  helpful  ;  dialectics 
gained  in  depth  and  ardour,  mysticism  acquired  scientific  dis- 
tinctness and  precision.  —  But  even  at  that  time  men  were  not 
awanting  who  perceived  and  exposed  the  defects  and  dangers  of 
scholasticism,  however  much  it  was  in  repute  at  the  period. 
Such  divines  chiefly  inveighed  against  the  neglect  of  Scripture 
in  the  study  of  theology,  against  the  barrenness  of  scholastic 
speculations  so  far  as  the  Christian  life  was  concerned,  and  the 
vain  wrangling  and  pedantry  of  the  schoolmen. 

1.  The  Conflict.  —  Petrus  Abelard  was  born  in  1079  at  Palais  in 
Brittany.  In  acuteness,  learning,  dialectic  readiness,  and  boldness  of 
speculation,  as  well  as  in  arrogance  and  disputatiousness,  he  far  sur- 
passed all  his  contemporaries.  In  Paris  he  attended  the  lectures  of 
William  of  CJiainjjeaux,  the  most  celebrated  dialectician  of  his  age. 
But  soon  the  pupil  silenced  his  teacher  in  public  discussion.  Abelard 
settled  in  Melun  near  Paris,  where  thousands  of  students  attended  hia 
prelections.  Soon  afterwards  he  transported  his  school  to  Corbeil  in 
order  to  be  nearer  Paris,  and  thence  to  the  walls  of  that  capital.     Nor 


DIALECTICS    AND    MYSTICISM.  431 

did  he  cease  to  provoke  and  to  humble  William,  till  the  latter  had  to 
give  place  to  him.  In  the  hope  of  attaining  yet  greater  distinction, 
Abelard  now  commenced  the  study  of  theology,  under  the  tuition  of 
Aiiselm  of  Laon.  Very  soon,  however,  the  arrogant  student  deemed 
himself  superior  to  this  teacher  also.  lie  returned  to  Paris,  where 
once  more  a  crowd  of  enthusiastic  students  gathered  around  him.  A 
canon,  Fulhert,  engaged  him  to  instruct  his  niece  Heloise  —  a  woman 
equally  distinguished  for  beauty,  talent,  and  learning.  Abelard  gained 
her  affections  ;  but  disdaining  to  bear  the  name  of  his  wife,  in  order  to 
enable  her  lover  to  attain  the  highest  dignities  in  the  Church,  she  was 
clandestinely  married  to  him.  As  Heloise  persisted  in  denying  this 
marriage,  and  on  that  account  was  harshly  used  by  her  relatives,  Abe- 
lard carried  her  off  to  the  nunnery  of  Argenteuil.  The  revenge  of 
Fulbert  was  fearful ;  Abelard  was  surprised  during  the  night,  and 
mutilated.  In  shame  and  despair  he  fled  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Denis ; 
Heloise  took  the  veil  at  Argenteuil.  But  his  former  pupils  followed 
him  to  St.  Denis ;  and,  yielding  to  their  entreaties,  he  resumed  his  lec- 
■  tures.  The  supercilious  and  sarcastic  manner  in  which  he  discussed 
the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  excited  powerful  opposition ;  and  at  the 
Synod  of  Soissons,  in  1121,  Abelard  was  obliged  to  consign  his  text- 
book on  theology  (Introductio  in  theologiam)  to  the  flames,  and  was 
condemned  to  imprisonment  in  a  monastery.  By  the  intercession  of 
friends,  he  was  again  restored  to  liberty,  and  allowed  to  return  to  St. 
Denis.  But  when  he  published  the  discovery  that  Dionysius  of  Paris 
had  been  a  different  person  from  the  Areopagite,  he  was  exposed  to 
such  violent  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  monks,  as  to  render  it  neces- 
sary for  him  to  flee  into  a  wood  near  Troyes.  Thither  also  his  pupils 
followed,  and  prevailed  upon  him  again  to  resume  his  lectures.  His 
hermitage  became  transformed  into  the  large  Abbacy  of  "  the  Para- 
clete." Renewed  persecutions  induced  him  to  transfer  this  cloister  to 
Heloise,  who  in  the  meantime  had  become  Abbess  of  Argenteuil,  in 
which  capacity  she  had  met  with  opposition  from  her  nuns.  Abelard 
himself  became  abbot  of  a  monastery  in  Brittany.  After  having  for 
eight  years  vainly  endeavoured  to  restore  its  monastic  discipline,  he 
once  more  appeared  as  teacher  at  St.  Genevieve,  near  Paris.  He  wrote 
a  work  on  ethics,  entitled  "  Scito  te  ipsum ;"  re-edited  his  former 
manual,  under  the  title  "  Theologize  Christiange  LI.  V. ;"  and,  by  way 
of  exposing  the  follies  of  traditionalism,  composed  a  tractate,  "  Sic  et 
non,"  which  presented  in  juxtaposition  a  number  of  contradictory  pas- 
sages from  the  Fathers.  His  prelections  excited  great  sensations.  St. 
Bernard  was  now  induced  to  oppose  views  which  were  deemed  so  dan- 
gerous. At  a  synod  held  in  Sens  (1140),  Abelard  was  declared  a 
heretic.  Pope  Innocent  II.  condemned  the  writings  impeached  to  the 
flames,  and  their  author  to  imprisonment  in  a  monastery.  His  last 
years  were  spent  in  retirement  at  Clugny,  where,  by  intercourse  with 
Peter  the  Venerable,  his  spirit  mellowed.  Ultimately  a  reconciliation 
36* 


432     SECTION    II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 

iras  also  effected  between  him  and  St.  Bernard.  He  died  in  1142. — 
Reversing  the  statements  of  Augustine  and  of  Anselm,  that  faith  must 
precede  knowledge,  Abelard  maintained  that  only  what  was  known 
could  be  believed.  Though  professedly  aiming  to  employ  dialectics  in 
defence  of  the  teaching  of  the  Church,  yet,  as  he  commenced  by  calling 
everything  in  question,  he  transformed  each  dogma  into  a  problem 
■which  required  to  be  proved  before  it  could  be  received.  Thus  faith 
became  merely  an  intellectual  act,  while  at  the  same  time  the  objects 
of  faith  were  frequently  narrowed  to  bring  them  in  accordance  with 
the  requirements  of  supposed  rationality.  This  remark  applies  espe- 
cially to  the  views  of  Abelard  about  the  Trinity,  which  little  differed 
from  the  ancient  heresy  of  Sabellian  Modalism. — (Comp.  F.  C.  ScJilos- 
ser,  Abalard  u.  Dulcin,  Leben  e.  Schwarmers  u.  e.  Philosophen.  Goth. 
1807.  —  ^.  Wilkens,  Pet.  Abal.  Brem.  1855.  — .¥.  Carriere,  Ab.  u. 
Heloise.  G lessen.  1844.—/.  L.  Jacohi,  Ab.  u.  Hel.  Berl.  1850. 

Gilbert  de  la  Porree  (Porretanus)  —  teacher  of  theology  at  Paris, 
and  from  1142  Bishop  of  Poictiers,  oh.  1154  —  soon  afterwards  excited 
a  fresh  controversy.  A  rigid  Realist,  he  was  led  to  ascribe  such  real 
existence  to  the  universale  God,  that  in  his  hands  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  became  almost  transformed  into  one  of  Quaternity.  His  views 
were  opposed  by  St.  Bernard,  and  condemned  by  the  Synod  of  Rheims 
in  1148  ;  but  Gilbert  himself  was  not  further  molested. 

History  has  recorded  the  names  of  few  personages  who  exercised  a 
greater  influence  on  their  cotemporaries,  than  Bernard  of  Clairtaux 
[I  198,  2)  ;  oh.  1153.  Regarded  in  popular  esteem  as  able  to  work 
miracles,  and  endowed  with  a  gift  of  rare  eloquence,  he  was  Vjoth  the 
support  and  the  reprover  of  the  vicars  of  Christ,  and,  while  restoring 
peace  among  princes,  ever  stood  forwai'd  an  avenger  of  wrongs.  His 
deep  humility  induced  him  to  refuse  ecclesiastical  promotion  ;  his  en- 
thusiastic attachment  to  the  hierarchy  prevented  his  exposing  its  many 
abuses  and  scandals ;  the  power  of  his  eloquence  kindled  throughout 
Europe  the  enthusiasm  requisite  for  a  second  crusade,  and  restored 
many  heretics  and  fanatics  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church.  While  him- 
self seeking  heavenly  things,  and  leading  a  life  of  contemplation, 
prayer,  and  study,  he  seemed  almost  to  rule  upon  earth,  and,  by  his 
advice,  admonition,  and  reproof,  influenced  all  departments  and  rela- 
tionships. In  him  sincere  attachment  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church 
was  combined  with  ardent  mysticism  of  a  practical  and  contemplative 
character.  Like  Abelard,  he  controverted  the  great  theological  axiom 
of  Anselm — only  from  a  different  point  of  view.  The  theology  which 
he  loved  was  not  one  whose  great  object  it  was  to  elevate  faith  into 
knowledge  by  means  of  speculation,  but  rather  to  make  the  light  of 
faith  more  clear  and  bright  by  sanctification  of  the  heart  and  life.  Not 
that  Bernard  was  opposed  to  scientific  researches  ;  but  the  dialectic 
wrangling  of  an  Abelard,  which  recklessly  undermined  the  eternal 
foundations  of  saving  truth,  in  order  to  rear  them  again  in  a  manner 


DIALECTICS    AND    MYSTICISM.  433 

conformable  to  his  ideas  and  for  purposes  of  self-exaltation,  appeared 
to  him  equally  destructive  of  all  true  theology  and  of  the  sanctifying 
influences  of  faith.  In  his  view  only  a  theology  of  the  heart,  based 
on  inward  piety,  and  fostered  by  prayer,  contemplation,  inward  en- 
lightenment, and  sanctification,  constituted  true  divinity.  (Tantum 
Deus  cognoscitur,  quantum  diligitur. — Orando  facilius  quam  disputando 
et  dignius  Deus  quairitur  et  invenitur.)  During  his  discussion  Avith 
Abelard  he  wrote  the  "  Tractatus  de  Erroribus  Petri  Abailardi."  Among 
his  other  works  the  most  important  is  that  "de  Consideratione  LI.  V.," 
in  which,  with  the  affection  of  a  friend,  the  earnestness  of  a  teacher, 
and  the  boldness  of  a  pi-ophet,  he  set  before  Pope  Eugene  III.  both  the 
duties  and  the  dangers  of  his  position.  All  the  depth  and  ardour  of 
his  devout  mysticism  found  utterance  in  his  commentary  on  the  Book 
of  Canticles.  Bernard  was  canonized  by  Alexander  III.  in  1173,  and 
in  1830  Pope  Pius  VIII.  solemnly  received  him  into  the  number  of  the 
great  Latin  Fathers  (Doctores  ecclesiae:  Ambrose,  Jerome,  Augustine, 
Gregory  the  Great). — (Comp.  Neander,  The  Life  and  Times  of  St.  Ber- 
nard;  transl.  by  Matilda  Wrench.  Lond.  1843. —  C.  Ellendorf,  Bernh. 
V.  Clairvaux  u.  s.  Zeitalt.  Essen  1837.  —  Th.  Batisbonne,  Hist,  de  S. 
Bernarde.  2  Vols.  Par.) 

2.  Reconciliation.  —  Among  the  seats  of  learning  in  which  it  was 
attempted  to  combine  scholasticism  with  mysticism,  the  most  distin- 
guished was  that  "  a  Sancto  Victore,"  a  monastery  at  Paris,  which 
William  of  Champcaux  founded  after  he  had  given  way  before  Abelard. 
But  this  new  school  may  be  said  to  have  originated  with  Hugo  a  St. 
Victore,  the  scion  of  a  noble  German  familj^  a  friend  of  St.  Bernard, 
and  the  real  successor  of  Anselm.  His  cotemporaries  were  wont  to 
designate  him  as  "  alter  Augustinus,"  or  "  lingua  Augustini."  Tantum 
Beus  coguoscitur,  quantum  diligitur.  Tantum  de  veritate  quisque 
potest  videre,  quantum  ipse  est.)  Hugo  was  one  of  the  profoundest 
thinkers  of  the  Middle  Ages,  a  man  of  great  learning,  enthusiastically 
devoted  to  study,  and  at  the  same  time  of  warm  and  deep  affections. 
Though  carried  off  in  the  prime  of  life,  he  exercised  a  beneficial  influ- 
ence upon  his  age,  on  which  he  left  the  impress  of  his  mind  [oh.  1141). 
His  principal  work  is  entitled :  De  sacramentis  fidei  christianfe  LI.  II. 
(CoMP.  A.  Liebner,  Hugo  v.  St.  Victor  u.  d.  theol.  Richtungen  sr.  Zeit. 
Leips.  1832.) — The  exposure  of  Abolard's  errors  and  his  condemnation, 
made  professed  students  of  dialectics  more  careful ;  they  adhered  more 
closely  to  the  dogmas  of  the  Church,  which  they  endeavoured  to  explain 
and  support,  and,  after  the  precedent  of  Augustine  and  Anselm,  intro- 
duced certain  mystical  elements  into  their  favourite  science.  Among 
the  representatives  of  this  school,  Petrus  Lombardus,  teacher,  and 
from  1159  Bishop  of  Paris  [ob.  1164),  was  the  most  celebrated.  Like 
Hugo,  whom  he  surpassed  in  dialectic  talent,  but  not  in  depth  of  intel- 
lect or  of  heart,  he  was  a  friend  of  St.  Bernard.  His  celebrated  manual 
of  dogmatics  (Sententiarum  LI.  IV,),  Avhlch  procured  for  him  the  title 
3t  2c 


434    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CE  N  T  .  10— 13  A.  D.) 

"  magister  scntentiarum,"  consists  of  a  collection  of  doctrinal  statements 
from  the  Fathers,  strung  together  and  connected  by  the  author  accord- 
ing to  the  favourite  dialectic  method.  Himself  was  wont  to  compare 
his  work  to  the  widow's  mite  cast  into  the  treasury  of  the  Church  ;  but 
it  became  the  great  standard  of  orthodoxy  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
was  frequently  edited  with  commentaries,  and  finally  obtained  the 
solemn  sanction  of  the  Church  at  the  Lateran  Council  in  1215.  Besides 
Lombardus,  Alanus  ab  Insulis  deserves  special  mention.  He  was 
born  at  Lille  or  Ryssel  (Lat.  Insulse),  educated  under  Bernard  of  Clair- 
vaux,  and  afterwards  became  Rector  of  the  University  of  Paris  and 
Bishop  of  Auxerre.  Alanus  died  in  1203  at  Clairvaux,  whither  he  had 
retired  in  11G7.  A  peculiarity  in  that  writer  was  his  strictly  mathe- 
matical method  of  demonstration  (almost  like  that  of  the  school  of 
Wolf  in  the  eighteenth  century).  Among  other  tractates,  he  wrote 
"de  fide  catholica  contra  "Waldenses,  Albigenses,  Judseos  et  Paganos 
s.  Mohametanos." 

3.  Renewed  Controversies.  —  After  the  death  of  Hugo  the  school  of 
St.  Victor  gradually  gave  up  its  former  interest  in  dialectics.  Even 
the  successor  of  Hugo,  Richard  a  St.  Victore  [oh.  1173),  characterized 
the  method  of  Lombardus  as  too  dry  and  barren  (comp.  Engelhardt, 
Rich,  of  St.  Vict,  and  John  Ruysbroek.  Erl.  1838).  — The  following 
abbot,  Walter  of  St.  Victor,  published,  in  1180,  a  virulent  tractate, 
"  Contra  ciuatuor  labyrinthos  Franciae  s.  contra  manifestas  haereses, 
quas  Abfelardus,  Lombardus,  Petrus  Pictaviensis  et  Gilbertus  Porre- 
tanus  libris  scntentiarum  suarum  acuunt,  limant,  roborant  LI.  IV." 
He  accused  Lombardus  of  Nihilism,  because  he  had  maintained  that 
since  the  human  nature  of  Christ  was  impersonal,  He  was  in  that 
respect  not  an  aliquid,  i.  e.,  an  individual. — More  moderate  in  the  tone 
of  his  opposition  was  John  of  Salisbury,  the  faithful  friend  of  St. 
Becket,  and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Chartres  [oh.  1182).  In  his  "  Poly- 
craticus  s.  de  nugis  curialium  et  vestigiis  philosophorum  LI.  VIII."  he 
predicted  that,  in  its  anxiety  for  scientific  form,  scholasticism  would  by 
and  by  lose  all  divine  substance.  (Comp.  II.  Eeuter,  John  of  Sal. 
Berl.  1843.)  —  Petrus  Cantor,  teacher  of  theology  at  Paris,  and  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Tournay  {ob.  1197),  showed,  in  his  "  Summa  Theolo- 
giae,"  that  all  the  doctrines  necessary  for  salvation  might  and  should 
be  deduced  directly  from  the  Scriptures.  The  Commentaries  on  Isaiah 
and  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  which  Herveus  of  Bourgdiou,  a  Benedictine, 
published  about  1130,  contained  a  most  accurate  and  clear  exposition 
of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.  —  More  earnestly  than  any 
other  divine  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Rupert,  Abbot  of  Deutz,  at  the 
beginning  of  this  century,  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  studying  the 
Word  of  God.  To  him  the  Bible  appeared  the  great  text-book  for  all 
ages  and  peoples,  and  the  field  where  the  precious  pearl  of  salvation 
lay  concealed,  which  every  person,  whose  vision  faith  had  enlightened, 
might  there  discover.     But  with  all  his  veneration  for  the  Scriptures, 


HIGHEST    STAGE    OF    SCHOLASTICISM.  435 

he  saw  not  the  absolute  necessity  of  eliciting,  in  the  first  place,  the 
literal  meaning  of  the  text,  and  rather  endeavoured  by  means  of  alle- 
gorical interpretaions  to  bring  out  the  dogmatic  and  mystic  import  of 
the  Word,  although  he  seems  to  have  consulted  the  Hebrew  and  Greek 
text.  Kupert  wrote  commentaries  on  most  of  the  Biblical  books,  an 
explanation  of  the  Liturgy  (de  Divinis  officiis),  a  "  Dialogus  inter 
Christianum  et  Judasum,"  etc.  On  the  subject  of  the  Eucharist,  ho 
adopted  the  view  known  as  that  of  consubstantiatioa  (since  it  was 
not  the  way  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  "destruero  vel  corrumperc  substantiam, 
quam  in  usus  sues  assumit,  sed  substantia;,  permanenti  quod  erat, 
invisibiliter  adjicere,  quod  non  erat").     Rupert  died  in  1135. 

4.  The  most  celebrated  among  the  Historians  of  this  century  were  : 
Sigherhis  Gemblacensis,  monk  at  Gcmblours,  ob.  1113  ;  Oiho,  Bisliop 
of  Freisingen,  oh.  1158,  the  author  of  a  Chronicon  in  eight  books ; 
Martimis  Galhis,  c.  1113,  (Chron.  Polonorum)  ;  Cosmas  Prageyisis,  oh. 
1125,  (Chron.  Bremor.)  ;  Helmold,  c.  1170,  (Chron.  Slavorum)  ;  an 
English  Benedictine,  Odericus  Vitalis,  of  Normandy,  who  wrote  a  hist, 
ecclest.  in  thirteen  books,  and  Hist.  Normannorum  LI.  13 ;  William  of 
Malmeshury,  oh.  1143,  (de  reb.  gest.  Anglorum ;  de  reb.  gest.  Pontiff. 
Anglor.,  etc.). 

I  104.  HIGHEST  STAGE  OF  SCHOLASTICISM  (13TH  CENT.). 

Mediaeval  Theology  attained  its  highest  stage  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  After  the  defeat  of  William  of  St.  Amour  (§198,  4), 
the  direction  of  theological  studies  was  almost  wholly  left  to  the 
Dominican  and  Franciscan  monks.  Scholasticism,  which  had 
now  got  rid  of  all  sceptical  tendencies,  was  chiefly  cultivated  in 
the  University  of  Paris.  The  introduction  of  the  writings  of 
Aristotle,  which  had  lately  been  imported  from  the  seats  of 
Moorish  literature  in  Spain  (§  100,  2),  gave  a  considerable  im- 
pulse to  the  labours  of  the  schoolmen.  The  variety  and  richness 
of  form  characteristic  of  that  philosophy  became  now  for  the  first 
time  fully  known.  These  logical  forms  were  adopted  and  era- 
ployed  in  the  construction  of  systems  of  dogmatics,  and  afforded 
opportunity  for  all  the  acuteness  and  ingenuity  of  the  schoolmen. 
Scholasticism  addressed  itself  exclusively  to  the  elucidation  of 
ecclesiastical  dogmas  by  means  of  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle. 
To  Scripture  these  divines  appealed  not ;  yet,  withal,  it  was  not 
wholly  forgotten  that  the  Bible  alone  was  the  source  and 
ultimate  ground  of  all  belief;  and  even  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
those  were  not  awanting  who  insisted  on  bringing  back  theology 
to  this  its  great  standard  of  authority.  —  (Cf.  §  116,  &c.). 


436     SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

1.  The  most  celebrated  scholastics  of  this  century  were :  — 

(1.)  Alexander  Halesius,  educated  at  Hales  in  England,  surnamed 
"Doctor  irrefragabilis,"  the  first  Franciscan  professor  at  Paris;  oh. 
1245.  He  wrote  commentaries  on  Aristotle,  and  on  the  sentences  of 
Lombardus  (Summa  theologiae  universae,  in  four  books).  He  was  the 
first  to  assign  to  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle  its  peculiar  authority,  so 
far  as  form  was  concerned ;  on  which  ground  he  has  been  called  the 
first  scholastic  (in  the  narrower  sense).  This  method  of  discussing 
theological  subjects  became  now  prevailing ;  and  his  successors  were 
called  Summists,  as  those  of  Lombardus  had  been  called  Seiitentiaries. 

(2.)  Albertus  Magnus,  born  Count  of  BoUstadt  in  Swabia,  a  Domini- 
can, and  teacher  of  theology  at  Paris  and  Cologne,  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Regensburg ;  ob.  1280,  at  a  vei-y  advanced  age.  He  surpassed  all 
other  scholastics  in  learning,  being  equally  conversant  with  philosophy, 
theology,  natural  sciences,  and  even  cabalistic  lore.  This  mass  of 
knowledge  he  had  acquired  with  much  labour;  but  as  he  had  never 
repaired  to  the  great  fountains  of  Scripture  and  nature,  his  learning 
was  of  little  real  value.  The  people,  however,  regarded  him  as  a 
magician.  So  far  as  individuality  and  native  talent  are  concerned,  he 
was  much  below  the  average  of  the  great  men  of  his  age.  The  edition 
of  his  works  published  at  Leyden,  in  1651,  consists  of  twenty-one  folio 
vols. ;  among  them,  five  volumes  of  commentaries  on  Aristotle,  three 
vols,  on  Lombardus,  a  Summa  Theol.  in  2  vols.,  and  a  number  of 
works  on  natural  science.  —  (Cf.  /.  Sigliart,  Alb.  M.,  s.  Leben  u.  s. 
Wsch.  Regensb.  1857). 

(3.)  The  great  ornament  of  the  Franciscans,  Johannes  Fidanza, 
better  known  by  the  name  of  Bonaventura,  commenced  his  lectures 
on  theology  in  Paris  the  same  day  on  which  Thomas  Aquinas  occupied 
for  the  first  time  the  chair  among  the  Dominicans  (1253).  These  two 
divines  successfully  resisted  the  opposition  of  William  of  St.  Amour. 
In  gratitude  for  the  service,  Bonaventura  was  chosen  general  of  his 
order  (1256),  and  in  1273  Gregory  X.  appointed  him  Cardinal-Bishop 
of  Ostia.  By  desire  of  the  Pope,  he  attended  the  Council  of  Lyons  in 
1274  (§67,  4),  and  took  an  active  part  in  its  deliberations,  but  died 
before  its  close  (1274).  A  f^w  years  later  he  was  canonized,  and  in 
1587  Sixtus  V.  added  his  name  to  those  of  the  Church-teachers.  When 
still  a  youth,  his  instructor  designated  him  a  "  verus  Israelita,  in  quo 
Adam  non  peccasse  videtur ;"  while  his  cotemporaries,  in  their  admira- 
tion of  his  "angelic  purity,"  styled  him  "Doctor  seraphicus."  His 
writings  have  chiefly  a  practical  bearing,  and  in  his  case  dialectics 
were  always  combined  with  a  deep  mystic  tendency.  His  works 
(Rom.  1588)  are  comprised  in  eight  folio  vols. 

(4.)  By  far  the  ablest  of  the  schoolmen  was  Thomas  Aquinas 
(Doctor  augelicus).  He  was  the  son  of  a  Count  of  Aquino  in  Calabria  ; 
became  Dominican  and  a  pupil  of  Albertus  Magnus,  and  afterwards 
teacher  in  Cologne,  Paris,  and  Rome,  whence  he  retired  into  a  Dimini- 


HIGHEST    STAGE    OF    SCHOLASTICISM.  437 

can  monastery  at  Naples.  Gregory  X.  requested  him  to  attend  the 
Council  of  Lyons ;  but  he  died  suddenly  soon  after  leaving  Naples, 
perhaps  from  the  effects  of  poison  administered  to  him  by  order  of  his 
sovereign,  Charles  of  Sicily  (1274).  He  was  canonized,  and  ranked 
among  the  Fathers.  Aquinas  vras  undoubtedly  the  most  profound  and 
acute  thinker  of  his  age,  exceedingly  popular  as  a  preacher,  and 
equally  enthusiastic  in  his  attachment  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church 
and  in  the  prosecution  of  philosophical  investigations.  An  admirer 
and  disciple  of  Augustine,  he  inclined  towards  mysticism,  and  was  dis- 
tinguished for  genuine  and  deep  piety.  His  principal  work,  the 
"  Summa  Theologia3,"  is  in  many  respects  a  model  for  this  class  of 
compositions.  He  also  wrote  a  commentary  on  Lombardus,  a  valuable 
<:ontroversial  tractate  directed  against  the  Jews  and  Mohammedans 
(Summa  fidei  catholica;  contra  Gentiles),  commentaries  on  Aristotle, 
and  a  "  Catena  aurea"  on  the  Gospels.  (Comp.  Uoertel,  Thomas  Aqu. 
u.  s.  Z.  Augsb.  1846.  —  D.  Mettenleiter,  Gesch.  d.  h.  Th.  v.  Aq. 
Regensb.  1856.  —  K.  Werner,  d.  h.  Thom.  v.  Aq.  Regensb.  1859.  — /. 
N.  P.  Olschinger,  d.  specul.  Theol.  d.  h.  Th.  v.  Aq.  Landsh.  1859). 

(5.)  The  fame  of  St.  Thomas,  which  shed  fresh  lustre  upon  the  Order 
of  the  Dominicans,  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Franciscans.  At  length 
one  of  their  own  number  appeared  to  rival  the  honours  of  Aquinas. 
John  Duns  Scotus,  called  "Doctor  subtilis,"  was  inferior  to  Aquinas 
in  acuteness  and  moral  depth,  though  not  in  dialectic  talent.  His  sub- 
tilty  in  analyzing  and  developing  ideas  was  specially  vaunted ;  Init  his 
ecclesiastical  orthodoxy  was  not  free  from  suspicion,  while  occasionally 
he  laid  himself  open  to  the  charge  of  propounding  rationalistic  views. 
He  was  teacher  at  Oxford,  Paris,  and  Cologne,  where  he  died  in  1308. 

The  views  held  by  these  two  teachers  were  afterwards  adopted  by 
their  respective  orders,  and  rigidly  adhered  to  and  defended.  Accord- 
ingly the  Dominicans  were  called  Thomists,  and  the  Franciscans  Scot- 
ISTS.  In  philosophy  both  orders  were  Realists — only  that  the  Domini- 
cans were  Aristotelians,  the  Franciscans  Platouists.  More  important 
were  their  differences  in  theology.  The  Thomists  adhered  strictly  to 
the  tenets  of  the  Church,  while  the  Scotists  were  rationalistic  in  some 
of  their  views.  On  the  doctrines  of  human  depravity  and  of  grace, 
the  Thomists  held  moderate  Augustinian,  the  Scotists  semi-Pelagiau 
opinions.  The  Dominicans  adopted  the  views  of  Anselm  on  the  atone- 
ment—  the  merits  of  Christ  as  the  God-man  were  of  infinite  value 
(satisfactio  superabundans),  and  hence  in  themselves  a  sufficient  equiva- 
lent for  our  redemption.  The  Scotists,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained 
that  the  merits  of  Christ  were  an  equivalent  for  our  redemption,  not  in 
themselves,  but  only  in  consequence  of  the  declaration  of  God  that  lie 
accepted  them  as  such  (acceptatio  gratuita).  Lastlj%  the  Franciscans 
were  strenuous  advocates  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  (|  105,  2) — a  view  easily  accounted  for  from  their  leaning  towards 
Pelagianism,  while  the  Dominicans  rejected  this  dogma. 
?,~* 


438    SECTION    II. — SECOND   PERIOD   (CENT.   10—13   A.  D.). 

2.  Raimundus  Lullus  may  be  designated  "the  reformer  of  the  scho- 
lastic metliod."  His  zeal  for  missionary  work  (§  93,  5)  made  him 
anxious  to  devise  some  method  more  suitable  for  demonstrating  the 
truths  of  the  Gospel.  After  considerable  labour,  he  succeeded  in  in- 
venting a  process  by  which — at  least  in  his  opinion — the  highest  truths 
might  be  made  patent  to  the  weakest  capacity,  by  using  certain  letters 
and  figures  to  represent  ideas  and  their  connections.  This  method  he 
called  "  ars  magna"  or  "  generalis,"  and  largely  employed  it  in  his 
discussions  with  the  Saracens.  He  also  translated  into  Arabic  the 
work  in  which  he  explained  his  new  method. 

3.  Among  the  divines  who  were  opposed  to  scholasticism,  and  in  its 
stead  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  studying  the  Bible,  we  mention : 

(1.)  Robert  Grosshead,  teacher  at  Oxford,  and  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Lincoln  [oh.  1253),  —  a  prelate  equally  eminent  for  personal  worth, 
and  for  Iiis  reform  of  many  abuses  in  his  diocese. 

(2.)  Roger  Bacon  (Doctor  mirabilis),  a  pupil  of  Grosshead  and  a 
teacher  at  Oxford  [oh.  1294).  He  was  undoubtedly  the  most  learned 
man  in  the  IMiddle  Ages ;  thoroughly  versed  in  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew, 
and  Arabic,  and  conversant  with  mathematics,  the  natural  sciences, 
astronomy,  and  even  medicine.  With  equal  clearness  and  openness, 
he  pointed  out  the  defects  and  dangers  of  scholasticism,  and  at  the 
same  time  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  studying  the  Scriptures  in  the 
original.  In  return  for  these  bold  assertions  he  was  charged  with 
heresy  and  magic,  and  had  to  spend  great  part  of  his  life  within  pri- 
son-walls. The  only  one  of  his  cotemporaries  who  seems  to  have  un- 
derstood and  admired  the  genius  of  Bacon,  was  Pope  Clement  IV.,  who 
as  legate  had  made  his  acquaintance  in  England,  and  afterwards  re- 
stored him  to  liberty. 

(3.)  Robert  of  Sorbonne  in  Champagne,  a  teacher  and  canon  at 
Paris,  and  the  founder  of  the  Sorhonne  (originally  a  seminary  for  poor 
young  secular  priests,  but  which  soon  acquired  such  fame  that  it  be- 
came the  theological  faculty  of  the  University).  Robert  earnestly 
recommended  his  hearers  to  prosecute  zealously  the  study  of  the  Bible. 

(4.)  Hugo  a  St.Caro  (de  St.  Chers,  a  suburb  of  Viennc),  a  Domini- 
can and  cardinal  [oh.  1260).  This  divine  likewise  insisted  on  the 
necessity  of  having  continual  recourse  to  the  Scriptures,  and  endea- 
voured to  promote  their  study  by  publishing  a  "Postilla  (Commentary) 
in  universa  Biblia,"  and  a  "  Concordantia  Bibliorum."  To  his  labours 
we  also  owe  our  present  division  of  the  Bible  into  chapters. 

(5.)  Raymund  Martini,  a  Dominican  of  Barcelona  [oh.  after  1286), 
was  untiring  in  his  labours  for  the  conversion  of  Jews  and  Mohamme- 
dans, spoke  Hebrew  and  Arabic  as  fluently  as  Latin,  and  wrote:  Pugio 
fidei  contra  Mauros  et  Judasos. 

4.  As  a  precursor  of  German  Mysticism,  which  was  in  its  full  bloom 
in  the  fourteenth  century  [I  117),  we  must  name  David  of  Augsburg, 
teacher  of  theologv,  and  master  of  novitiates,  in  the  Franciscan  mon- 


PUBLIC    WORSHIP    AND    THE    FINE    ARTS.       439 

astery  at  Augsburg  {ob.  1271).  His  writings,  partly  in  Latin,  partly 
in  German,  arc  introductions  and  treatises  upon  contemplative,  mystic 
asceticism,  equally  distinguished  by  depth  and  fervour,  as  by  pious 
earnestness  and  meek  humility.  The  German  portions  especially  (in 
PJ'eiffer's  deutsch.  Mystikern  d.  14.  Jahrh.  Bd.  I.  Lpz.  1845)  combine, 
■with  excellence  of  matter,  the  attractions  of  beautiful  and  flowing  lan- 
guage, and  belong  to  the  choicest  productions  of  any  age. 

5.  Among  the  distinguished  Historians  of  that  century  are :  Arnold 
of  Liibek,  ob.  1212  (Chron.  Slavorum),  Alberich,  a  monk  of  Drlibek  or 
Tres-fonts,  at  Liege  (Chron.  to  1241),  Matthew  Paris,  a  monk  of  St. 
Alban's,  England,  ob.  1259  (Hist.  Major),  and  Martin  Polonus,  who 
died  as  designated  Bishop  of  Gnesen,  1278  (Chron.) ;  William  de  Nan- 
qis,  a  monk  of  St.  Denis,  ob.  1302  (Chron.). 


IV.  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PEOPLE. 
I  105.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP  AND  THE  FINE  ARTS. 

In  the  services  of  the  Church,  preachixg  occupied  a  subordi- 
nate place,  chiefly  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  the  priesthood.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  externalisni  in  religion  prevalent  among  the 
people  rendered  this  want  comparatively  less  felt.  Popes  and 
synods,  however,  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  employing  priests 
capable  of  teaching ;  and  the  sermons  of  the  Franciscans  and 
Dominicans  were  eagerly  listened  to  by  multitudes.  Except  in 
Spain,  the  Romish  Liturgy  was  now  everywhere  introduced. 
At  a  synod  held  in  Toledo  (1088),  an  attempt  was  made  to  set 
aside  the  old  Mozarahic  Ritual  (§  89,  1).  But  the  people  were 
violently  opposed  to  such  a  change  ;  and  the  decisions  of  a  trial 
by  single  combat  and  of  the  ordeal  by  fire  were  equally  in  favour 
of  the  established  order.  After  that,  both  liturgies  were  used. 
The  old  Slavonic  Ritual  had  been  abolished  in  Moravia  and 
Bohemia  so  early  as  the  tenth  century.  The  Latin  was  and 
continued  the  ecclesiastical  language  of  all  countries.  —  The 
worship  of  saints,  of  relics  and  of  images,  came  more  and  more 
into  vogue,  and  at  last  formed  the  principal  part  of  the  devotions. 

1.  New  zeal  for  preaching  kindled  with  the  revival  of  monasticism 
from  the  tenth  century,  especially  among  the  Cluniacensians  and  Cis- 
tercians ;  but  these  Orders,  from  the  thirteenth  centuiy  allowed  their 
reputation,  in  this  respect  also,  to  pass  over  to  the  Franciscans  and 
37 


440    SECTION   II.—SECOND    PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

Dominicans.  Nearly  all  the  heroes  of  monasticism  and  scholasticism 
acquired  renown,  likewise,  as  preachers.  In  ordinary  public  worship 
the  sermon,  when  one  was  delivered,  was  preached  in  Latin.  But 
where  the  design  was  to  work  upon  the  people  (sermons  calling  to  re- 
pentance, advocating  crusades),  the  vernacular  was,  of  course,  em- 
ployed. Then  such  crowds  pressed  to  hear,  that  few  churches  could 
hold  them.  St.  Bernard  is  expressly  said  to  ho.ve  preached  in  French. 
But  of  all  mediaeval  preachers,  none  equalled  in  depth,  fervour,  sim- 
plicity, power,  impressiveness,  and  popular  style,  Berthold  of  Regens- 
BURG,  the  pupil  and  friend  of  David  of  Augsburg  (^  104,  4)  ;  he  used 
the  German,  went  from  town  to  town,  and  often  had  100,000  hearers. 
His  themes  were:  the  grace  of  God  in  Christ,  the  abuse  of  indulgences, 
false  confidence  in  saints,  the  madness  of  trusting  in  pilgrimages,  etc. 
[ob.  1272).  An  incomplete  ed.  of  his  sermons  has  been  prepared  by 
Kling.  Berl.  1824.  In  regard  to  their  language,  also,  they  are  an  in- 
valuable treasure,  and  a  glorious  evidence  of  the  power,  depth,  plea- 
santness, and  euphony  of  the  German  of  that  age. — As  yet,  the  views 
of  divines  on  the  subject  of  the  Sacraments  were  far  from  settled. 
Petrus  Damiani  computed  their  number  at  twelve ;  Lomhardus  reduced 
them  to  seven,  and  his  influence  prevailed  in  this  respect  also  (the 
seven  Sacraments :  Baptism,  Confirmation,  the  Eucharist,  Penance, 
Extreme  Unction,  Marriage,  and  Ordination).  At  the  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  in  1215,  the  doctrine  of  transiihstantiation  was  formally  sanc- 
tioned. Apprehension  lest  some  of  the  blood  of  the  Lord  might  be 
spilt,  led  in  the  twelfth  century  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  cup  from  the 
laity,  which  henceforth  was  given  only  to  priests.  This  alteration  was 
vindicated  on  the  ground  of  what  was  called  "  concomitantia,"  or  the 
doctrine  that  communicants  necessarily  received  with  the  body  the 
blood  also.  The  practice  of  using  loajers  (the  host),  instead  of  break- 
ing bread,  arose  from  a  similar  anxiety  for  precaution.  At  the  Fourth 
Lateran  Council  it  was  enjoined,  on  pain  of  excommunication,  that 
every  one  of  the  faithful  should  go  to  confession  and  to  the  communion 
at  least  once  a  year,  at  Easter  ;  and  auricular  confession  was  declared 
to  be  necessary  before  receiving  absolution.  As  marriage  was  regarded 
a  sacrament  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  divorce  was  of  course 
absolutely  prohibited,  even  in  case  of  adultery.  Innocent  III.,  who 
enacted  this  law,  diminished,  however  (1215),  the  former  excessive 
restrictions,  by  limiting  the  prohibition  of  marriage  to  the  fourth, 
instead  of  the  seventh,  degree  of  consanguinity. 

2.  New  Festivals. — In  honour  of  the  Virgin  (^  57,  2)  a  new  feast  was 
instituted,  under  the  name  of  the  Festival  of  the  Nativity  of  Mary, 
which  was  celebrp^ted  on  the  8th  September.  Another  ceremonial  in 
connection  with  the  growing  reverence  paid  to  the  Virgin,  was  the 
feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  on  the  8th  December,  which  was 
introduced  in  the  twelfth' century.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Bad- 
hcrtus  Pascltasins  taught  that  both  the  parturition  of  the  Virgin  and 


PUBLIC    WORSHIP    AND    THE     PINE    ARTS.       441 

her  own  conception  had  been  exempted  from  the  tahit  and  consequences 
of  original  sin  (^  91,  3).  In  the  twelfth  century  the  canons  of  Lyons 
followed  up  this  idea,  and  in  honour  of  it  instituted  a  festival.  But 
St.  Bernard  protested  equally  against  this  doctrine  and  festival,  and 
Bonaventura  and  Thomas  Aquinas  were  also  opposed  to  it.  From  the 
time  of  Duns  Scotus,  the  Franciscans,  however,  again  contended  for 
this  doctrine,,  which  only  induced  the  Dominicans  to  oppose  it  all  the 
more  energetically.  Still  the  festival,  at  least,  was  pretty  generally 
observed  during  the  thirteenth  century  ;  and  in  1389  Clement  VII. 
sanctioned  it  as  one  of  the  regular  feasts  of  the  Church.  In  998  the 
congregation  of  Clugny  introduced  the  Feast  of  All  Souls  (on  2d  No- 
vember), which  immediately  followed  upon  the  Feast  of  All  Saints  (on 
1st  November).  Its  object  was  to  procure,  by  the  prayers  of  the  faith- 
ful, the  deliverance  of  souls  from  purgatory.  During  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, Trinity  Day,  being  the  Sunday  after  Pentecost,  was  observed. 
The  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  gave  rise  to  the  institution  of  Corpus 
Christi  Day,  on  the  Thursday  following  Trinity  Sunday.  It  originated 
in  a  vision  vouchsafed  during  prayer  to  Juliana,  a  pious  nun  of  Liege. 
According  to  her  statement,  she  discerned  the  full  moon  with  a  small 
speck  in  it,  which,  as  was  revealed,  implied  that  among  the  festivals 
of  the  Church  one  Avas  awanting  in  honour  of  the  ever-recurring  mira- 
cle of  the  Eucharist  (1261).  Urban  IV.  gave  his  sanction  to  its  ob- 
servance ;  but  it  was  not  generally  celebrated  till  1311,  when  Clement 
V.  enjoined  it  as  a  regular  ecclesiastical  festival.  From  that  time  the 
Church  displayed  all  its  pomp  and  splendour  in  the  celebration  of  this 
feast. 

3.  Pilgrimages  to  Rome  and  Palestine  continued  in  the  tenth  century, 
in  spite  of  Roman  misrule  (^  9G,  1)  and  the  tyranny  of  the  Seljiks. 
On  the  contrary,  the  expectation  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand 
(§  106,  1),  served  to  increase  the  fanaticism  of  the  people  in  this  re- 
spect; the  crusades  even  assumed  the  form  of  conquering  armies. — The 
ancient  opposition  of  the  Frankish  clergy  to  the  worship  of  images 
seems  to  have  entirely  ceased  in  the  eleventh  century  (§  92,  1).  The 
veneration  now  paid  to  images,  so  far  from  conflicting  with  the  service 
OF  RELICS,  rather  increased  the  former  ardour  for  this  species  of  devo- 
tion. On  their  return  to  Europe,  the  Crusaders  brovight  with  them  a 
'large  quantity  of  new  relics,  some  of  them  sufficiently  strange  in  char- 
acter. Despite  their  almost  endless  number,  these  articles  continually 
increased  in  value.  Castles  and  domains  were  occasionally  not  consi- 
dered an  exorbitant  price  to  give  for  the  relics  of  some  celebrated 
saint,  which  not  unfrequently  were  stolen  by  devotees  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives.  No  story,  related  by  traffickers  in  relics,  was  too  extrava- 
gant to  be  believed.  Frequent  canonizations — which,  since  the  twelfth 
century,  were  considered  the  exclusive  right  of  the  popes  —  furnished 
ever  new  objects  for  the  worship  of  saints.  Jacobus  a  Voragine,  a 
Dominican  [oh.  1298),  may  be  considered  the  last  Avriter  of  legends  of 


442     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.D.). 

the  saints.  His  "  Legenda  aurea"  consists  of  a  collection  of  the  most 
extraordinary  stories.  Yet  a  French  theologian,  who  had  ventured  to 
style  the  work  "Legenda  ferrea,"  was  obliged  publicly  to  retract  from 
the  pulpit  this  insult.  In  the  homage  paid  to  the  Virgin,  the  angelic 
salutation  (Luke  i.  28)  formed  a  principal  part  of  the  devotions.  To 
assist  the  memory  in  the  frequent  repetition  of  this  formula  during  the 
prayers,  the  Dominicans  devised  the  rosary  (the  fundamental  idea 
being  that  a  garland  of  spiritual  roses  was  to  be  formed  from  the  dif- 
ferent prayers).  The  idea  must,  however,  ultimately  be  traced  to 
Macarius,  a  monk  in  the  fourth  century,  who  took  three  hundred  little 
stones  into  his  lap,  throwing  away  one  of  them  after  each  prayer  —  a 
practice  which  afterwards  was  frequently  imitated.  In  the  monasteries 
Saturday  was  generally  set  apart  in  honour  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  and 
a  special  "Officium  s.  Mariae"  celebrated. 

4.  Hymnology.  —  About  the  time  when  scholasticism  attained  its 
highest  stage,  great  progress  was  also  made  in  the  hymnology  of  the 
Church.  The  most  celebrated  among  the  many  religious  poets  of  that 
age  were,  Odo  of  Clugny,  Robert,  King  of  France  ("Veni  sancte 
Spiritus  et  emitte"),  Petrus  Damiani,  Ahclard,  St.  Bernard,  Adam  of 
St.  Victor,  Bonaventura,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  the  two  Franciscans, 
Thomas  of  Celano,  ob.  1260  ("Dies  irae"),  a.n^  Jacobus  de  Benedictus 
or  Jacoponus,  Giacopone  da  Todi,  oh.  1306  ("Stabat  mater'').  The 
last-mentioned  author  was  an  eccentric  enthusiast,  and  frequently  in- 
veighed against  the  clergy  and  Papacy,  especially  against  the  ambition 
of  Boniface  VIII.  When  imprisoned  by  order  of  that  pope,  he  replied 
to  his  taunt,  "When  will  you  get  out?"  by,  "When  you  will  get  in" 
—  a  prediction  which  soon  afterwards  was  accomplished.  —  A  number 
of  hymns  were  also  composed  in  the  vernacular,  although  they  were 
not  employed  in  the  public  services  of  the  Church  [l  89,  2).  The 
oldest  German  Easter  hymn  dates  from  the  twelfth  century :  "  Christus 
ist  erstanden  Von  den  Marter  Banden."  Some  of  the  poems  of  the 
"  Minne-singers "  in  the  thirteenth  century  had  also  a  religious  bear- 
ing, being  specially  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  the  Virgin,  and  form- 
ing a  kind  of  spiritual  "  Minne-Songs."  Occasionally  religious  poetry 
was  composed  for  the  use  of  different  classes  —  such  as  pilgrims,  boat- 
men, etc.  —  or  to  be  sung  in  battle.  The  best  of  the  relics  of  German 
popular  hymns,  of  the  thirteenth  century,  is  that  for  Pentecost:  "  Nu 
bitten  wir.  den  heil'gen  Geist."  But  the  twofold  merit  of  introducing 
into  the  public  service  the  German  religious  poetry  already  existing, 
and  of  greatly  adding  to  this  kind  of  literature  and  promoting  its 
spread  among  the  people,  belongs  to  the  heretical  sects  of  that  period 
rather  than  to  the  Church.  —  St.  Francis  wrote  a  number  of  hymns  in 
Italian.  One  of  these  compositions,  written  in  honour  of  "brother 
Sun"  (de  lo  frate  Sole),  with  characteristic  boldness  of  figure  introduces 
brother  Sun,  sister  Moon,  brother  Wind,  sister  Water,  mother  Earth, 
and  lastly   l)rother  Death,  as   praising   the  Creator.     The  religious 


PUBLIC    -WORSHIP    AND     THE    FINE    ARTS.       443 

poetry  of  some  of  the  discijiles  of  St.  Francis,  however,  was  greatly 
superior  to  that  of  the  founder  of  their  order.  Among  them  we 
mention  the  names  of  Fra  Pacifico  (formerly  a  troubadour,  whom 
Frederic  II.  had  crowned  poet  laureate),  BoaavenUira,  Giacomo  da 
Verona,  Thomas  da  Cclano,  and  Giacopone  da  Todi.  The  latter  (and 
not  St.  Francis)  indited  that  hymn  "  In  foco  amor  mi  niise,"  which 
breathes  such  ardent  love  to  the  crucified  Saviour.  (Comp.  Hoffmann 
V.  Fallersleben,  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Kirchenliedes  bis  auf  Luther  (Hist, 
of  Germ.  Ch.  Poetry  to  the  Time  of  Luther).  Han.  1854.  —  ^.  F. 
Ozanam,  les  Pontes  Franciscans  en  Italic ;  transl.  into  Germ.,  with 
add.,  by  Julius). 

5.  Ecclesiastical  Music.  —  The  Gregorian,  or  cantus  firmus,  soon  fell 
into  decay.  This  result  was  cliiefly  owing  to  the  scarcity  and  ex- 
pensiveness  of  the  Antiphonaria,  as  also  to  the  frequent  mistakes 
occurring  in  them,  to  the  diiiiculty  of  their  system  of  notation,  and  to 
the  paucity  of  regularly  trained  singers.  Errors  committed  in  copying, 
and  even  alterations  or  embellishments  introduced  to  suit  the  taste  of 
some  of  the  professional  singers,  multiplied.  Thus  the  cantus  firmus 
became  by  and  by  a  discantus,  or  cantus Jigurains  (figurse  =  embellish- 
ments), and,  instead  of  singing  in  unison,  duets  were  introduced. 
Gradually,  definite  rules  of  harmony,  of  chords  and  intervals,  were 
framed.  The  merit  of  these  improvements  belongs  chiefly  to  Huchald, 
a  monk  of  Rheims  (about  the  year  900)  ;  to  Begimis,  a  German  monk 
(about  the  year  920)  ;  and  to  Odo,  Abbot  of  Clugny.  Guido  of  Arezzo 
(1000-1050)  invented,  in  room  of  the  curious  Gregorian  mode  of  nota- 
tion, our  present  notes,  which  rendered  it  possible,  along  with  the 
cantus,  to  mark  also  the  discantus  (hence  the  term  counterpoint,  i.  e., 
punctum  contra  punctum).  The  measurement  of  the  tones  was  in- 
vented by  Franco  of  Cologne,  about  1200.  The  organ  was  almost 
universally  in  use ;  and  Germany  was  celebrated  as  possessing  the  best 
builders  of,  and  the  ablest  performers  upon,  this  instrument. 

6.  Ecclesiastical  Architecture.  —  (Comp.  H.  Otte,  Handb.  d.  kirchl. 
Kunstarchaol.  d.  deutsch.  M.  A.  Leips.  1854.  —  /.  Kreuser,  d.  chr. 
Kirchenbau  (chr.  Eccl.  Archit.).  2  Vols.  Bonn  1851.  —  A.  H.  Springer, 
d.  Bauk.  d.  chr.  M.  A.  Bonn  1854.  —  Quatrem^re  de  Quincy,  Hist,  de 
la  Vie  et  des  Ouvrages  des  Architectes  du  XI.  S.  jusqu'a  la  fin  du 
XVIII.  2  T.  Par.  1832).  —  The  general  decay  prevailing  during  the 
tenth  century,  and  the  common  expectation  of  the  approaching  end  of 
the  world  at  the  close  of  the  first  1000  years,  operated  unfavourably  on 
the  progress  of  the  fine  arts,  especially  so  far  as  architecture  was  con- 
cerned. But  these  hindrances  were  only  of  a  temporary  character. 
The  Romanesque  style  of  architecture,  which  prevailed  chiefly  in  the 
twelfth  century,  originated  in  the  desire  to  give  a  distinctively  German 
mould  to  the  older  forms  of  ecclesiastical  structures.  But  during  the 
entire  period  of  its  prevalence  we  mark  a  continual  progress ;  hence, 

37* 


444     SECTION    II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 

while  retaining  its  fundamental  character  as  a  transition  style,  it 
appeared  in  forms  more  varied  than  any  other.  In  Romanesque 
architecture  the  ancient  Christian  basilica  still  continued  the  type;  the 
chief  innovation  consisted  in  introducing  the  vaulted  roof  (especially  in 
the  shape  of  a  cross)  instead  of  the  flat  vs'ooden  roof,  whereby  the  in- 
terior became  more  lofty,  and  gained  in  perspective  effect.  In  other 
respects  also,  marked  progress  was  made.  To  this  period  belong  the 
general  introduction  of  the  rounded  arch,  and  that  increase  of  architec- 
tural ornaments,  which  afforded  scope  for  various  symbolical  devices 
and  for  the  vagaries  of  fancy.  Its  materials  were  derived  from  the 
peculiar  German  view  of  the  animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  from 
legend  or  from  local  tradition.  Finally,  ecclesiastical  structures  were 
completed  by  the  addition  of  towers  (as  it  were  finger-posts  pointing 
upwards),  which  it  was  now  attempted  to  connect  with  the  body  of  the 
church  (sometimes  by  rearing  them  above  the  entrance  to  the  central 
nave,  at  others  over  one  of  the  aisles,  or  where  the  central  and  the 
cross  nave  intersected,  or  on  opposite  sides  of  the  choir).  Frequently, 
however,  only  a  cupola  rose  over  the  central  nave.  The  finest  speci- 
mens of  this  style  are  the  cathedrals  of  Spires,  of  Mayence,  and  of 
Worms.  —  But  already  the  Gothic  (or,  more  correctly,  the  Germanic) 
STYLE  of  architecture  was  introduced,  which  attained  highest  perfec- 
tion during  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries.  This  claims  to  be 
an  independent  branch  of  the  Romanesque  style,  in  which  the  native 
genius  of  Germany  cast  off  its  traditional  adherence  to  ancient  forms, 
and  displayed  all  its  richness  and  boldness  of  imagination,  and  all  its 
depth  and  fulness  of  conception.  So  far  as  the  vault  was  concerned, 
the  Romanesque  style  may  be  regarded  as  preparatory  to  the  Gothic — 
the  ancient  Christian  basilica  still  continuing  the  fundamental  type. 
But  while  the  Romanesque  cross  vault  and  the  rounded  arch  rendered 
it  impossible  to  rear  a  very  lofty  building,  and  required  heavy  walls  to 
support  the  superincumbent  weight,  the  pointed  arch,  by  which  any 
breadth  could  be  spanned  and  any  height  reached,  removed  the  ap- 
pearance of  heaviness  even  from  the  most  massive  structures.  Admit- 
ting that  the  first  knowledge  of  the  pointed  arch  was  derived  from  the 
Saracens  in  Spain,  in  Sicily,  or  in  the  East,  its  application  in  Gothic 
structures  was  distinctively  German ;  for  whilst  among  the  Saracens  it 
was  used  merely  for  decoration,  it  was  in  Germany  mainly  applied  for 
construction,  especially  for  the  support  of  the  vault.  The  stiff  wall 
was  transformed  into  supporting  pillars,  and  formed  a  grand  architec- 
tural skeleton,  admitting  of  tasteful  and  varied  designs  for  windows. 
On  the  fundamental  type  of  a  cross,  the  Gothic  cathedral  ro.«e  like  a 
primeval  architectural  forest,  exhibiting  rich  variety,  and  far  surpass- 
ing in  beauty  every  structure  for  secular  purposes.  Light  and  grace- 
ful the  most  massive  buildings  rose  ;  the  tall  supporting  pillars  symbol- 
ized the  spirit  tending  heavenwards.  Long  rows  of  such  columns 
sprunc;,  as  it  Y;ere  from  the  earth,  up  towards  the  lofty  vault.     Every- 


POPULAR    LIFE    AND    NATIONAL    LITERATURE.      445 

thing  seemed  to  live,  to  bud,  and  to  bear.  The  piUars  and  the  walls 
were  covered  with  leaves  and  blossoms,  exhibited  fantastic  emblems, 
or  set  forth  holy  persons.  An  immense  rose  (or  round  window)  above 
the  entrance  —  the  symbol  of  silence  —  proclaimed  the  fact  that  every- 
thing worldly  was  excluded  from  these  walls.  Those  large  arched 
windows,  with  their  gorgeous  paintings,  threw  a  strange  mellow  light 
into  the  sanctuary.  Everything  about  the  structure  seemed  to  tend 
upward,  even  to  the  towers  in  which  the  stone,  dug  out  of  the  dark 
depths  below,  appeared  to  become  light  and  almost  transparent.  High 
upwards  they  reached,  till  they  were  almost  lost  to  view  in  the  blue 
sky.  The  victory  also  over  the  kingdom  of  darkness  was  represented 
in  that  brood  of  dragons  and  demoniac  forms  which  lay  crushed 
beneath  pillars  and  door-posts,  or  were  otherwise  made  subservient  to 
the  convenience  of  the  building.  Nay,  occasionally,  by  a  bold  stroke, 
bishops  and  popes  even  were  represented  in  such  situations,  just  as 
Dante  placed  some  of  the  popes  in  hell.  The  most  splendid  specimens 
of  this  style  are  the  cathedral  of  Cologne  and  the  Munster  of  Strasburg. 
The  former  was  founded  in  1248  by  Archbishop  Conrad  of  Hochsteden, 
the  plan  having  been  designed  by  Henry  Sunere,  an  architect  of 
Cologne ;  but  the  choir  alone  was  finished  and  consecrated  in  1322. 
The  building  of  the  Strasburg  Munster  was  commenced  by  Erwin  of 
Sleinback  in  1275. 

7.  The  Plastic  Art,  which  had  been  neglected  by  the  ancient  Church, 
was  much  cultivated  during  the  reign  of  the  Hohenstaufen.  Its  first 
great  master  in  Italy  was  NicJioIas  of  Pisa  (Nicolo  Pisano,  ob.  1274). 
Even  before  that  period  a  school  of  sculptors  had  sprung  up  in  Germany, 
whose  works  (in  the  churches  of  Hildesheim,  Ilalberstadt,  Freiberg, 
etc.)  have  descended  to  posterity,  though  their  names  are  lost  to  fame. 
Similarly,  the  art  of  the  goldsmith  and  the  coppersmith  was  largely 
employed  in  the  service  of  the  Chvirch.  —  Byzantine  artists  became  the 
teachers  of  the  Italians  in  painting,  from  whom,  in  turn,  the  Germans 
learned  the  art.  A  school  of  painters  was  formed  at  Pisa  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  thirteenth  century,  which,  in  honour  of  its  patron 
saint,  was  called  the  School  of  Si.  Lnke.  It  was  the  aim  of  these 
painters  to  impart  life  and  Avarmth  to  the  stifi"  pictures  of  the  Greeks. 
Guido  of  Sienna,  Giunfa  of  Pisa,  and  Cimabue,  a  Florentine,  ob.  1300, 
were  the  great  masters  of  this  school.  Mosaic  painting,  principally  on 
a  ground  of  gold,  was  much  in  vogue  in  Italy.  The  art  of  glass  jMint- 
ing  originated  in  Germany,  early  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  was 
first  employed  in  the  monastery  of  Tegernsee,  Bavaria,  whence  it  spread 
through  the  West.  —  (Cf.  W.  Wackernagel,  d.  deutsche  Glasmalerei. 
Lpz.  1855). 

I  106.  POPULAR  LIFE  AND  NATIONAL  LITERATURE. 

This  was  a  period  full  of  strangest  contradictions,  and  pre- 
senting most  remarkable  transitions  in  popular  life.    Everything, 
38 


446    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CE  N  T  .  10— 13  A.  D.). 

however,  gave  indication  of  unabated  vigour,  and  still  on  each 
unhewn  block  did  the  Church  lay  the  fashioning  chisel.  If,  on 
the  one  hand,  rude  violence  prevailed  throughout  Europe,  on 
the  other,  men,  willingly  or  unwillingly,  owned  the  higher  and 
invisible  power  of  thought.  The  grossest  sensuality  was  found 
alongside  the  most  entire  renunciation  of  the  world  ;  the  most 
unmitigated  selfishness  side  by  side  with  the  rarest  self-denial 
and  the  deepest  love  ;  keen  and  frivolous  sarcasm,  which  made 
parody  even  of  what  was  most  holy,  occurred  along  with  the 
most  thorough  earnestness  and  tender  anxiety  for  the  salvation 
of  souls.  If  boundless  superstition  prevailed,  so  did  the  boldest 
liberalism,  and  in  the  midst  of  general  ignorance  and  barbarism, 
lofty  ideas,  broad  views,  and  singular  individuality  of  mind, 
were  found  to  exist.  Above  all,  there  was  one  characteristic 
distinguishing  this  from  every  other  age — we  mean  the  capacity 
and  susceptibility  for  enthusiasm  of  every  kind. 

1.  Popular  Life.  —  The  consciousness  of  deep  religious  and  moral 
decline,  during  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  manifested  itself  in 
the  confident  expectation  of  the  approaching  end  oftlie  world,  which  in 
turn  led  to  fresh  acts  of  devotion  in  the  shape  of  pilgrimages,  pious 
donations,  and  foundations.  If  the  secular  power  was  too  weak  to 
check  WvQ  practice  of  private  revenge,  the  Church  exercised  a  beneficial 
influence  by  enjoining  the  so-called  truce  of  God  (treuga  Dei),  which 
ordained  that  during  Advent  and  till  eight  days  after  Epiphany,  during 
Lent  and  till  eight  days  after  Pentecost,  and  during  every  week  from 
Wednesday  evening  till  Monday  morning,  all  such  quarrels  should  he 
suspended.  This  ordinance,  which  originated  in  1032  in  France,  after 
several  years  of  famine,  gradually  spread  into  all  other  countries.  (Cf. 
A.  Kluckhohn,  Gescb.  d.  Gottesfr.  Lpz.  1857  ;  E.  Semichon,  la  paix  et 
la  trfeve  de  Dieu.  Par.  1857)  — Despite  its  barbarism,  there  was  a  reli- 
gious cast  about  knighthood,  which  was  greatly  fostered  in  Spain  by 
the  contest  with  the  Saracens,  and  throughout  all  Europe  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Crusades.  All  the  tendencies  and  mental  peculiarities 
of  the  people  found  their  appropriate  expression  in  the  various  orders 
of  monasticism.  Nor  must  we  forget  the  important  efi"ects  achieved  by 
the  Crusades.  Not  only  was  the  religious  sense  of  the  people  roused, 
but  their  narrow  horizon  was  enlarged,  and  the  ardent  longing  of  the 
age  became  deepened.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  superstition  and  moral 
laxity  also  increased ;  and  along  -with  expanding  commerce,  the  wants 
or  demands  of  the  people  also  grew.  In  the  fervent  homage  paid  to 
saints,  the  people  forgot  the  worship  due  to  Christ  and  to  the  Father. 
Every  business  and  calling,  every  age  and  station,  had  its  patron 
saint ;  and  under  every  mischance  or  disease,  there  was  some  special 
saint  to  whom  to  apply  for  relief.     The  religion  of  the  people  was  little 


POPULAR    LIFE    AND    NATIONAL    LITERATURE.   447 

other  than  a  kind  of  magic  ;  salvation  was  obtained  by  indulgences 
and  good  works.  A  large  amount  of  superstition  had  been  imported 
from  heathenism.  -Belief  in  witchcraft,  amulets,  dreams,  good  and 
bad  omens,  fairies,  brownies,  etc.,  merged  with  the  dogmas  of  the 
Church  about  saints,  angels,  and  demons,  and  gave  rise  to  a  kind  of 
Christian  mythology.  The  poetic  spirit  of  the  people  found  utterance 
in  legends,  traditions,  and  fables,  mostly  rich  in  meaning,  and  having 
some  religious  bearing.  Almost  in  them  all  the  devil  plays  the  chief 
part;  but  he  is  ever  represented  as  a  poor  stupid  being,  who  at  last  is 
onlj'  cheated  for  his  pains.  Nay,  the  light-mindedness  of  the  people 
turned  even  holy  subjects  into  extravagant  follies.  At  the  Feast  of 
Fools,  which  was  celebrated  in  France  about  New  Year's  time,  popes, 
bishops,  and  abbots  arrayed  as  fools  mimicked  in  the  church,  with 
grotesque  jokes,  the  sacred  functions  of  these  ecclesiastics.  A  similar 
comedy  was  enacted  at  Christmas  by  boys  (the  so-called  festum  inno- 
centum).  At  the  Feast  of  the  Ass,  which  was  also  celebrated  at 
Christmas,  in  honour  of  the  animal  on  which  Christ  had  made  His 
entry  into  Jerusalem,  an  ass,  adorned  with  a  surplice,  was  brought 
into  the  church,  and  his  praises  sounded  in  a  comic  liturgy  composed 
for  the  purpose.  Bishops  and  popes  inveighed  against  these  substitutes 
iot  the  ancient  heathen  festivities  of  December.  But  the  lower  clergy 
and  tJio  people  enjoyed  the  sport.  At  Easter,  instead  of  preaching  of 
Him  who  had  burst  the  bonds  of  death,  the  priests  —  to  make  some 
amends  for  the  previous  long  fast  —  amused  their  audiences  with  stories 
and  jokes,  to  which  the  people,  as  in  duty  bound,  responded  by  the 
so-called  Easter-laughter  (Bisus  paschalis).  When  councils  and 
bishops  at  last  succeeded  in  banishing  these  follies  from  the  churches, 
the  people  took  compensation  in  the  amusements  of  the  Carnival,  which 
preceded  Easter  quadragesima. — In  imitation  of  the  trade  guilds  which 
originated  in  the  twelfth  century,  a  kind  of  spiritual  guilds  were 
instituted,  which  enjoyed  the  countenance  and  fostering  care  of  the 
secular  clergy,  in  the  hope  of  their  pi'oving  a  counterpoise  to  the  influ- 
ence which  the  mendicant  orders  had  acquired  among  the  people 
through  their  Tertiaries.  In  many  parts  of  Germany  and  France 
associations  of  priests  and  laymen  were  formed,  which  undertook  to 
say  a  certain  number  of  prayers  and  masses  for  the  members  and  for 
their  relatives,  whether  living  or  dead.  Such  unions  were  called 
Calends,  from  the  circumstance  that  their  meetings  took  place  on  the 
calends  (or  first)  of  every  month.  By  voluntary  contributions  and 
legacies,  these  unions  obtained  ample  means  for  founding  special 
"  calend-houses."  But  their  original  pious  object  was  soon  forgotten, 
and  these  meetings  became  by  and  by  only  occasions  for  feasting  and 
revelry.  At  the  time  of  the  Reformation  the  calends  were  abolished, 
and  their  possessions  applied  to  useful  purposes. 

2.  Popular  Culture. — -The  learning  of  the  schoolmen  was  entirely 
beyond  the  range  of  the   popular  mind.     But  some  of  the   earnest 


448     SECTION   II SECOND   PERIOD    (CE  NT  .  10— 13  A.  Dj, 

preachers  of  repentance  addressed  themselves  to  those  ^vho  were  other- 
wise neglected,  generally  with  remarkable  success,  especially  in  the 
case  of  notorious  or  obstinate  sinners.  Unfortunately,  those  who  were 
thus  converted  retired  into  monasteries,  instead  of  proving  the  salt  of 
the  earth.  No  attempt  was  made  to  instruct  the  people  ;  and  although 
the  Hohenstaufen  endeavoured  to  establish  elementanj  schools  in  Italy 
—  making  attendance  on  them  even  obligatory  —  these  institutions  did 
not  succeed.  From  the  eleventh  century,  associations  were  formed  in 
the  south  of  France  for  the  study  of  the  Bible ;  but  their  members  by 
and  by  generally  took  up  a  position  hostile  to  the  Church.  The 
spread  of  the  Cathari  and  Waldenses  (^  108)  was  mainly  due  to  the 
fact  that,  by  preaching,  reading  the  Bible,  singing  and  prayer  in  the 
vernacular,  they  met  the  felt  religious  wants  of  the  people.  St.  Domi- 
nic proposed  to  counteract  their  influence  by  emj^loying  a  similar 
agency.  In  1229,  the  Council  of  Toulouse  prohibited  laymen  from 
possessing  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament,  and  even  from  reading  the 
Psalter  or  the  Breviary,  in  the  vernacular.  In  lieu  of  the  Bible  thus 
withheld,  and  of  the  martyrologies,  which,  being  written  in  Latin, 
were  inaccessible  to  the  masses,  the  Church  introduced,  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  legends  in  rhyme,  composed  in  the  vernacular.  The  oldest 
work  of  this  kind  in  German,  by  an  unknown  author,  consists  of  three 
books  comprising  about  100,000  lines.  Book  I.  treats  of  Christ  and  of 
Mary  ;  Book  II.  of  the  Apostles  and  the  other  personages  mentioned  in 
the  Gospels ;  while  Book  III.  gives  a  sketch  of  the  lives  of  the  saints, 
according  to  their  order  in  the  Calendar.  The  first  two  books  (edited 
by  K.  A.  Hahn,  d.  alte  Passional.  Frkf.  1845)  contain  a  number  of 
apocryphal  stories,  couched  in  the  genuine  mediaeval  style.  As  few 
of  the  people  were  able  to  read,  wandering  minstrels  were  wont  to  re- 
late these  stories  to  the  people.  Another  and  more  efi"ectual  mode  of 
conveying  religious  instruction  was  by  means  of  religious  theatricals, 
which  were  introduced  in  the  eleventh  century,  probably  in  France. 
F.  J.  Mone  has  lately  edited  a  number  of  these  dramas  in  German 
(Schauspiele  d.  M.  A.  2  Vols.  Karlsr.  1846).  They  originated  in  those 
antiphonal  chants  in  which  it  was  the  custom  to  celebrate  the  hero  of 
a  festival  during  the  worship  in  his  honour.  By  and  by  these  poems 
were  enlarged  into  dramas  ;  and  in  course  of  time  a  cycle  of  such 
pieces  existed  for  all  the  saints'  feasts,  which  were  acted  by  the  clergy 
in  the  churches,  at  first  with  Latin  words,  but  afterwards  in  the  ver- 
nacular (of  course  with  the  exception  of  the  prayers  introduced  in 
them).  Besides  these  historical  dramas,  which  were  called  mysteries, 
and  the  material  of  which  was  derived  from  the  Bible,  or  the  legends 
of  saints,  allegorical  moral  plays  were  prepared ;  these  were  called 
moralities.  They  represented  general  moral  truths,  or  personified 
Biblical  parables.  Such  dramatic  representations  flourished  most 
during  the  succeeding  period  (§  114,  4).  Cf.  H.  Alt,  Theater  u.  Kirche. 
Berl.  1846;  K.  Ease,  d.  geistl.  Schauspiel.  Lpz.  1858).— The  images, 


POPULAR    LITE    AND    NATIONAL    LITERATURE.   449 

mosaics,  and  reliefs,  which  covered  the  doors  and  walls  of  the  churches, 
wore  also  a  means  of  recalling  to  mind  Biblical  events  and  legends 
of  saints. 

3.  National  Literature. — (Cf.  K.  Bartliel,  d.  class.  Periode  d.  deutsch. 
Nat.-Literat.  im  M.  A.  Brauuschu,  1857).  —  The  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries  produced  scarcely  any  works  either  in  science  or  poetry. 
But  during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  when  the  Church  rose 
from  its  former  decay,  German  national  literature  developed  rapidly, 
and  in  a  manner  most  surprising.  The  writings  of  that  period 
occasionally  breathe  a  spirit  hostile  to  the  clerical  rule  —  a  remark 
which  specially  applies  to  the  compositions  of  Wolfram  of  Esehenbach. 
Even  the  legend  of  Eeinecke  and  Isegrimm  are  really,  though  not 
intentionally,  a  cutting  satire  on  the  rapacity  of  the  monks,  the 
hypocrisy  of  the  clergy,  the  avarice  of  the  popes,  and  the  abuse  of  in- 
dulgences. In  the  mind  of  the  German  troubadours,  "those  nightin- 
gales of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  whole  fair  sex  appeared  as  the  Holy 
Virgin."  Thus,  while  Walter  von  der  Vogelweide  sang  in  happiest 
strain  of  earthly  love,  he  at  the  same  time  sounded  the  praises  of  the 
Lord,  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  and  of  the  Church.  The  Lay  of  the  Nibe- 
lungen  was  essentially  heathen  in  its  conception,  and  its  last  editor, 
in  the  twelfth  century,  imparted  to  it  only  a  slight  Christian  gloss. 
But  Wolfram  of  Esehenbach,  a  Christian  poet  in  the  highest  sense  of 
the  term,  completely  recast  in  his  Parcival  the  ancient  heathen  legend 
of  St.  Gral,  and  the  Knights  of  the  Round  Table.  The  Parcival  con- 
tains continuous  reference  to  the  Christian  life,  as  a  contest  for  salva- 
tion through  the  blood  of  the  »Son  of  God.  A  strain  vastly  different 
was  that  from  the  lyre  of  Gottfried  of  Strassbtirg, -whose  "  Tristan  and 
Isolt"  celebrates  the  pleasures  of  earthly  love  in  language  of  the  most 
fervent  and  sensuous  character,  while  he  completely  ignores  both  the 
Church  and  its  sacrament  of  marriage.  But  Tristan  remained  incom- 
plete, the  poet  having  died,  not  a  corporeal  death,  but  that  spiritual 
death,  by  which  he  died  to  the  lust  of  the  world  and  the  flesh,  that  he 
might  live  in  Christ.  For  Tristan  he  now  substituted  a  poem  which 
glowed  with  the  tenderest  piety,  the  holiest  inspiration,  and  the  most 
ardent  longing  after  heaven,  and  another  upon  voluntary  poverty, 
which  is  pervaded  by  the  Spirit  of  St.  Franciscus,  with  his  fanatical 
fervor  for  poverty.  The  most  recent  investigations  appear  (-J.  M. 
Watterich,  Gottfr.  v.  Str.,  ein  Sanger  d.  Gottesminne.  Lpz.  1858)  to 
have  clearly  shown  that  Master  Gottfried  and  St.  Franciscus  must  have 
personally  met  each  other,  and  that  St.  F.  conferred  upon  Gottfried 
both  the  garb  and  spirit  of  his  order.  In  the  south  of  France,  the 
merry  strains  of  the  Trouhadours  were  interspersed  with  poems  in 
honour  of  the  Church  and  of  its  saints ;  while  occasionally  their  com- 
positions became  the  vehicle  for  heretics,  giving  expression  to  their 
indignation  against  the  Romish  Babylon.  Gonzalo  of  Berceo,  the  first 
38*  2d 


450      SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

celebrated  Spanish  poet  (in  the  thirteenth  century),  sung  of  the 
Virgin,  of  St.  Dominic,  and  the  Last  Judgment.  On  the  poets  of  Italy 
comp.  §  105,  4. 

§  107.  ECCLESIASTICAL  DISCIPLINE  AND  INDULGENCES. 

Those  terrible  engines,  excommunication,  which  was  directed 
against  individuals  guilty  of  open  sin,  and  the  interdict,  which 
rested  on  a  whole  district,  rarely  missed  their  aim.  Till  the 
interdict  was  removed,  the  church-bells  were  silent,  worship  was 
celebrated  with  closed  doors,  and  only  priests,  beggars,  and 
children  under  two  years  of  age,  received  at  burial  the  rites  of 
the  Church.  Thus  a  whole  district  was  made  responsible  for 
the  sin  committed  or  tolerated  iu  it,  and  seldom  did  the  people 
long  brook  this  painful  state  of  matters.  Yet  all  this  while 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  which  Petrus  Lombardus  had  described 
as  "contritio  cordis,  confessio  oris,  and  satisfactio  operis,"  con- 
tinually declined  in  moral  earnestness.  The  expiation  demanded 
by  the  Church  consisted  of  outicard  ivorks  (alms,  fasts,  pilgrim- 
ages, etc.)  ;  and  even  these  might  be  compensated  for  by  fines, 
in  the  shape  of  contributions  for  ecclesiastical  purposes.  This 
moral  aberration  increased  during  the  Crusades,  when  all  who 
took  the  cross  received  plenary  indulgence  for  ecclesiastical 
punishments  incurred  from  any  cause  ;  and  even  those  who  gave 
of  their  means  to  the  promotion  of  these  undertakings,  thereby 
purchased  a  similar  dispensation.  The  popes  bestowed  also  on 
individual  churches  the  right  of  granting  more  or  less  extensive 
indulgences  to  those  who  visited  them.  Sincere  repentance  and 
amendment  was  indeed  expressly  mentioned,  or  tacitly  understood 
to  be  the  condition  of  such  indulgences;  but  this  important  point 
was  too  frequently  lost  to  view  in  mere  external  observances.  — 
In  opposition  to  this  lax  mode  of  discipline,  many  priests  — 
especially  the  members  of  monastic  orders — earnestly  contended 
for  more  serious  measures.  Some,  indeed,  fell  into  opjiosite 
extravagance,  and  seemed  to  take  a  pride  in  excelling  each  other 
in  their  flagellations  (administered  while  reciting  the  Psalter). 
A  formal  account  was  kept  of  the  number  of  stripes  thus 
inflicted.  Three  thousand  lashes  were  the  number  requisite  for 
one  year  of  penance,  etc.  Self-inflicted  scourging  was  regarded 
as  a  voluntary  and  meritorious  imitation  of  Christ  and  of  the 
martyrs.  This  species  of  superstition  was  carried  to  frightful 
excess  amid   the  calamities    of  the   thirteenth   and   fourteenth 


OPPOSITION    TO    ECOLESIASTICISM.  451 

centuries  (the  wars,  pestileuce,  famine,  and  earthquakes  of  that 
period).     Compare  §  114,  1. 

1.  The  ingenuity  of  tlic  schoolmen  supplied  theological  argviments 
and  a  dogmatic  vindication  in  favour  of  Indulgences.  Lomhardiis 
applied  for  this  purpose  the  doctrine  of  iiurgaiory  (v^^hich  had  received 
ecclesiastical  sanction  at  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great),  or  of  the  inter- 
mediate state  in  which  the  souls  of  believers  underwent  punishment 
for  those  venial  sins  which  they  had  committed  after  baptism.  But 
according  to  Lombardus,  the  Church,  in  virtue  of  the  merits  of  Christ, 
possessed  the  povrcr  of  changing  these  purifying  torments  of  purgatory 
into  earthly  punishments,  from  which,  in  turn,  it  might  grant  dispen- 
sation in  consideration  of  certain  advantages  accruing  to  the  Church 
^s  a  whole.  Albcrtus  Magnus  and  Thomas  Aquinas  went  even  farther 
than  this,  and  propounded  the  view  that  the  Church  was  the  depositary 
and  absolute  dispenser  of  an  inexhaustible  treasure,  consisting  of  the 
superfluous  merits  of  Christ  and  of  the  saints  (thesaurus  supererogationis 
perfcctorum),  since  the  latter  also  had,  although  in  the  strength  of 
Christ,  done  more  good  than  was  requisite  for  the  discharge  of  their 
own  transgressions.  —  Still  these  divines  continued  to  lay  great  stress 
on  the  fact,  that  such  indulgences  were  not  in  themselves  equivalent 
to  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  but  that  they  merely  implied  the  remission 
of  ecclesiastical  punishments  and  exemption  from  the  torments  of  pur- 
gatory, and  even  these  only  in  the  case  of  such  who  combined  with 
them  genuine  repentance.  But  the  generality  of  preachers  of  indul- 
gences intentionally  concealed  or  avoided  these  explanations. 


V.    OPPOSITION    TO    THE    PREVAILING    SYSTEM   OF 
ECCLESIASTICISM. 

§  108.   ACTIVE   OPPOSITION   TO   PREVAILING  ECCLE- 
SIASTICISM. 

CoMP.  /.  C.  Fusslin,  unparth.  K.  u.  Ketzerhist.  d.  mittle.  Zeit.  (Im- 
part. Hist,  of  the  Ch.  and  of  Hcret.  Part,  during  the  M.  A.).  Leips. 
1770.  3  Vols.  —  i.  Flathe,  Gesch.  d.  Vorl.  d.  Reform.  (Hist,  of  the 
Precursors  of  the  Ref.).  Leips.  1835.  2  Vols.  —  TJlr.  Hahn,  Gesch.  d. 
Ketzer  im  M.  A.     Stuttg.  1845.     3  Vols. 

With  the  varied  and  catholic  doctrines  of  Christianity  which 
had  been  established  during  the  course  of  the  ancient  history  of 
the  Church,  a  number  of  spurious  elements  concerning  govern- 
ment, doctrine,   discipline,   and  worship,   had  been  introduced. 

oS 


452    SECTION   II.— SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13A.D.). 

Thus,  along  with  the  truth,  abuses  had  been  imported  into  the 
Grerman  Church.  These  seeds  of  ewor  sprung  up  and  spread 
during  the  Middle  Ages,  fostered  by  the  barbarism  of  that 
period,  the  sensuous  disposition  of  the  people,  the  ignorance  of 
the  clergy,  and  the  selfishness  of  the  hierarchy.  They  manifested 
themselves  chiefly  as  boundless  superstition  of  every  kind,  lax 
and  demoralizing  discipline,  spurious  asceticism,  work-righteous- 
ness, secularism  in  the  Church,  ignorance  and  looseness  among 
the  clergy,  and  the  abuse  of  hierarchical  power.  These  evils, 
however,  were  not  only  felt  during  the  Middle  Ages,  but  frequent 
attempts  were  made  to  remove  them.  Throughout  that  period  we 
can  discern  a  reformatory  tendency,  which  by  various  agencies — * 
properly  or  improperly  —  sought  to  make  way  for  itself.  Some- 
times it  manifested  itself  in  combination  with  attachment  to  the 
Church,  when  the  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  an  internal 
reformation,  and  thereby  to  bring  back  the  Church  to  apostolic 
purity  ;  in  other  cases,  a  sense  of  the  hopelessness  of  such  a  task 
led  to  separation  from  the  Church,  and  to  determined  opposition 
to  prevailing  ecclesiasticism.  Such  movements,  however,  rarely 
continued  within  the  bounds  of  evangelical  moderation  ;  more 
commonly,  along  with  error,  part  of  the  truth  was  also  rejected, 
fanaticism  and  heresy  ensued,  all  social  relationships  were  under- 
mined, and  the  existence  of  the  State  as  well  as  of  the  Church 
endangered.  Among  the  numberless  sects  of  that  period,  the 
most  influential  and  revolutionary  were  those  who  held  Mani- 
chean  views,  and  to  whom  the  general  name  of  Cathari  has  been 
given.  But  in  other  directions  also,  parties  hostile  to  the  Church 
sprung  up.  Thus  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Montanists  reappeared 
in  different  j^'^^ophetic  and  apocatyptical  communities  ;  while  the 
Sect  of  the  Holy  Spirit  entertained  p>antheistiG  views,  and  even 
the  errors  of  the  Ebionites  were  again  mooted  by  the  Passagiere. 
Another  kind  of  sects  owed  their  origin  to  the  efforts  of  indi- 
viduals, whose  eyes  had,  by  a  perusal  of  the  Scriptures,  been 
opened  to  the  defects  in  the  Church,  but  who,  failing  to  perceive 
at  the  same  time  the  blessed  truths  of  the  Gospel,  only  aimed  at 
a  complete  subversion  of  the  Church,  and,  along  with  error, 
rejected  also  the  truth.  Among  all  these  different  parties,  the 
community  of  the  Waldenses  alone  continued  within  the  bounds 
of  evangelical  moderation. 


OPPOSITION    TO    ECCLESIASTICISM.  453 

1.  The  Cathari. — (Cojip.  Dr.  Maitland,  Facts  and  Documents  illustr. 
of  the  Hist.,  etc.,  of  the  Albig.  and  Waldcns.,  Lond.  1832;  and  that 
writer's  Eight  Essays,  Lond.  1852. —  C.  Schmidt,  Hist,  et  doctrines 
des  Cathares  on  Albigeois.  Par.  1849.  2Voll.  —  E.Kunitz,  ein  katha- 
rischcs  Rituale.  Jen.  1852.)  —  From  the  eleventh  century  a  disposition 
unfavourable  to  the  hierarchy  and  the  prevailing  ecclesiastical  system 
began  to  manifest  itself  in  many  places,  chiefly  in  Italy  and  in  France. 
This  led  to  the  formation  of  sects,  which  rapidly  spread.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  account  for  the  existence  of  this  estrangement ;  it  originated 
in  felt  religious  wants,  which  the  Church  failed  to  satisfy.  Such  aspi- 
rations became  deeper  and  stronger  in  proportion  as  spiritual  and  intel- 
lectual life,  in  all  its  departments,  was  quickened  during  the  period 
succeeding  the  lethargy  of  the  tenth  century.  Accordingly,  a  strong 
desire  sprung  up  to  procure  for  oneself  what  the  Church  could  not  or 
would  not  give.  But  this  desire  must,  to  some  extent  at  least,  have 
been  quickened  and  fostered  from  without.  As  in  the  East  (|  71),  so 
in  the  AVest,  Gnostic  speculations  had  in  all  probability  continvied  to 
exist,  though  by  secret  tradition.  In  point  of  fact,  we  know  that  the 
Vandals  had  transported  shiploads  of  Manicheans  to  the  shores  of  Italy, 
while  the  Priscilianists  openly  avowed  their  tenets  in  Spain,  so  late  as 
the  seventh  century.  Probably,  however,  the  movement  issued  again 
from  the  East,  in  all  likelihood  from  Bulgaria,  where,  since  the  time 
the  Paulicians  had  settled  in  that  district,  Gnostic  and  Manichean 
views  were  widely  entertained  and  zealously  propagated.  Even  the 
names  of  these  sects  prove  the  correctness  of  this  assertion.  The  most 
general  designation  was  that  of  Cathari  (xa^pot)  ;  but  they  were  also 
called  Bidgari  (whence,  in  popular  parlance,  the  opprobrious  name 
Bougre)  or  Gazari,  perhaps  after  the  inhabitants  of  the  Crimea  (the 
Chazars),  or  else  a  different  mode  of  pronouncing  the  word  xa^apoc,  and 
Puhlicani,  probably  a  transposition  by  which  the  foreign  term  of  Pauli- 
cians was  converted  into  a  well-known  term  of  reproach.  They  were 
also  designated  Putareni  or  Paterini ;  either  in  the  original  sense  of 
that  term  (^  97,  2),  or  because,  since  the  contest  between  the  Pataria 
at  Milan  and  the  clergy,  the  term  implied  in  general  a  spirit  of  hostility 
to  the  priesthood.  The  name  of  Tisserands  originated  from  the  circum- 
stance that  many  of  their  adherents  were  weavers  by  trade.  The  com- 
mon characteristic  of  all  these  sects  was  opposition  to  the  clergy  and 
the  hierarchy.  They  differed  in  the  extent  to  which,  and  the  grounds 
on  which,  they  opposed  the  prevailing  ecclesiasticism,  or  attempted  to 
set  up  a  church  of  their  own.  Several  of  the  charges  preferred  against 
them  may  probably  have  arisen  from  misunderstanding  or  calumny. 
The  Paulician  or  Bogomile  opinions  which  they  had  embraced  —  while 
of  a  practical  rather  than  of  a  speculative  character,  and  variously 
modified  or  kept  in  check  —  affected  all  their  tenets  and  practices. 
Thus  they  held  Dualistic  views,  though,  in  many  cases,  only  in  the 
way  of  carrying  the  scriptural  doctrine  of  the  devil  and  of  original  sin 


454    SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 

to  an  extreme  (in  opposition  to  the  Pelasgianism  of  the  Church) ;  they 
rejected  the  Old  Testament ;  marriage  they  regarded  as  a  hindrance 
to  Christian  perfection  ;  they  contemned  baptism,  the  eucharist,  and 
clerical  ordination  ;  prohibited  the  worship  of  saints  and  relics  ;  objected 
to  the  use  of  images  and  crucifixes  ;  insisted  on  a  literal  observance  of 
all  the  injunctions  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount ;  and,  despite  their 
spiritualism,  laid  great  stress  on  fasting,  genuflexions,  and  the  frequent 
repetition  of  certain  prayers,  especially  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Along  AA-ith 
prayer,  preaching  occupied  the  most  prominent  place  in  their  public 
services.  Their  adiierents  were  divided  into  Crezentz  (credentes  = 
catechumeni)  and  hos  homes  or  bos  Crestias  (boni  homines,  boni  Chris- 
tiani  ^  perfecti,  electi).  The  so-called  "auditores"  formed  a  lower, 
class  of  catechumens,  who  were  received  among  the  credentes  after  a 
term  of  instruction  and  probation  (astenenzia  =  abstinentia).  The 
admission  of  credentes  was  marked  by  a  formal  delivery  of  the  holy 
prayer  (or  Lord's  Prayer)  and  of  the  New  Testament  to  the  catechu- 
mens, by  exhortations  and  other  ceremonies,  such  as  washing  of  hands, 
etc.  The  credentes  were  received  into  the  number  of  perfecti  by  the 
baptism  of  the  Spirit  (or  the  Consolamentum),  without  which  it  was 
impossible  to  have  a  part  in  eternal  life.  The  ordinance  was  adminis- 
tered by  the  elder  [Ancia]  laying  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  other 
bos  Crestias  their  hands,  on  the  head  of  the  candidate.  Those  who 
were  thus  set  apart  were  required  to  abstain  from  marriage,  from  the 
use  of  animal  food,  and  from  all  polluting  intercourse  with  those  Avho 
were  not  members  of  the  sect,  on  which  account  they  commonly 
delayed  till  death  receiving  the  Consolamentum.  Generally  they  took, 
on  their  admission  among  the  credentes,  a  vow  (Convenensa)  of  joining 
the  bos  Crestias  (or  Ordo)  at  a  future  period ;  while  some,  after  having 
received  the  Consolamentum,  underwent  the  Endura,  i.e.,  henceforth 
abstained  from  all  food  and  drink.  At  the  time  of  their  greatest 
prosperity  they  had  a  regular  hierarchy,  with  a  pope,  who  resided  in 
Bulgaria,  twelve  magistri,  and  twenty-two  bishops,  each  of  whom  had 
a  filius  major  and  minor  as  their  assistants.  —  Even  their  opponents 
admitted  their  deep  and  moral  earnestness;  but  the  doctrine  of  justifi- 
eation  by  foith  had  no  place  in  their  system.  Prayer,  abstinence,  and 
the  so-called  baptism  of  the  Spirit,  were  regarded  as  the  sole  means  of 
obtaining  salvation.  It  may  be  true  that  occasionally  some  went  to 
the  opposite  extreme  of  antinomian  excesses  ;  but  more  frequently  such 
charges  originated  in  calumny.  Generally  they  went  to  the  stake  with 
the  heroism  and  joyfulness  of  martyrs.  —  Sects  of  this  kind  were,  since 
the  eleventh  century,  discovered  in  several  places ;  first  in  Aquitaine 
in  1010 ;  then  in  1022  at  Orleans,  Avhere  thirteen  of  them  were  bound 
to  the  stake ;  in  1025  at  Cambrai  and  Arras ;  in  1030  in  the  diocese 
of  Turin ;  in  1052  at  Goslar,  where  their  adherents  were  executed  by 
order  of  the  Emperor ;  and  in  other  places.  During  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury they  rapidly  increased  in  membership,  and  spread  into  difi'erent 


OPPOSITION    TO    ECOLESIASTICISM.  455 

countries.  Kindness  and  rigorous  measures  were  equally  unavailing 
to  reclaim  them.  His  deep  love  to  erring  sinners  made  St.  Bcviuird 
more  successful  than  any  other  among  them.  At  a  later  period  learned 
Dominicans  tried  the  efficacy  of  preaching  and  discussions.  The  prin- 
cipal centres  of  the  Cathari  were  in  Lombardy  and  in  the  south  of 
Franco  ;  but  numerous  communities  also  existed  in  Germany,  Belgium, 
and  Spain.  Indeed,  such  was  their  influence  in  France,  that  they 
ventured  to  summon  a  general  Council  at  Toulouse  in  1167,  which  waa 
numerously  attended. 

The  contest  between  the  Ghibellines  and  the  Guelphs  afforded  them 
an  opportunity  of  manifesting  their  enmity  to  the  papal  hierarchy,  and 
Frederic  II.  openly  protected  them.  They  continued  so  late  as  the 
fourteenth  century,  despite  the  fearful  persecution  raised  against  them 
(^  109).  Eeinerius  Sachoni  {oh.  1259),  a  Dominican  from  Lombardy, 
who  at  one  time  had  himself  been  a  "  heresiarch"  (Summa  de  Catharis 
et  Leonistis  et  Pauperibus  de  Luyd.),  was  the  most  distinguished  con- 
troversialist against  the  sect.     The  liturgy  lately  discovered  by  Kunitz 

■  dates  from  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  gives  a  more  favour- 
able view  of  them  than  had  formerly  been  entertained. 

The  small  sect  of  the  Passagieri  in  Lombardy  (during  the  twelfth 
century)  went  to  an  opposite  extreme  from  the  Manichajan  rejection  of 

-  the  Old  Testament  by  the  Cathari.  With  the  exception  of  sacrifices, 
they  insisted  on  the  obligation  of  the  whole  Mosaic  law,  including  cir- 
cumcision (along  with  baptism)  ;  they  also  entertained  Arian  views 
about  the  person  of  Christ.  Their  name  (from  pasagium  ^  passage) 
seems  to  point  to  the  practice  of  pilgrimages  or  crusades  to  the  Holy 
Land.     Indeed,  they  may  have  originated  in  this  manner. 

2.  Towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  a  pantheistic  movement 
commenced  in  Franco,  and  found  expression  in  the  so-called  Sect  op 
THE  Holy  Spirit.  The  party  originated  with  Amalric  of  Bena,  a 
teacher  at  Paris.  The  first  germs  of  this  pantheistic  mysticism  were 
probably  derived  from  the  writings  of  the  pseudo-Dionysius  and  of 
Erigena.  The  University  of  Paris  and  Innocent  III.  obliged  Amalric 
to  recant  his  apparently  Christian,  but  according  to  his  own  interpreta- 
tion of  it,  really  pantheistic  statement,  that  none  could  be  saved  who 
believed  not  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  body  of  Christ.  Chagrin  at 
this  humiliation  may  have  hastened  his  death,  which  took  place  soon 
afterwards  (1204).  In  the  hands  of  his  pupil,  David  of  Dinanto,  the 
pantheism  of  Amalric  received  a  more  Aristotelian  and  dialectic  cast. 
Besides  these  two,  Simon  of  Tournay,  a  celebrated  dialectician  at 
Paris,  entertained  similar  views.  While  professing  to  teach  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church,  he  took  care  to  indicate  sufficiently  that  it  was 
much  easier  to  refute  than  to  demonstrate  them.  The  opinions  of  these 
men  found  way  among  the  laity.  Soon  afterwards  a  goldsmith  pro- 
claimed the  advent  of  the  age  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  when  all  positive 
religion  and  every  form  of  outward  worship  should  cease,  and  God  be 
38* 


456     SECTION   II. — SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10— 13  A.  D.). 

all  in  all.  As  formerly  in  Christ,  so  now  in  every  believer,  did  God 
become  incarnate ;  and  on  this  ground  the  Christian  was  God  in  the 
same  sense  in  which  Christ  had  been.  The  Pope  was  Antichrist. 
These  views  were  condemned  at  a  Synod  held  at  Paris  in  1209,  the 
writings  of  Erigena  were  reprobated,  and  several  members  of  the  sect 
consigned  to  the  stake.  The  bones  of  Amalric  shared  the  same  fate. — 
(Comp.  Enyelliardt,  Am.  v.  Bena,  in  his  "  kirchengesch.  Abh. ;"  and 
/.  H.  Kronlein  in  the  "  theol.  Studien  u.  Kritt."  for  1847.  II.) 

3.  Revolutionary  Reformers. —  (Comp.  H.  Franche,  Arn.  v.  Bresc.  u. 
seine  Zeit.  Zur.  1825.  —  Mosheim,  Gesch.  d.  Apostelord.,  in  his  "Vers. 
e.  unparth.  u.  gi'lindl.  Ketzergesch."  Helmst.  1748. — /.  Krone,  Fr^ 
Dolcino  u.  die  Patarener.  Leips.  1844.  —  Schlosser,  1.  c,  ^  103,  1. — 
Mariotti,  Frti  Dolcino  and  his  Times.  Lond.  1853.)  —  Among  them  we 
reckon : 

(1.)  The  Petrobrusians,  founded  by  Peter  of  Bruys,  a  priest  in  the 
south  of  France,  about  1104.  He  rejected  the  outward  or  visible 
Church,  and  only  acknowledged  the  true  (invisible)  Church  in  the 
hearts  of  believers.  In  his  opinion  all  churches  and  sanctuaries  should' 
be  destroyed,  since  God  might  be  worshipped  in  a  stable  or  tavern.  He 
"used  crucifixes  for  cooking  purposes ;  inveighed  against  celibacy,  the 
mass,  and  infant  baptism ;  and  after  twenty  years  of  continual  dis- 
turbances, ended  his  days  at  the  stake  by  the  hands  of  an  infuriated 
mob  (1124).  He  was  succeeded  by  one  of  his  associates,  Henry  of 
Lausanne,  formerly  a  monk  of  the  order  of  Clugny,  Under  him  the 
sect  of  the  Petrobrusians  greatly  increased  in  numbers.  St.  Bernard 
succeeded  in  converting  many  of  them  from  their  errors.  Henry  was 
seized  and  condemned  to  imprisonment  for  life.     He  died  in  1149. 

(2.)  Among  these  revolutionaries  we  must  also  include  Arnold  of 
Brescia  [oh.  1155,  comp.  |  96,  4),  a  pupil  of  Abelard.  His  fervent 
oratory  was  chiefly  directed  against  the  secular  power  of  the  Church, 
and  its  possession  of  property,  —  views  which  probably  were  based  on 
a  more  spiritual  conception  of  what  the  Church  really  was.  Other- 
wise his  doctrinal  opinions  seem  to  have  been  in  accordance  with  those 
commonly  entertained.  Long  after  his  death,  a  party  of  so-called 
Arnoldists  cherished  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  dreams  of  their 
founder. 

(3.)  During  the  thirteenth  century  the  "Apostolic  Brethren,"  or 
"  Apostolicals,"  caused  considerable  excitement,  especially  in  Italy. 
In  opposition  to  the  luxuriousness  of  a  wealthy  clergy,  they  formed 
religious  societies  which  were  to  be  entirely  destitute  of  earthly  pos- 
sessions. As  the  popes  prohibited  their  associations,  they  took  up  an 
attitude  of  hostility  to  the  clergy  and  the  Church,  and  retired  from 
persecution  to  caves  and  woods.  Gerhard  Segarellt,  their  leader,  was 
seized,  and  died  at  the  stake  in  Parma  in  1300.  His  successor,  Dolcino, 
excited  these  sectaries  to  utmost  fanaticism  by  his  denunciations  of 
the  new' Babylon,  and  by  his  apocalyptic  predictions.     With  2000  fol- 


OPPOSITION    TO    ECCLESTASTTCISM.  457 

lowers  he  retired  to  a  mountain,  where  he  entrenched  himself,  and  for 
two  years  defied  the  army  of  crusaders  summoned  for  tlie  sujjpressiou 
of  the  sect.  Ultimately  he  had  to  succumb  to  superior  forces  and  to 
famine,  and  died  at  the  stake  in  1307. 

4.  Prophetic  and  Apocalyptic  Opposition.  —  (Comp.  Engelhardt,  d. 
Abt  Joachim  u.  d.  ewige  Evangel.,  in  his  "  kirchenhist.  Abhandl." 
Erlg.  1832. —  Ulrich  Hahn,  d.  apokal.  Lehren  d.  Joach.  v.  Floris,  in 
the  "theol.  Studien  u.  Kritt."  for  1849.  H.  2.) — The  opposition  to  pre- 
vailing abuses  which  appeared  in  all  directions,  found  also  vent  in  pro- 
phetic demtnciations. 

(1.)  St.  Hildegardis,  the  founder  and  abbess  of  a  nunnery  near 
Bingen,  where  she  died  in  1197  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-nine 
years,  had  visions  and  revelations,  and  was  considered  an  oracle  by 
persons  of  all  ranks.  Even  St.  Bernard  and  Pope  Eugenius  III.  re- 
garded her  as  divinely  commissioned.  Her  prophetic  denunciations 
were  specially  directed  against  the  looseness  of  the  clergy  and  the 
assumptions  of  the  hierarchy,  to  both  of  which  she  traced  the  decay 
of  the  Church.  She  announced  impending  terrible  judgments  for  the 
purification  of  the  Church. 

(2.)  St.  Elizabeth,  Abbess  of  the  nunnery  of  Schbnau  [ob.  1165), 
an  elder  cotemporary  of  Hildegard,  also  claimed  to  be  a  prophetess, 
and  in  that  capacity  inveighed  against  the  luxuriousness  of  the  clergy. 
Her  predictions  were  translated  and  published  by  Ecbert,  her  brother. 
The  well-known  legend  about  St.  Ursula,  a  British  princess,  who,  along 
with  her  11,000  virgins,  had  been  martyred  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Cologne  while  on  a  pilgrimage,  rests  on  the  authority  of  her  visions. 

(3.)  The  prophetic  visions  of  Joachim  of  Floris,  an  abbot  in  Cala- 
bria [ob.  1202),  deserve  fuller  notice.  These  apocalyptic  predictions 
breathe  a  spirit  of  deep  sorrow  on  account  of  the  corruptions  in  the 
Church,  and  of  ardent  longing  for  better  times.  According  to  Joachim, 
scholasticism  had  paralyzed  the  energies  of  theology,  while  the  deifi- 
cation of  man  in  the  Papacy,  the  avarice  and  abuses  of  the  clergy,  and 
the  practices  of  indulgences,  had  converted  the  Church  into  a  harlot. 
Hence  fearful  judgments  were  impending.  These  were  to  be  executed 
by  the  German  Empire,  in  Avhich  Antichrist  should  become  manifest. 
The  only  source  of  spiritual  restoration  still  extant  was  to  be  found  in 
the  monastic  orders.  Work-righteousness  and  pilgrimages  were  devices 
of  the  enemy,  but  asceticism  and  contemplation  delivered  from  destruc- 
tion. The  history  of  revelation  was  comprised  Avithin  three  periods — • 
that  of  the  Father  in  the  Old  Covenant,  that  of  the  Son  in  the  New 
Testament,  and  the  approaching  period  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Peter  was 
the  representative  of  the  first,  Paul  of  the  second,  and  John  of  the 
third  of  these  periods.  During  the  third  era,  which  was  to  commenco 
about  1260,  but  to  last  only  a  short  time,  the  glory  of  Christianity 
would  be  fully  manifested.  —  Joachim  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  all 
30 


458    SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (CENT.    10—1.3   A.D.). 

ranks,  and  their  protection  proved  his  safeguard  against  the  enmity  of 
the  hiorarcliy. 

(4.)  The  views  broached  by  Joachim  were  eagerly  adopted,  espe- 
cially by  the  Franciscan  sectaries  or  Fratricelli  (|  98,  4),  and  the 
Beghards  who  had  joined  them  (|  98,  5).  In  their  hands  the  tenets  of 
Joachim  became  what  was  called  the  doctrine  of  the  "Everlasting 
Gospel,"  or  the  message  concerning  the  age  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  These 
views  were  expressed  in  the  "  Introductorius  in  Evangelium  asternum," 

—  a  treatise  composed  either  by  Joltn  of  Parma  (formerly  General  of 
the  Franciscans,  but  deposed  and  succeeded  by  Bonaventura),  or  by 
Gerhard,  a  monk  Avhose  tenets  were  impeached  about  the  same  time. 
At  the  request  of  the  University  of  Paris,  the  book  was  condemned  by 
Alexander  IV.  in  1254.  At  length  Nicholas  III.  decided  in  1279  the 
controversy  so  long  raging  among  the  Franciscans  as  to  the  lawfulness 
of  holding  property.  The  Pontiff  ruled  that  the  disciples  of  St.  Francis 
were  only  prohibited  the  possession,  but  not  the  usufruct  of  property. 
This  decision  gave  great  offence  to  the  extreme  party,  and  their  leader, 
Johannes  Pefriis  Oliva  [oh.  1297),  fulminated  apocalyptic  visions  and 
prophetic  denunciations  against  the  Romish  Antichrist.  Such  visions 
and  outbursts  of  fanaticism  rose  almost  to  the  pitch  of  madness  in  the 
case  of  Tancuelm,  a  Dutchman,  who  designated  himself  God  in  virtue 
of  his  having  received  the  Holy  Ghost,  celebrated  his  affiancing  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  was  killed  by  a  priest  in  1124.  A  similar  remark 
applies  to  another  fanatic,  a  native  of  Gascoigne,  Eon,  or  Eudo  dc 
Stella,  who,  applying  to  his  own  name  the  ecclesiastical  formula  "Per 
EUM,  qui  venturus  est  judicare  vivos  et  mortuos,"  claimed  to  be  the 
judge  of  the  quick  and  the  dead,  and  died  in  prison  in  1148. 

5.  The  Wuldenscs. —  (Comp. /can  Leger,  hist.  g6n6rale  des  6glises 
evang.  de  Piemont  ou  Vaudoises.  Leyde  IGGG.  Transl.  into  German  by 
de  Schweinitz.  Bresl.  1750.  2  Vols. — A.  Monastier,  Hist,  des  egl.  Vaud. 
Gen.  1847.  2T.  —  A.  Miiston,  I'Israel  des  Alpes.  Par.  1851.  4  T.  (re- 
peatedly transl.  into  Engl.).  —  F.  Bender,  Gesch.  d.  Wald.  Ulm.  1850. 

—  A.  W.  Dicckhoff,  d.  Wald.  im  M.  A.  Gott.  1851.  —  /.  /.  Herzorj,  d. 
roman.  AVald.  Ilalle  1853. — Maitland,  u.  s.  Note  1.) — Waldiis  (Valdez, 
or,  as  later  authorities  also  call  him,  Petrus  Waldus)  was  originally  a 
rich  citizen  of  Lyons.  For  his  personal  instruction  he  got  the  New 
Testament  and  a  selection  of  pregnant  passages  from  the  Fathers 
translated  into  the  Romaunt  by  some  clerical  friends.  By  such  studies 
his  mind  became  imbued  with  Gospel  truth,  when  the  sudden  death  of 
a  friend  aroused  and  decided  him  to  change  his  former  mode  of  life 
(about  1170).  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  he  distributed  all  his 
goods  among  the  poor,  and  founded  "an  apostolic  association"  for 
preaching  the  Gospel  to  the  country  people.  In  literal  obedience  to 
the  directions  of  Scripture,  these  missionaries  were  to  go  forth  by  two 
and  two,  without  staff  or  scrip,  their  feet  shod  with  wooden  sandals 
(sabates,  sabots),  they  were  to  devote  themselves  to  preaching  and 


OPPOSITION     TO    KCCLESIASTICISM.  459 

teacliinj;,  and  in  every  respect  to  imitate  apostolic  poverty  and  sim- 
pliciity.    They  were  called  PaujK'rca  dc  lAKjduno,  Lconistcv,  or  Sabafafl. 
It  certainly  formed  not  part  of  the  ori}z;inal  ])lan  of  Waldua  that  his 
adherents  should  take  up  a  position  of  hostility  to  the  Church  ;  l)ut 
when  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons  prohi))ited  their  preaching,  when  Pope 
Alexander  III.  sullenly  refused  his  sanction  to  their  associations,  and 
when,  soon  afterwards,  a  papal  Council  at  Ve7'07ia,  under  I/iicins  III. 
(1183),  excommunicated  them,  the  Catholic  Church,  by  driving  them 
from  its  bosom,  swept  away  those  l)arriers  which  had  hitherto  restrained 
them  in  their  search  after  truth.     Waldus  himself  was  obliged  to  flee 
from  France.     lie  laboured  for  some  time  in  Italy  and  in  other  coun- 
tries;  lastly  in  Bohemia,  where  he  died  in  1197.     Even  at  that  early 
period  his  adherents  had  already  spread  throughout  the  West.     They 
were  most  numerous  in  the  south  of  France,  in  the  east  of  Spain,  and 
in  the  north  of  Italy;  but  many  of  their  converts  were  also  found  in 
ticrmany,  in  Switzerland,  and  in  Bohemia.     The  so-called  "Winkeler" 
(or  convcnticlers),  Avho  Avere  discovered  and  persecuted  in  the  districts 
along  the  llhine  in  1212,  were  probably  also  Waldenses. — Innocent  III., 
with  his  wonted  sagacity,  perceived  the  injustice  and  impolicy  of  his 
predecessors,  whose  l)lin(l  zeal  had  deprived  the  Catholic  Church  of 
what  might  have    proved  valual)le    auxiliaries.     Accordingly,  he  at- 
tempted (1210)  to  transform  the  community  of  Pauperes  do  Lugduno 
into  a  monkish  association  of  Pauperes  Catholici,  to  whom,  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  bishops,  he  granted  permission  to  preach,  to 
expound  the  Scriptures,  and  to  hold  meetings  for  religious  purposes. 
But  the  concession  came  too  late ;  already  the  Waldenses  had  suffi- 
ciently advanced  to  know  the  unscriptural   character  of   the    papal 
Church,  and  they  now  refused  to  purchase  immunity  by  a  sinful  com- 
promise.    The  cruel  persecutions  to  which  they  were  exposed,  and  in 
which  thousands  were  brought  to  the  stake,  proved  even  less  efficacious 
than  the  advances  of  the  Pope  in  restoring  them  to  the  bosom  of  the 
Church.     They  gradually  retired  from  France,  Spain,  and  Italy  into 
the  remote  valleys  of  Piedmont  and  Savoy. 

According  to  modern  Waldensian  tradition,  which  a  number  of  Pro- 
testant writers  (most  zealously  U.  Ilahn,  nt  .siq)ra)  have  followed,  the 
name  and  origin  of  the  Waldenses  should  be  traced  much  beyond 
Waldus  of  Lyons.  By  their  account,  Waldensian  or  Vallensian  (con- 
gregations existed  in  the  vaUc>/.s-  of  Piedmont  from  the  time  of  Claudius 
of  Turin  (^ 'J2,  2),  if  not  from  ajiostolic  times,  and  among  them  tlio 
doctrines  of  the  Gospel  had  throughout  been  preserved  in  their  purity. 
From  them  Petrus  of  Lyons  had  derived  his  religious  knowledge  and 
the  surname  of  Waldus,  i.  c.,  the  Waldensian.  In  support  of  this 
tradition  they  refer  to  the  ancient  Waldensian  literature.  But  the 
impartial  and  full  investigations  of  Diechkoff  and  Ilcrzog  have  un- 
fortunately shown  that  these  statements  are  wholly  ungrounded.  Tho 
ancient  Waldensian  literature  may  be  divided  into  two  very  different 


4G0     SECTION    II. — SECOND    PERIOD    (CENT.   10—13  A.  D.). 

classes.  Tho  writings  of  the  first  perio'l,  dating  from  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  and  tho  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  century,  bear  evidence 
that  at  that  time  the  community  had  not  completely  separated  from 
the  Church.  Accordingly,  while  the  corruptions  of  the  Church  are 
indeed  deplored,  the  Catholic  Church  itself  is  not  denounced ;  fasting 
and  almsgiving  are  urgently  recommended  as  meritorious  works, 
auricular  confession  is  approved,  the  service  of  the  Virgin  and  of  saints 
is  still  acknowledged,  the  priesthood  of  the  Catholic  Church  recognized, 
monasticism  extolled  as  the  highest  stage  of  evangelical  perfection,  and 
lastly  the  seven  sacraments  and  the  mass  are  owned.  On  all  essential 
points  these  writings  tally  with  the  statements  of  the  Catholic  con- 
troversialists [Reinerius,  1.  c.  Note  1;  Alamis  ad  Insulis,  §134,  2; 
Stephanus  de  Borbonc,  and  others).  Above  all,  they  make  no  allusion 
to  the  existence  of  Waldenses  in  Piedmont  before  the  appearance  of 
Waldus.  It  is  otherwise  with  the  writings  which  belong  to  the  second 
period  of  their  history.  In  them  Rome  is  denounced  as  Babylon,  the 
Pope  as  Antichrist,  the  worship  of  saints  as  idolatry,  monasticism  is 
reprobated,  while  the  doctrine  of  indulgences  and  of  purgatory,  the 
mass  and  auricular  confession,  are  rejected.  If  the  writings  of  the 
former  period  show  what  the  Waldenses  were,  and  what  they  sought, 
before  their  separation  from  the  Church,  those  of  the  second  disclose 
what  they  became  after  their  expulsion,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
fearful  persecutions  to  which  they  had  been  subjected.  But  from  the 
very  first  there  was  this  fundamental  difference  between  them  and  the 
Romish  Church,  that  they  were  deeply  impressed  with  the  right  and 
duty  of  every  Christian  to  study  the  Scriptures  for  himself;  that  they 
ardently  desired  to  restore  the  pristine  purity  and  simplicity  of 
Christian  life  —  an  object  they  sought  to  accomplish  by  a  literal  ob- 
servance of  the  injunctions  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount;  and  lastly, 
that,  like  some  of  the  later  reformers,  they  believed  that  reverence  and 
obedience  were  due  only  to  pious  priests.  In  imitation  of  monastic 
arrangements,  their  adherents  were  divided  into  the  "perfect!"  and 
the  "credcntes,"  the  former  alone  being  bound  to  celibacy  and 
absolute  poverty.  After  their  expulsion  from  the  Church,  they  were 
of  course  obliged  to  make  ecclesiastical  provision  for  themselves.  The 
apostolic  succession  in  their  ordination  was  preserved  by  means  of 
some  bishops  who  had  joined  them.  The  presidents  of  particular  con- 
gregations were  called  Barhes  (uncles).  Even  their  opponents  were 
obliged  to  admit  the  purity  of  their  morals  and  their  separation  from 
the  world ;  they  were  struck  chiefly,  however,  with  the  knowledge 
which  they  possessed  of  the  Scriptures.  A  third  era  in  their  history, 
when  their  dogmatic  views  underwent  a  complete  change,  and  they 
received  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone,  commenced  about 
the  time  of  Huss,  and  was  completed  under  the  influence  of  the  Re- 
formers, specially  of  Zwingle  and  Calvin. 


REACTION    IN    THE    CHURCH.  461 

§  109.  REACTION  IN  THE  CHURCH. 
It  will  readily  be  understood  that  the  rapid  spread  of  heretics 
aud  sectaries  during  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  excited 
considerable  alarm  in  the  Church.  Indeed,  its  very  e.xistence 
seemed  now  endangered.  So  early  as  the  eleventh  century,  lead- 
ing ecclesiastics  saw  no  other  remedy  than  the  stake  (a  kind  of 
prelude  to  those  torments  which  hereafter  awaited  heretics). 
Only  one  voice,  that  of  Bishop  Wazo  of  Liege  {oh.  1048),  was 
lifted  against  this  iniquitous  mode  of  conversion.  Happily  the 
opponents  of  this  favourite  and  easy  method  of  terminating  con- 
troversy were  more  numerous  in  the  twelfth  century.  Petrus 
Venerabilis  (§  98,  1),  St.  Ilildegord,  and  St.  Bernard,  pro- 
tested against  attempts  at  conviction  by  fire  and  sword  ;  while 
the  latter,  by  his  own  example  and  success,  proved  that  affec- 
tionate admonition  and  kindly  teaching  were  likely  to  produce 
more  satisfactory  results  than  measures  which  only  converted 
simple-minded  men  into  enthusiastic  martyrs.  But  executioners 
and  stakes  were  more  readily  procured  than  men  like  St.  Bernard, 
of  whom  even  in  the  twelfth  century  there  was  not  a  super- 
abundance. At  a  later  period,  St.  Dominic  despatched  his  dis- 
ciples to  teach  and  convert  heretics  by  preaching  and  discussions. 
So  long  as  they  confined  themselves  to  these  means,  their  labours 
were  not  unsuccessful.  But  by  and  by  Ihey  also  found  it  more 
easy  and  efficacious  to  employ  the  thumb-screw  than  syllogisms. 
The  crusade  against  the  Albigcnses  and  the  tribunals  of  the  In- 
quisition finally  arrested  the  spread  of  heresy.  The  scattered 
members  of  these  sects  sought  safety  in  concealment.  Through- 
out, the  Cliurch  made  no  distinction  between  different  sectaries, 
and  one  and  the  same  sentence  was  pronounced  on  Cathari  and 
Waldenses,  on  Petrobrusians,  Arnoldists,  and  Fratricelli  (species 
quidem  habentes  diversas,  wrote  Innocent  III.,  sed  caudas  ad 
invicera  colligatas)  ;  and  indeed,  so  far  as  their  opposition  to  the 
Papacy  and  hierarchy  was  concerned,  they  were  all  at  one. 

1.  Crusade  against  the  Albigenses  (1209-1229).  —  (Comp.  Sismomh 
di  Sismondi,  lea  croisad.  contra  les  Albig.  Par.  1828.  —  J.  S.  Barrau 
et  A.B.  Darragon,  Hist,  des  crois.  c.  les  Alb.  Par.  1843).  —  The  great 
stronghold  of  the  numberless  sects  which  were  designated  as  Cathari, 
Bulgarians,  Mamcheans,  etc.,  was  in  the  south  of  France,  where  they 
had  secured  the  protection  of  Raymond  VI.,  Count  of  Toulouse,  and  of 
other  powerful  vassals.  Innocent  III.,  who  stigmatized  them  as  wor.se 
than  the  Saracens,  commissioned  the  order  of  Cistercians  to  effect  their 
39* 


462    SECTION   II.  —  SECOND   PERIOD    (CENT.  10—13  A.  D.). 

conversion,  but  their  labours  were  unsuccessful.  Upon  this  the  Pope 
despatched,  in  1203,  Peter  of  Castelnau  as  his  legate,  with  ample 
powers  for  their  suppression.  Peter  was  murdered  in  1208,  and  sus- 
picion fell  on  Raymund.  By  order  of  the  Pontiff,  Arnold,  Abbot  of 
Citeaux,  now  proclaimed  a  crusade  against  the  sectaries.  The  army 
thus  raised  was  commanded  by  Simon,  Count  of  Montfort.  The  little 
town  of  Alhi,  in  the  district  of  Albigeois,  was  regarded  as  the  great 
centre  of  the  party ;  whence  the  name  of  Albigenses,  by  which  all 
these  sects  were  designated,  though  in  many  respects  they  greatly 
differed.  The  murderous  war  which  now  ensued,  and  which  in 
fanaticism  and  cruelty  (on  both  sides)  was  unparalleled,  lasted  for  no 
less  than  twenty  years.  Alike  the  guilty  and  the  innocent,  men  and 
women,  children  and  aged  persons,  fell  its  victims ;  the  country  was 
changed  into  a  desert,  and  the  Albigenses  were  almost  exterminated. 

2.  The  Inquisition.  —  So  early  as  at  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council 
(1215),  measures  had  been  concerted  against  a  revival  of  the  Albigen- 
sian  heresy.  No  sooner  was  the  crusade  finished  than  a  synod  met  at 
Toulouse  (1229)  to  carry  out  these  precautions.  Bishops  were  enjoined 
to  employ  persons,  whose  sole  duty  it  should  be  to  hunt  out  heretics, 
and  to  hand  them  over  to  the  proper  tribunals.  Any  secular  or  clerical 
official  who  spared  a  heretic  was  to  lose  his  property  and  office,  every 
house  in  which  a  heretic  was  sheltered  should  be  levelled  with  the 
ground;  the  people  were  to  take  the  sacrament  three  times  a  year  ; 
every  two  years  they  were  again  to  make  declaration  of  their  adherence 
to  the  llomish  Church ;  those  suspected  of  heresy  were  to  be  refused 
every  assistance,  medical  or  otherwise,  even  in  case  of  mortal  illness, 
etc.  But  the  bishops  were  slow  in  enforcing  these  iniquitous  ordinan- 
ces. On  this  account  Gregory  IX.  instituted  special  Tribunals  of  In- 
quisition (Inquisitores  hsereticae  pravitatis),  which  were  confided  to 
the  Dominicans  (1232).  Let  loose  against  the  heretics  as  "Domini 
canes"  (a  designation  which  they  coveted  as  an  honour),  the  in- 
quisitors possessed  unlimited  power.  Any  party  suspected  or  de- 
nounced could  be  imprisoned  and  tried  without  being  confronted  either 
with  accuser  or  witnesses,  and  torture  was  freely  employed  to  extract 
confession.  Those  who  recanted  were  generally  condemned  to  im- 
prisonment for  life ;  those  who  proved  obstinate  were  (in  accordance 
with  the  principle,  ecclesia  non  sitit  sanguinem)  handed  to  the  secular 
tribunal  to  be  consumed  at  the  stake. 

The  first  Grand  Inquisitor  of  Germany  was  a  Dominican,  Conrad  of 
Marburg,  known  also  for  his  unyielding  harshness  as  confessor  to  St. 
Elizaheth,  princess  of  Thuringia  and  Hesse.  After  having  for  two 
years  carried  on  his  dreadful  occupation  Avith  implacable  severity  and 
cruelty,  he  was  killed  by  some  nobleman  (1233).  It  was  also  due  to 
Conrad  that  Gregory  IX.  ordered  a  crusade  to  be  preached  (1234)  against 
the  "  Stedingers,"  a  tribe  inhabiting  Oldenburg,  who,  in  their  indigna- 
tion at  the  oppression  of  the  nobility  and  clergy,  refused  socage  and 
tithes,  and  on  that  ground  were  declared  Albigensian  heretics. 


THIED    PEllIOD 

OF 

ECCLESIASTICAL      HISTORY 

IN  ITS  MEDIAEVAL  AND  GERMANIC  FORM  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

FOURTEENTH   AND   FIFTEENTH    CENTURIES. 


I.  THE  HIERARCHY,  THE  CLERGY,  AND  MONASTICISM. 

^  110.   THE   PAPACY. 

At  the  accession  of  Boniface  VIII.  the  see  of  St.  Peter  still 
possessed  that  power  and  influence  with  which  Gregory  and 
Innocent  had  invested  it.  The  first  breach  was  now  to  be  made 
in  the  proud  fortress.  During  the  seventy  years  of  (so-called) 
Babylonish  exile  at  Avignon  the  Papacy  became  the  tool  of 
French  intrigue,  and  fell  into  fearful  decay.  Nor  was  this  all. 
When  at  length  the  Curia  was  again  transported  to  Rome,  a 
papal  schism  ensued.  For  forty  years  Europe  had  the  spectacle 
of  two,  or  even  three,  pretended  representatives  of  God  on  earth, 
hurling  against  each  other  the  most  awful  anathemas.  At  the 
Councils  of  Pisa,  Constance,  and  Basle,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  put  an  end  to  these  abuses,  and  to  introduce  a  thorough 
reformation  in  head  and  members.  Yet  so  deep  was  the  con- 
viction still  entertained  of  the  necessity  for  some  central  govern- 
ment of  the  Church  generally,  such  as  the  Papacy  had  hitherto 
represented,  that  even  the  most  determined  reformers,  the  Fathers 
of  Constance  and  Bede,  were  the  most  strenuous  advocates  for  its 
continuance.  But  the  abuses  and  the  degeneracy  of  the  Papacy, 
the  vileness  and  dissoluteness  of  most  of  its  occupants  at  the 
time,  and  of  those  by  whom  they  were  surrounded,  the  continual 
demands  for  money  made  by  the  Curia  under  every  kind  of  pre- 
39  "     ( 4C.^ ) 


4GI      SECTION   II.  —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

text,  which  led  to  almost  incredible  simony,  obliged  the  divines 
of  that  age  to  fall  back  upon  the  old  principle,  that  the  infalli- 
bility of  the  Church  rested  not  in  any  one  individual,  but  in  the 
representation  of  the  Church  universal  in  General  Councils,  and 
that  these  assemblies  were  superior  to  the  popes.  The  general 
acknowledgment  and  establishment  of  this  principle  depended, 
however,  on  the  union  and  combination  of  individual  or  national 
churches  —  which  now  more  than  ever  felt  that  they  were  inde- 
pendent members  of  the  great  hierarchical  body  —  in  their  oppo- 
sition to  the  corrupt  Papacy.  Unfortunately  the  different  churches 
were  not  prepared  for  such  measures.  Content  to  make  separate 
treaties  with  the  Papacy,  in  which  even  the  most  selfish  demands 
of  a  particular  church  were  scarcely  met,  they  neglected  the 
general  good.  Most  successful,  but  also  the  most  selfish,  were 
the  policy  and  measures  of  the  Galilean  Church.  Thus  papal 
cunning  ultimately  succeeded  in  disappointing  and  frustrating 
the  hopes  and  labours  of  these  councils.  From  this  its  severest 
conflict  the  Papacy  issued  once  more  triumphant ;  but  only,  as 
in  the  tenth,  so  now  in  the  fifteenth  century,  again  to  descend  to 
the  lowest  depth  of  moral  degeneracy  and  vileness. — Luxurious- 
ness  and  dissoluteness,  pomp  and  worldliness,  nepotism,  and, 
since  the  return  to  Rome,  incessant  wars,  had  helplessly  dis- 
ordered the  papal  finances.  The  felt  necessity  of  opening  fresh 
sources  of  income  led  to  the  adoption  of  new  devices.  Among 
them  we  reckon  the  Annatce,  a  full  year's  income  being  claimed 
at  every  vacancy  by  the  pontiffs,  as  those  who  conferred  bene- 
fices ;  the  Beservationes,  the  popes  claiming  the  right  of  appoint- 
ing to  rich  benefices,  and  exacting  large  sums  for  the  nomination  ; 
the  Exspectantice,  the  popes  nominating  successors  to  rich  bene- 
fices before  the  death  of  the  incumbent,  as  that  event  did  not 
always  take  place  at  the  period  when  papal  requirements  rendered 
it  desirable;  the  Commendoe,  appointments  being  made,  not  defi- 
nitely, but  provisionally,  "in  commendam,"  on  condition  of  pay- 
ing an  annual  tax  ;  the  Jus  simliorum,  the  see  of  Peter  declaring 
itself  the  sole  rightful  heir  of  all  property  acquired  by  dignitaries 
of  the  Church  during  their  tenure  of  ofiice  ;  the  tithing  of  the 
property  of  churches  for  urgent  wants;  the  innumerable  indul- 
gences, dispensations,  appeals,  and  many  other  rights,  all  of  which 
swelled  the  treasury  of  the  Church.  — Boniface  VIII.  added  to 
the  papal  tiara  a  second  crown,  in  token  of  spiritual  and  secular 
rule  ;  Urban  V.  surmounted  it  with  a  third,  to  indicate  that  its 
wearer  was  the  representative  of  Christ. 


THE    PAPACY.  465 

1.  Boniface  VIII.  (1294-1303).— (Comp.  W.  Drumann,  Gesch.  Bonif. 
VIII.     Konigsb.  1852.     2  Vols.)  —  In  point  of  sagacity  and   energy. 
Boniface  was  no  way  inferior  to  any  of  liis  predecessors.     Otherwise, 
however,  he  was  more  concei-nod  about  the  gratification  of  his  immode- 
rate personal  ambition  than  the  welfare  of  the  Church.     He  commenced 
his  reign  by  expelling  the  influential  Roman  family  of  the  Colonnas, 
who  had  declared  the  abdication  of  Coelestine  V.  to  be  unlawful.     But 
a  more  dangerous  opponent  to  the  Pontiif  was  riiilip  the  Fair  of  France 
(1285-1314).     The  first  collision  between  them  arose  during  the  war 
of  Philip  with  Edward  I.  of  England.     In  virtue  of  his  hierarchical 
supremacy,  the  Pope   claimed  to  be  arbiter   between   the  monarchs 
(1295).     These  pretensions  were  disdainfully  rejected  by  the  King  of 
France,  who  also  levied  on  the  clergy  a  heavy  contribution  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  expenses  of  the  war.     Upon  this,  Boniface  issued,  in  1296, 
the  bull  "  Clericis  laicos,"  which  pronounced  excommunication  against 
all  laymen  who  exacted  contributions  from  the  clergy,  and  against 
those  of  the  clergy  who  paid  such  taxes.     Philip  avenged  himself  by 
prohibiting  the  exportation  of  money  from  the  country.    The  Pope  soon 
felt  the  inconvenience  of  being  deprived  of  his  French  revenues ;  he 
made   overtures  to  the  king,    consented  to  certain  concessions,   and 
canonized  Louis  IX.,   the    grandfather  of  Philip.     The  king  on  the 
other  hand  accepted  his  arbitration,  but  only  in  the  character  of  a 
2Jersonal  confidant,  not  as  Pope.     But  when  the  sentence  of  the  Pontiff 
proved  adverse  to  Philip,  the  breach  between  them  became  irremedi- 
able.    The  legate  of  the  Pope  —  a  French  bishop  —  was  seized  on  a 
charge  of  treason  ;  Boniface  denounced  Philip  as  a  heretic,  and  the 
latter  retorted  by  calling  the  Pope  a  fool.     (The  Pope  wrote:   Scire  te 
Tolumus,  quod  in  spiritualibus  et  temporalibus  nobis  subes.     Aliud 
credentes,  hoereticos  reputamus.     The  king  replied :   Sciat  maxima  tua 
fatuitas,  in  temporibus  nos  alicui  non  subesse.     Secus  credentes  fatuos 
et  dementes  reputamus.)     The  view  that,  in  its  own   province,   the 
secular  power  was  perfectly  independent  of  the  spiritual,  Avas  branded 
as  Manicheanism  in  the  bull  "Unam  Sanctam"  (1302).     This  measure 
was  soon  foUoAved  by  excommunication  and  the  interdict,  by  suspen- 
sion of  the  clergy  and  absolution  of  the  people  from  their  oath  of  alle- 
giance.    The  French   Parliament   now  profi"ered   some   most   serious 
1  charges  against  the  orthodoxy  and  the  life  of  the  Pope,  and  appealed 
to  a  general  council  (1303).      William  of  Nogaret,  the  French  chancel- 
lor, and  one  of  the  expelled  Colonnas,  by  force  of  arms  seized  the 
Pope,  who  received  his  executioners  in  the  most  dignified  manner, 
sitting  on  his  throne,  and  arrayed  in  all  the  gorgeousness  of  his  robes. 
The  people  soon  restored  Boniface  to  liberty.     He  died  the  same  year 
of  an  inflammatory  disease.    Dante  has  assigned  him  a  place  in  hell. 

2.  The  Papacy  in  its  Babylonish  Exile  (1309-1377).— After  the  brief 
interregnum  of  an  Italian  pope,  Bertrand  clc  Got,  Archbishop  of  Bor- 
deaux and  a  fiivouritc  of  Bonifiice,  was  unanimously  elected  as  Cle- 

2e 


466      SECTION    II. —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

MENT  V.  (1305-1314).  But  this  prelate  had  previously  made  a  secret 
compact  with  Philip,  and  bound  himself  to  support  French  policy. 
Clement  preferred  remaining  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  and  in  1309 
formally  transferred  the  papal  Curia  to  Avignon,  where  it  continued 
for  nearly  seventy  years.  Throughout  this  period  the  Papacy  was 
almost  entirely  the  tool  of  the  French  rulers,  while  at  the  same  time  it 
assumed  the  most  arrogant  tone  towards  other  countries.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  secular  power  in  France  supported  these  hierarchical 
pretensions,  it  also  took  precautions  to  secure  the  liberties  of  the  Galil- 
ean Church.  At  Avignon  the  papal  court  became  increasingly  the 
centre  of  moral  and  religious  frivolity  and  looseness.  At  the  Fifteenth 
General  Council  held  in  Vienne  (1312),  Clement  sacrificed  to  the  rapa- 
city of  Philip  the  rich  order  of  the  Templars;  in  return,  he  had  the 
satisfaction  that  the  memory  of  Boniface  A^III.,  whom  Philip  would 
have  had  condemned,  was  vindicated.  Clement  died  in  1314.  For  two 
years  the  French  and  Italian  parties  among  the  cardinals  contended 
for  the  succession ;  at  last  the  former  prevailed,  and  JoJin  XXII.  was 
chosen  Pontiff.  He  had  promised  the  Italians  upon  oath,  never  to 
mount  horse,  except  for  the  purpose  of  going  to  Rome  —  and  took  ship 
to  Avignon.  At  the  time,  Louis  of  Bavaria  (1314-1347)  and  Frederic 
of  Austria  contended  for  the  crown  of  Germany.  The  Pope  declared 
that  the  right  of  settling  the  question  rested  with  him  alone.  But  vic- 
tory decided  for  Louis,  who,  in  vindication  of  his  title,  appealed  to  the 
vote  of  the  prince-electors,  and  referred  the  objections  of  the  Pojie  to 
a  future  general  council.  The  pontiff  replied  by  pronouncing  excom- 
munication and  the  interdict  (1324).  But  Louis  went  to  Italy  (1327), 
received  in  Rome  the  imperial  crown,  and  appointed  a  pious  Francis- 
can of  the  extreme  party  in  that  order  [Nicholas  V,)  counter-pope. 
This  rival,  however,  was  not  properly  supported  ;  and  fresh  anathemas 
issuing  from  Avignon,  imperilled  the  position  of  the  Emperor.  John 
died  in  1334.  His  successor,  Benedict  XII.  [oh.  1342),  was  sincerely 
desirous  of  setting  himself  free  from  French  domination  and  making 
his  peace  with  the  Emperor,  but  he  was  unable  to  carry  out  his  inten- 
tions. It  was  at  this  time  that  the  princes  electors  solemnly  declared, 
at  their  first  meeting  in  Ehense  (1338),  that  the  oflBce  of  Roman  king 
depended,  not  on  the  Pope,  but  only  on  the  choice  of  the  electors. 
Clement  VI.  [oh.  1352)  again  pronounced  the  ban  upon  Louis,  and  ap- 
pointed as  his  successor  Charles  IV.  of  Bohemia  (134G),  who,  after  the 
death  of  Louis,  was  acknowledged  by  the  electors.  He  had  formally 
obligated  himself  to  renounce  all  imperial  prerogatives  in  the  temporal 
management  of  the  State  of  the  Church,  and  at  his  coronation  in  Rome, 
performed  by  two  cardinals  (1355)  by  order  of  the  absent  pope,  repeated 
this  pledge,  notwithstanding  that  the  Romans  urged  him  to  maintain 
his  imperial  rights.  In  1347,  Cola  di  Rienzi,  the  new  tribune  of  the 
people,  restored  the  ancient  Republic  of  Rome,  in  the  full  anticipation 
that  it  would  again  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  world.     These  and 


THE    PAPACY.  467 

other  disturbances  iu  Italy  rendered  it  increasingly  necessary  for  the 
popes  to  return  to  their  ancient  capital.  Accordingly,  Urban  V.  left 
Avignon  in  1367  ;  only  a  few  of  the  cardinals,  unwillingly,  accompanied 
him  ;  and  so  early  as  1370  the  Pope  was  obliged  to  go  back  to  Avignon. 
But  under  the  rule  of  his  successor,  Gregory  XI.,  in  1377,  the  papal 
court  was  again  transported  to  Rome,  where  Gregory  died  the  year 
following. 

3.  The  Papal  Schism  and  the  Reforming  Councils  (1378-1443) 
Comp.  J.  H.  V.  Wessenherg,  die  grossen  Kirchenversamml.  d.  15.  16. 
Jahrh.  (the  Great  Councils  of  the  15th  and  16th  Cent.)  Const.  1840.  4 
Vols.  —  After  the  death  of  Gregory,  the  Romans  obliged  the  cardinals 
to  choose  an  Italian  pope  {Urban  VI.).  After  the  election,  the  French 
party  iu  the  conclave  fled,  declared  the  election  illegal,  and  appointed 
a  Frenchman  [Clement  VII.),  who  took  up  his  residence  at  Avignon. 
Thus  commenced  the  papal  schism  (1378-1499),  in  consequence  of 
which  two  popes,  each  surrounded  by  a  college  of  cardinals,  anathe- 
matized each  other,  and  jointly  contributed  to  the  destruction  of  that 
fabric  which  Gregory  VII.  had  reared.  For  thirty  years  Europe  sub- 
mitted to  this  state  of  matters, — not,  however,  without  strenuous  pro- 
testation against  the  scandal,  especially  on  the  part  of  the  University 
of  Paris  (the  chancellor  Pierre  d'Aillg,  and  the  rector  Nicholas  de  Cle- 
mangis).  After  much  fruitless  negotiation  even  the  cardinals  on  both 
sides  became  tired  of  this  state  of  matters,  and  summoned  a  General 
Council  at  Pisa  (1409)  to  pronounce  on  the  claims  of  the  two  popes 
[Gregory  XII.  in  Rome,  and  Benedict  XIII.  in  Avignon).  This 
seasonable  measure  was  chiefly  due  to  the  exertions  of  John  Charlier 
de  Gerson  (§  198),  at  the  time  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris. 
That  divine,  while  admitting  the  necessity  of  a  visible  chief  of  the 
Church  at  Rome,  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  a  reformation  in  head 
and  members,  and  laid  down  the  principle  that  a  general  council  was 
superior  to  the  Pope.  The  assembly  at  Pisa  numbered  among  its 
members  the  most  influential  churchmen  of  the  time.  The  two  popes 
were  summoned  to  its  bar ;  they  failed  to  appear,  and  were  deposed. 
But  instead  of  now  addressing  itself  to  the  work  of  reformation,  the 
Council  hastened  to  elect  another  pontiff.  Alexander  V.,  the  new 
Pope,  immediately  adjourned  the  Council  for  three  yeai's,  on  pretext 
that  the  necessary  preparations  for  the  proposed  reformation  had  not 
yet  been  made.  Accordingly,  the  only  result  achieved  was  —  that 
there  were  three  instead  of  two  popes  anathematizing  each  other. 

Alexander  V.  died  in  1410  at  Bologna,  probably  in  consequence  of 
poison  administered  to  him  by  Cossa,  the  cardinal  legate,  a  most  de- 
praved person,  who  in  youth  had  been  a  pirate,  and  now  exercised  at 
Bologna  the  most  despotic  sway.  Cossa  ascended  the  papal  throne  as 
John  XXIII.  The  new  Pontiff  was  bold  enough,  in  1412,  to  summon 
the  long-promised  General  Council  to  Rome.  At  the  same  time,  he 
took  care  that  all  the  passes  leading  into  italy  should  be  occupied  by 
39* 


468       SECTION    II. — Till  11  D    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

his  friends  the  banditti.  Hence  only  a  few  Italian  bishops  appeared, 
and  the  Council  came  to  nothing.  But  D'Ailly  and  Gerson  continued 
their  exertions.  They  were  supported  by  the  Emperor  Sigismund 
(1410-1437),  who  insisted  on  a  free  and  general  council  to  initiate  a 
thorough  reformation.  As  John  required  the  aid  of  the  Emperor 
against  Naples,  he  had  reluctantly  to  yield,  and  accordingly  the 
Council  of  Constance  (1414-1418)  was  summoned.  This  assembly 
was  more  numerously  and  influentially  attended  than  any  previous  or 
subsequent  council  (by  18,000  clerics,  and  innumerable  princes,  counts, 
and  knights).  It  attracted,  moreover,  about  50,000  strangers  to  the 
city,  and  among  them  many  of  the  most  disreputable  character.  From 
the  first,  the  calculations  and  intrigues  of  John  proved  futile.  D'Ailly 
and  Gerson  carried  it,  and  the  Council  immediately  declared  itself 
supreme  in  every  respect,  and  competent  to  depose  all  the  three  popes 
if  it  saw  cause ;  also,  that  the  reformation  in  head  and  members  was 
taken  in  hand  as  the  main  business  before  them  ;  and  that  the  vote  was 
taken,  not  according  to  persons,  but  according  to  nations,  which 
previously  met  and  deliberated  in  separate  assemblies.  When  an 
accusation  was  now  laid  before  the  Council,  charging  the  Pope  with 
murder,  immorality,  and  simony,  John  hastily  fled  in  the  disguise  of 
a  groom.  It  was  with  some  difficulty  that  Gerson  managed  to  keep 
the  Council  together.  The  Pontiff  was  deposed,  and  soon  afterwards 
made  prisoner.  Of  the  other  two  popes,  one  abdicated,  the  other  was 
deposed  (1417)  The  Emperor  and  the  Germans  now  insisted  that  the 
proposed  reformation  should  precede  a  new  election  to  the  Papacy ;  but 
they  were  unsuccessful.  Cardinal  Colonna  was  chosen  as  Martin  V., 
and  all  hopes  of  a  reformation  were  again  at  an  end.  The  intrigues 
of  the  new  Pontiff  proved  only  too  efficacious ;  separate  agreements 
were  made  with  individual  nations  ;  and  the  Council,  which  had  at  any 
rate  grown  tired  of  its  protracted  labours,  was  dissolved  after  the 
forty-fifth  general  session.  The  Pope  granted  to  all  the  members 
plenary  indulgence  to  the  hour  of  their  death,  and  left  the  town  in 
triumph. 

It  had  been  resolved  at  Constance  that  the  next  General  Council 
should  meet  at  Pavia  in  1423.  But  before  its  members  assembled,  the 
Pope  transferred  the  assembly  to  Sienna,  and  then  dissolved  it  after  a 
few  sessions,  on  pretext  that  it  did  not  command  sufficient  sj-mpathy. 
The  next  council  was  to  have  been  convened  seven  years  later  at  Basle. 
Pope  Martin  Y.  died  shortly  after  that  term.  His  successor,  Eugenius 
IV.,  sent  Cardinal  Jiih'anus  Cesarini  as  legate  to  the  Council  of  Basle 
(1431-1443).  The  Council  from  the  first  took  an  independent  position, 
and  re-asserted  the  principle  of  the  absolute  authority  of  general 
synods.  The  Pope  now  proposed  to  transfer  the  Council  to  Bologna — 
a  measure  against  which  even  Cesarini  protested.  After  some  fruit- 
less negotiations,  the  Pontiff  formally  dissolved  the  Council  (1433). 
But  the  assembled  fathers  continued  their  deliberations,  and  the  Pope 


THE    PAPACY.  469 

was  obliged  from  political  reasons,  again  to  recognize  their  validity 
(1434).  But  as  measures  were  now  introduced  for  a  reformation  in 
head  and  members,  Eugenius  once  more  transferred  the  Council,  after 
its  twenty-fifth  session,  to  Ferrara  (1438),  and  thence  to  Florence. 
The  solemn  reconciliation  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Romish  Church  which 
there  took  place  (§  67,  6),  gave  it  the  appearance  of  work  and  success. 
Meantime  the  Council  of  Basle  continued  its  sittings,  although 
Cosarini  had  left  it.  Its  new  president.  Cardinal  cV Allemand,  filled 
the  places  of  the  bishops  who  absented  themselves  with  the  relics  of 
the  churches  at  Basle.  The  Pope  excommunicated  the  Council,  which 
in  turn  deposed  him  (1439),  and  chose  another  Pontiff  {Felix  V.). 
Europe,  however,  was  tired  of  these  disputes.  The  authority  of  Felix 
was  scarcely  acknowledged  by  any,  and  the  Council  itself  dail}^  lost  in 
numbers  and  influence.  One  by  one  the  ablest  members  left  its  ranks  ; 
many  even  joined  the  party  of  Eugenius,  among  them,  the  astute 
u^neas  Si/lvius  Piccolomini,  a  native  of  Sienna,  and  the  learned  and 
worthy  Nicholas  of  Cnsa  (§  118,  2,  3).  After  its  45th  session  in  1443, 
the  Council  continued  merely  in  name  ;  its  last  representatives  ulti- 
mately recognized,  in  1449,  the  authority  of  Nicholas  V.,  the  successor 
of  Eugenius. 

4.  The  Last  Popes  before  the  Reformation  (1443-1517).  —  From  its 
contest  with  the  reforming  councils  the  Papacy  had  issued  triumphant. 
It  almost  seemed,  like  a  phoenix,  to  have  sprung  from  its  ashes.  But 
the  abuses  prevalent  in  the  Church — ^most  notably  those  caused  by  the 
Papacy  itself — were  as  deepl;f  5lid  generally  felt  as  ever.  The  desire 
among  all  the  more  noble-minded,  both  princes  and  subjects,  for  a  re- 
formation in  head  and  members,  was  not  abated ;  and  so  long  as  it  con- 
tinued, the  Papacy,  as  then  constituted,  was  imperilled.  The  man 
who  was  now  at  the  helm  of  the  Church  was  nowise  fitted  for  the 
emergency.  Even  under  the  successors  of  Eugenius,  jEaeas  Sijlvivs, 
who  had  left  the  ranks  of  the  Basle  reformers  to  make  his  peace  with 
the  Holy  See,  really  wielded  the  authority  of  the  Papacy.  Shortly 
afterwards  he  was  elevated  to  the  Chair  of  Peter  as  Pius  II.  (1458- 
1404).  .(Eneas  would  fain  have  been  a  second  Hildebrand,  but  times 
had  changed ;  besides,  the  Pontiff  was  in  every  respect  inferior  to  his 
great  model.  Ilildebrand's  accession  took  place  after  a  period  during 
which  the  Papacy  had  reached  its  lowest  depth.  In  the  case  of  ^Eneas 
it  was  exactly  the  reverse  ;  a  similar  degradation  followed  his  pontifi- 
cate. In  point  of  learning,  astuteness,  and  energy,  he  was  however 
equal  to  any  of  his  predecessors,  while  in  diplomatic  skill  he  surpassed 
them.  The  French  Church  alone  succeeded  in  concluding  a  second 
pragmatic  sanction  (1438),  by  which  the  principles  asserted  at  Basle 
were  secured,  and  maintained  even  against  Pius  II.  The  attempts  of 
the  German  Church  to  obtain  similar  privileges  proved  fruitless.  All 
the  efforts  of  the  Germans  and  their  princes  were  frustrated  by  the 
40 


470       SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

callousness  of  the  Emperor  Frederic  III.  (1439-1493),  and  by  the 
manoeuvres  of  ^Eneas.  At  a  General  Council  held  in  Mantua  in  1459, 
the  principles  laid  doAvn  at  the  Council  of  Constance  were  condemned 
as  heretical ;  and  shortly  before  his  death  the  Pope  himself  expressly 
retracted,  in  a  bull  addressed  to  the  University  of  Cologne,  his  ovrn 
former  liberal  principles  alnd  writings.  —  The  conquest  of  Constanti- 
nople by  the  Turks  (1453)  seemed  a  loud  call  to  take  measures  of  pre- 
caution against  the  great  enemy  of  Christianity.  Like  his  two  prede- 
cessors, Pious  II.  entered  with  spirit  into  this  question.  Even  before 
this  time  Calixtus  III.  had  despatched  a  fleet  of  his  own  against  the 
Turks,  after  having  in  vain  appealed  to  the  secular  princes  on  the 
subject.  But  the  victories  it  achieved  led  to  no  lasting  result.  Calix- 
tus had  next  demanded  tithes  from  all  churches  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  on  the  holy  war ;  but  the  call  was  treated  as  merely  a  pre- 
text for  raising  money.  Pius  II.  again  reverted  to  this  plan  ;  but  his 
enthusiastic  appeal  at  the  Council  of  Mantua  failed  to  evoke  the  spirit 
whicli  fired  the  Council  of  Claremont.  Like  Hildebrand  of  old,  he 
would  fain  have  headed  a  crusade  in  person ;  but  the  most  important 
clement  —  an  army — was  awantiug.  He  also  addressed  a  letter  to 
Mohammed  II.,  the  conqueror  of  Constantinople,  in  which  he  earnestly 
urged  the  claims  of  Christianity  on  his  reception  —  it  need  scarcely  be 
added,  without  eifect.  (Comp.  G.  Voiyt.  Enea  Silvio  Pice,  als  P. 
Pius  II.  Bd.  I.  Berl.  185G). 

Almost  all  the  successors  of  Pius  II,  till  the  Reformation,  were  dis- 
tinguished for  their  dissoluteness,  vileriess.  or  at  least  for  want  of  piety. 
Probably  the  best  among  them  was  Paul  II.  [oh.  1471),  thougtThe  also 
was  fond  of  pomp  and  extravagance.  Sixtus  IV.  [ob.  1484)  increased 
the  revenues  of  his  see  by  instituting^Jjrpthels  in  Rome.  Under  his 
pontificate  the  nepotism  of  his  ^predecessors  reached  the  highest  stage  ; 
nor  did  the  Pope  scruple  to  take  part  in  the  frightful  conspiracy 
against  the  Medici  at  Florence.  Innocent  VIII.  [ob.  1492),  while 
summoning  Christendom  to  a  war  against  the  Turks,  was  at  the  same 
time  in  receipt  of  regular  pay  from  the  Sultan  for  keeping  his  brother 
a  captive.  To  his  zeal  it  was  due  that  criminal  procedure  against 
Avitches  was  introduced  into  Germany.  His  paternal  care  for  his  six- 
teen illegitimate  children  procured  for  him,  in  common  parlance,  the 
title  of  "father  of  his  country"  (Octo  Nocens  genuit  pueros,  totidem- 
que  puellas,  —  Hunc  merito  potuit  dicere  Roma  patrem).  Alexander 
VI.  [ob.  1503)  was  not  without  political  abilities,  and  proved  an  ener- 
getic although  despotic  ruler.  He  never  scrupled  at  any  measure  to 
attain  his  own  objects,  and  even  entered  into  a  league  with  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  Christendom  against  the  most  Christian  King  (of 
France).  In  short,  nepotism  and  immorality  were  at  no  time  carried 
to  a  higher  pitch  than  in  the  person  and  under  the  reign  of  Alexander. 
Among  other  enormities,  he  was  greatly  suspected  of  incest  with  his 
daughter  Lucrezia.     Under  his  pontificate,  Savonarola,  the  Florentine 


THE    CLERGY.  471 

preacher,  had  to  expiate  his  zeal  and  devotion  at  the  stake  (?  119,  2). 
The  Pontiff  died  in  consequence  of  poison,  which  his  son  Co'sar  Borgia, 
a  monster  of  every  vice,  had  destined  for  a  wealthy  cardinal.  Julius 
II.  {ob.  1513)  was  a  great  warrior.  His  main  object  was  to  liberate 
Italy  from  foreign  domination,  in  order  to  aggrandize  the  States  of  the 
Church.  He  expelled  the  French  from  the  Peninsula,  on  account  of 
which  a  French  National  Council  assembled  at  Tours,  in  1510,  re- 
nounced his  allegiance.  Germany  also  showed  signs  of  rebellion  ; 
and  the  Emperor  Maximilian  (1493-1519)  commissioned  the  learned 
and  liberal  Wimpheling  to  draw  up  a  list  of  many  and  serious  griev- 
ances against  the  Papacy,  and  to  make  a  draft  of  a  pragmatic  sanction 
for  Germany.  At  last  the  French  and  German  monarchs  summoned  a 
general  Council  at  Pisa  in  1511,  when  the  resolutions  of  Basle  were 
re-enacted,  and  the  Pope  was  deposed.  As  Julius  was  at  the  time 
dangerously  ill,  Maximilian,  who  had  just  lost  his  wife,  conceived  the 
idea  of  assuming  the  Papacy  himself.  But  Julius  recovered,  and  with 
his  Swiss  mercenaries  dispersed  the  Council  of  Pisa,  which  fled  to 
Lyons.  At  the  Fifth  General  Lateran  Council  in  1512,  Louis  XII.  of 
France  was  excommunicated,  and  a  concordat  concluded  with  Maxi- 
milian, by  which  the  most  crying  grievances  of  the  Germans  were  re- 
moved. Upon  this  Louis  had  a  medal  struck,  bearing  the  inscription, 
"Perdam  Babylonis  nomen,"  and  marched  against  the  Pope.  But  his 
army  was  beaten  by  the  papal  troops  in  the  Milanese  territory,  and 
obliged  to  retire  from  Italy.  Julius  was  succeeded  by  Leo  X.  [ob. 
1521),  one  of  the  Medici  —  a  man  of  the  highest  culture  and  the  finest 
taste,  but  luxurious  and  lavish,  light-minded  and  careless,  and  destitute 
of  all  genuine  interest  either  in  religion  or  in  the  Church.  In  1517 
the  Pontiff  celebrated,  at  a  splendid  Lateran  Council,  the  triumph  of 
the  Papacy,  when  Francis  I.  of  France,  in  return  for  other  concessions, 
surrendered  the  pragmatic  sanction.  The  Councils  of  Constance  and 
Basle  were  also  again  condemned.  In  the  same  year,  and  only  a  few 
months  later,  the  word  of  a  poor  German  monk  effected  what  the  com- 
bined power  of  all  the  nations  of  the  West  had  failed  to  achieve  in 
these  councils. 

§  111.  THE  CLERGY. 

During  this  period  Provincial  Synods  lost  almost  all  their 
former  importance.  They  were  rarely  held,  and  only  under  the 
presidency  of  a  papal  legate.  At  Constance  and  Basle  the 
bishojjs  attempted  to  break  the  yoke  of  papal  despotism  and 
pecuniary  exactions  ;  but  the  selfishness  which  marked  the  policy 
of  the  nations  represented  at  these  councils,  prevented  the  suc- 
cess of  such  beneficial  measures.  Despite  the  proposals  made  at 
Basle,  the  cathedral  chapters  continued  to  furnish  a  provisioa 
for  the  younger  and  unportioned  sons  of  the  nobility,  who  ia 


472      SECTION    II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

wovldliness  and  excesses  yielded  nothing  to  their  brothers.  The 
clerpry  no  longer  gave  itself  to  the  pursuit  of  study.  In  France 
the  political  influence  of  the  hierarchy  was  small ;  and  the 
liberties  of  the  Gallican  Church  were  protected,  not  by  the  pre- 
lates, but  by  the  University  and  the  Parliament.  In  England 
the  bishops  formed  an  important  part  of  the  estates  with  strictly 
defined  rights.  In  Germany  also  they  occupied  an  influential 
position,  as  holding  temporal  sovereignty,  while  the  spiritual 
princes  electors  frequently  swayed  the  destinies  of  the  empire. 
The  moral  condition  of  the  clergy  was  sufficiently  sad.  The 
bishops  commonly  lived  in  open  concubinage.  The  lower  secular 
clergy  followed  their  example,  and  in  many  cases  paid  for  this 
indulgence  a  yearly  tax  to  the  bishop.  To  this  arrangement  the 
people  —  who  distinguished  between  the  office  and  its  holder  — 
made  no  objection  ;  in  fact,  it  secured  their  wives  and  daughters 
from  the  temptations  of  the  confessional.  Thousands  of  loose 
women  from  all  countries  had  assembled  at  Constance  and  Basle 
during  the  sittings  of  the  councils.  Unnatural  vices  also  were 
too  common  among  the  clergy,  at  least  in  Italj^  Any  move- 
ment at  Constance  and  Basle  towards  putting  an  end  to  these 
vices  of  the  clergy,  by  giving  them  leave  to  marry,  was  checked 
by  the  fear  that  benefices  might  become  hereditary,  and  that  the 
clergy  would  be  made  still  more  dependent  on  the  State.  Ac- 
cordingly the  advice  of  Gerson  was  taken  in  the  matter,  who 
held,  that  as  the  vow  of  celibacy  only  referred  to  the  marriage 
of  priests,  concubinage  was  not  a  breach  of  that  obligation,  but 
merely  of  the  general  commandment  of  chastity. 

?  112.  THE  MONASTIC  ORDERS. 

The  llonasfic  Orders  shared  the  general  corruption  of  the 
clergy.  Too  frequently  the  cloisters  became  the  seats  of  dis- 
soluteness, debauchery,  idleness,  crimes,  and  unnatural  vices. 
Monks  and  nuns  of  adjoining  cloisters  lived  in  open  immorality, 
on  which  account  Nicholas  of  Clemangis  was  wont  to  say  that 
"  virginem  velare  "  was  in  reality  little  else  than  "  virginem  ad 
scortandura  exponere."  The  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle 
had  their  attention  directed  to  these  dreadful  abuses,  which 
bishops  and  secular  princes  also  endeavoured  to  remedy.  But 
all  such  attempts  proved  unavailing.  The  papal  Curia,  so  far 
from  seconding    any  measures  of  reform,  rather  interposed  to 


THE    MONASTIC    ORDERS.  473 

arrest  them.  Among  the  various  orders,  the  Benedictines,  with 
their  different  branches,  v/ere  probably  most  deeply  tainted, 
while  the  mendicant  orders  stood  highest  in  the  moral  scale. 
Following  the  example  of  the  cathedral  chapters,  the  rich 
monasteries  distributed  their  revenues  among  their  inmates 
(Proprietarii).  The  gratification  of  the  palate,  and  not  the 
pursuit  of  science,  was  the  object  of  study  in  these  cloisters. 
The  celebrated  Dominican  monastery  of  St.  James,  at  Regens- 
burg  (§  98,  1),  had  a  regular  tavern  within  its  walls,  and  a  pro- 
verb said  :  Uxor  amissa  in  monasterio  Scotorum  qureri  debet. 
The  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  were  still  the  great  representa- 
tives of  monasticism  ;  they  proved  the  pillars  of  the  Papacy,  and 
in  some  measure  contributed,  at  least  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
to  theological  science.  la  the  fifteenth  century,  however,  they 
became  involved  in  the  general  corruption.  The  Carthusians 
alone  continued  their  ancient  practice  of  asceticism. 

1.  The  Benedidine  monasteries  having  become  socially  and  morally 
corrupt,  Clement  V.,  at  the  Council  of  Vienno  (1311),  issued  a  series 
of  decrees,  aiming  at  the  revival  of  monastic  discipline  and  literature. 
They  were,  however,  scarcely  regarded.  Hence  Benedict  XII.  was 
constrained,  with  the  co-operation  of  influential  Franciscan  abbots,  to 
prepare  a  new  constitution  for  the  Benedictines  (1336),  called  after 
him,  Benedidina.  According  to  this,  all  the  monasteries  of  black 
monks  were  to  be  divided  into  thirty-six  provinces,  each  of  which  was 
to  hold  a  triennial  chapter  for  mutual  consultation  and  decisions. 
Moreover,  in  every  abbey  daily  penitential  chapters  should  be  held, 
for  the  maintenance  of  discipline,  and  an  annual  chapter  for  the 
rendering  of  accounts.  For  the  resuscitation  of  literary  tastes  and 
efforts,  it  was  enjoined  upon  each  monastery  to  keep  a  number  of  Its 
members  at  a  university  for  the  study  of  theology  and  canon  law.  But 
the  disciplinary  rules  of  the  Benedictlna  proved  futile  against  habits 
of  good  living,  and  those  contemplating  reorganization  -were  Impotent 
before  the  insuperable  feelings  of  Independence,  which  the  monks  and 
abbots  cherished.  The  measures  proposed  for  the  revival  of  learning 
■were  more  effectual ;  they  did  not,  necessarily,  militate  against  deeply- 
rooted  luxurious  habits. — A  general  chapter  of  Benedictines,  accord- 
ingly, met  under  the  supervision  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  in  order 
to  effect  a  reformation  of  the  order.  But  this  too  proved  unavailing. 
At  the  instance  of  the  Council  of  Basle,  congregations  of  reformed 
monasteries  were  organized,  which  for  a  time  preserved  stricter  dis- 
cipline, but  soon  again  relapsed  into  their  old  ways. — The  Olivetans, 
founded  by  Bernard  Ptolemais,  formed  a  new  and  independent  branch 
of  the  Benedictines.  Bernard  taught  philosophy  in  Siena,  his  native 
40* 


474      SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

town,  but  was  compelled  by  blindness  to  desist.  Healed  by  the  inter- 
cession of  the  Virgin  Mary,  he  renounced  the  world,  and  retired,  with 
several  companions,  into  an  almost  inaccessible,  rocky  wild,  ten  miles 
from  Siena  (1313).  As  disciples  gathered  to  him  from  all  sides,  he 
built  a  monastery  on  a  hill,  called  it  Mt.  Olivet,  and  founded,  upon  the 
rule  of  the  Benedictines,  the  congregation  ofihe  Blessed  Virgin,  which 
John  XXII.  confirmed.  Not  until  the  fourth  election  for  a  general, 
wliich  was  at  first  held  annually,  then  triennially,  did  he  consent  to 
assume  this  dignity  for  himself  (1332)  ;  he  then  filled  the  office  until 
his  death,  caused  by  his  attentions  to  those  prostrated  by  the  plague 
(1348).  The  Abbots  were  also  chosen  triennially.  The  Olivetans 
were  long  distinguished  by  their  zealous  worship  of  the  Virgin  and 
by  strict  abstinence.  They  also  prosecuted  diligently  theological  and 
philosophical  studies  in  some  of  their  monasteries,  which  exceeded  a 
hundred  in  number.  An  order  of  nuns,  founded  by  Francisca  Romana 
(1433),  also  joined  the  Olivetans. 

2.  The  Dominicans,  who  were  entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  In- 
quisition, and  were  largely  employed  as  confessors  among  the  higher 
classes,  gradually  ceased  to  be  a  mendicant  order.     Accordingly,  they 
now  explained  their  vow  of  poverty  as  applying  only  to  personal,  not 
to  common  possessions,  and  maintained  that  the  latter  had  been  held 
even  by  Christ  and  His  apostles.     This  proposition  was  controverted 
by  the  Franciscans,  who,  in  virtue  of  the  nominal  surrender  of  all 
their  property  to  the  Church  of  Rome,  professed  still  to  adhere  to  their 
original  a'ow.     When  in  1321  the  Inquisition  at  Narbonne  condemned 
a  Beghard  to  the  stake  for  asserttng  that  Christ  and  the  apostles  had 
held  neither  personal  nor  common  property,  the   Franciscans  main- 
tained the  orthodoxy  of  this  statement,  and  accused  the  Dominicans 
before  Pope  John  XVII.     The  Pontiff  took  the  part  of  the  Dominicans, 
and  declared  that  the  nominal  donation  of  Franciscan  property  was 
merely  an  illusion.     This   decision   occasioned  a  rupture   among  the 
Franciscans.     The  more  rigorous  members,  with  the  general,  Michael 
of  Cesena,  and  the  celebrated  William  Occam,  joined  the  party  of  the 
"  spiritualists,"  and  took  the  side  of  Louis  of  Bavaria  against  the  Pope. 
Forcible  measures  against  them  proved  unavailing.    Accordingly,  they 
were  appeased  at  Constance  by  their  formal  recognition  as  brethren  of 
the  stricter  observance  [ohservantes).     The  more  lax  party  among  the 
Franciscans  took  the  name  of  Conventnales,  and  continued  to  regard 
their  properties  as  really  belonging  to  the  donors,  and  theiiiselves  as 
only  enjoying  their  usufruct.     The  controversy  about  the  Immaculate 
Conception  still  continued  to  rage.     St.  Catharine  had  visions  which 
confirmed  the  dogma  of  the  Dominicans,  while  St.  Bridget  gave  the 
same  kind  of  sanction  to  the  opinions  of  the  Franciscans.     The  latter, 
however,  gained  influence  and  authority.     It  was  sanctioned  by  the 
University  of  Paris  in  1387  ;  while  the  Council  of  Basle  (in  1439)  and 
Pope  Sixtus  IV.  anathematized  any  one  who  should  declare  the  doctrine 


THE    MONASTIC    ORDERS.  475 

of  the  Immaculate  Conception  to  be  heretical,  or  the  festival  in  its 
honour  sinful.  For  the  same  purpose  a  comedy  was  enacted  at  Berne 
in  1509,  which,  however,  had  a  tragical  termination.  The  Dominicans 
of  that  city  imposed  on  the  simplicity  of  a  poor  tailor  called  Jetzer. 
The  tailor  had  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Virgin.  Even  the  prints 
of  the  nails  which  pierced  the  Saviour  were  reproduced  in  him  by  a 
red-hot  iron,  and  a  picture  of  the  Virgin  shed  in  his  sight  bloody  tears 
over  the  godless  opinions  of  the  Franciscans.  The  clumsy  imposture 
Avas  at  last  discovered,  and  the  prior,  with  three  of  his  monks,  were 
condemned  to  the  stake.  —  In  1462  another  controversy  broke  out 
between  the  two  orders.  In  Brescia,  a  Franciscan,  Jacob  of  Marchia, 
had  on  Easter  day  maintained  in  the  pulpit  that  the  blood  which 
Christ  shed  on  the  cross  had,  till  His  resurrection  and  consequent  re- 
assumption  of  it  into  His  nature,  continued  beyond  the  hypostatic 
union  with  the  Logos,  and  hence  had  not,  during  that  time,  been  an 
object  of  adoration.  The  Grand  Inquisitor,  Jacob  of  Brescia,  declared 
this  sentiment  heretical.  A  controversy  arose  ;  and  during  Christmas 
14G3  three  Dominicans  and  as  many  Minors  discussed  the  question  for 
three  days  before  the  Pope  and  cardinals,  but  without  leading  to  any 
result.  The  Pope  at  the  time  reserved  his  decision,  which,  indeed, 
was  never  pronounced. 

St.  Catharine  of  Siena,  the  daughter  of  a  dyer,  was  one  of  the 
chief  ornaments  of  the  Dominicans  [ob.  1308).  Even  when  a  child  she 
had  visions  and  ecstacies,  during  which  Christ  was  said  to  have 
formally  betrothed  Himself  to  her,  and  to  have  given  her  His  heart 
instead  of  her  own.  She  also  bore  the  prints  of  the  nails,  but  only  in- 
wardly. Notwithstanding  her  deep  humility,  the  influence  and 
authority  which  she  enjoyed  were  unparalleled.  She  became  the 
oracle  of  the  Dominicans,  and  all  Italy  almost  worshipped  at  her  feet. 
Contrary  to  her  inclination,  she  was  made  the  arbiter  of  the  religious 
and  political  controversies  of  the  time.  To  her  admonitions,  and  to 
those  of  St.  Bridget,  it  was  mainly  due  that  the  Babylonish  captivity 
at  Avignon  came  to  a  close. 

The  Order  of  St.  Augustine  had  also  its  congregations  for  the  re- 
storation of  pristine  discipline.  But  these  branches  continued  in  con- 
nection with  the  order  itself,  though  they  Avere  subject  to  a  vicar- 
general  of  their  own.  Such  a  congregation  existed  in  Saxony  from 
1493,  and  to  it  both  Staupitz  and  Luther  belonged. 

3.  Abolition  of  the  Order  of  Templars,  1312.  —  (Comp.  Michelet, 
procfes  des  Templiers.  Par.  1841-51.  2  T.  —  Maillard  de  Chambure, 
Rfegle  et  statuts  secrets  des  Temp.  Par.  1841. —  W.  Havemann,  Gesch. 
d.  Ausgangs  d.  Templerord.  —  Hist,  of  the  cess,  of  the  Order  of  T.  — 
Stuttg.  1846. — J.  r.  Hammer- Pure/ stall,  d.  Schuld  d.  Tcmpler  —  the 
Guilt  of  the  T.  —  Vienna  1855. — /.  Choumnetz,  d.  gewaltthat.  Avifheb. 
u.  Ausrott.  d.  Ordens  d.  Tempelherren.  Mlinster.  1856).  —  Among  all 
the  knightly  orders,  the  Templars,  who  since  their  return  to  Europe 
40 


476       SECTION   II.—TIIIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.) 

chiefly  resided  at  Paria,  had  attained  greatest  power  and  wealth,  but 
were  also  charged  with  most  pride,  rapacity,  and  dissoluteness.  Their 
independence  of  the  State  was  as  galling  to  Philip  the  Fair  of  France, 
as  their  untold  riches  Avere  attractive  to  his  cupidity.  Among  the 
common  people  rumours  circulated  that  the  members  of  the  order  were 
secretly  Mohammedans,  that  they  practised  the  black  art,  and  indulged 
in  unnatural  vices.  It  was  whispered  that  they  even  worshipped  an 
idol  called  Baffomet  (IMohammed)  ;  that  a  black  cat  appeared  in  their 
meetings;  that  at  their  reception  into  the  order  the  knights  blasphemed 
the  Saviour,  and  spat  and  trampled  upon  the  crucifix.  On  these 
grounds,  or  at  least  on  such  pretences,  Philip  ordered  all  the  Templars 
in  his  dominions  to  be  imprisoned,  and  forthwith  commenced  a  process 
against  them  (1307).  Pope  Clement  V.  was  obliged,  at  the  Council  of 
Vienne  (1312),  formally  to  dissolve  the  order.  Jacob  of  Molay,  the  last 
grand  master,  with  many  of  the  knights,  suffered  at  the  stake.  It  is 
difficult,  at  this  period  of  time,  to  pronounce  with  certainty  as  to  their 
guilt  or  innocence.  Thus  much  at  least  is  true,  that  they  had  deserted 
tlie  Christian  cause  in  the  East.  Besides,  it  is  also  supposed  by  many 
that  they  entertained  Gnostic  and  Antinomian  views  akin  to  those 
formerly  held  by  the  Ophites. 

4.  The  principal  Neio  Orders  founded  at  this  time  were :  — 

(1.)  The  Order  of  the  Co^lestines,  founded  by  Peter  of  Murrone 
(afterwards  Pope  Coelestine  V.,  comp.  |  96,  6),  who  lived  in  a  cave  on 
IMount  Murrone,  in  Apulia,  in  the  practice  of  strictest  asceticism. 
The  fame  of  his  sanctity  soon  attracted  companions  of  his  solitude,  who 
built  a  monastery  on  Mount  Majella.  Urban  IV.  imposed  on  them 
the  rule  of  the  Benedictines.  V/hen  Peter  was  elevated  to  the  papal 
see  (1294),  his  companions  adopted  in  his  honour  the  name  of  Coeles- 
tines.     The  new  congregation  rapidly  extended  throughout  the  West. 

(2.)  The  Jeromites.  This  order  arose  from  associations  of  hermits, 
to  whom  Gregory  XL  in  1374  gave  a  rule  similar  to  that  of  the  Augus- 
tines.  They  chose  St.  Jerome  as  their  patron  saint.  From  Spain, 
where  the  order  originated,  it  spread  into  Italy. 

.  (3.)  The  Jesuates,  founded  by  Jb7;«HHes  CoZ!<m5mi  of  Sienna.  With 
an  imagination  inflamed  by  poring  over  the  legends  of  saints,  Colombini, 
with  some  like-minded  companions,  resolved  to  found  an  association  for 
the  twofold  object  of  self-chastisement  and  attendance  on  the  sick. 
Urban  V.,  after  his  return  to  Rome,  imposed  on  them  the  rule  of  the 
Augustincs  (13G7).  Their  name  was  derived  from  the  circumstance 
that  they  hailed  every  one  whom  they  met  with  the  name  of  Jesus. 

(4.)  The  Minimi,  a  kind  of  Minors,  founded  by  Franciscus  de  Paula, 
in  Calabria  (1435).  Their  rule  was  exceedingly  strict;  the  members 
were  prohibited  the  use  of  animal  food,  of  milk,  butter,  eggs,  etc.,  on 
which  account  their  mode  of  life  was  also  designated  as  "vita  quadra- 
gesimalis." 

(5.)  The  N^^s  or  St.  Elizabeth,  an  order  founded  by  St.  Elizabeth 


THE     MONASTIC    ORDERS.  477 

of  Timringia  {oh.  1231).  After  having  in  the  most  exemplary  manner 
discharged  the  various  duties  of  a  wife,  a  mother,  and  a  princess,  Eli- 
zabeth took  the  grey  habit,  confined  at  the  waist  Avith  the  Franciscan 
cord,  as  also  the  three  vows,  and  retired  to  a  wretched  cot  near  Mar- 
burg, where  she  devoted  herself  to  prayer,  solf-chastisement,  and  deeds 
of  beneficence.  Her  example  was  followed  by  a  number  of  pious 
women  and  maidens.  These  were  in  the  fourteenth  century  regularly 
organized  into  an  order,  which  devoted  itself  exclusively  to  the  cai'e 
of  the  poor  and  the  sick. 

(G.)  The  Nuns  of  St.  Bridget.  St.  Bridget  was  a  Swedish  princess, 
who  early  in  life  had  visions,  in  which  the  Saviour  appeared  to  her, 
smitten  and  wounded.  But  her  father  obliged  her  to  marry,  and  she 
became  the  mother  of  eight  children.  On  the  death  of  her  husband, 
she  subjected  herself  to  the  most  rigid  ascetic  exercises,  and  in  conse- 
quence of  some  visions,  founded  at  Wadstena  near  Linkoping  a  nun- 
nery for  sixty  inmates,  who  devoted  themselves  to  the  service  of  the 
Virgin.  Connected  with  this  institution  was  a  separate  dwelling  for 
thirteen  priests  (in  imitation  of  the  apostles),  for  four  deacons  (after 
the  four  great  fathers),  and  for  eight  lay  brethren  who  had  charge  of 
all  secular  aifairs.  All  these  persons  were  subject  to  the  rule  of  the 
lady  abbess.     The  order  spread,  especially  in  the  north  of  Europe. 

5.  The  most  famed  among  the  Hermits  of  this  period,  was  Nicholas 
von  der  Flue,  in  the  Alps,  a  worthy  and  pious  man,  who,  after  an 
active  life  in  the  world,  spent  his  last  twenty  years  in  solitude  and 
communion  with  God  [ob.  1487).  Like  St.  Anthony  of  old,  he  acted 
as  2^eacemaker  and  adviser,  not  merely  to  the  shepherds  around  him, 
but  amid  the  political  troubles  of  his  own  country. 

6.  The  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  were  an  association  of  pious 
clergymen,  founded  by  Gerhard  Groot,  at  Deventer,  in  the  Netherlands 
(1384).  Gerhard  died  that  same  year  of  pestilence  ;  but  the  work  was 
continued  by  Florentius  Radeivin,  his  likeminde'd  pupil.  The  house 
of  the  brethren  at  Deventer  became  the  centre  and  nucleus  of  similar 
institutions  throughout  the  north  of  Europe.  The  members  of  this 
association  consisted  of  clergy  and  laity,  who,  without  submitting  to 
any  formal  vow  or  rule,  devoted  themselves  to  the  concerns  of  their 
own  souls.  Their  earnest  and  evangelical  sermons,  their  attention  to 
the  spiritual  interests  of  those  with  whom  they  were  brought  into  con- 
tact, and  their  schools,  gave  them  a  wide  and  very  beneficial  influence 
among  the  poople.  The  most  frequented  of  their  seminaries  were  those 
of  Deventer  and  the  Hogue,  which  at  times  numbered  more  than  1200 
scholars.  Similar  institutions  for  Sisters  of  the  Common  Life  were  also 
founded.  Florentius  somewhat  enlarged  the  original  plan  by  building 
at  Windesheim,  near  Zwoll,  a  monastery  for  regidar  canons  (1386), 
(also  called,  Kugelherren,  Kappelherren,  from  cuculla,  from  the  peculiar 
covering  they  used  for  the  head).  More  celebrated  even  than  this 
cloister  was  that  on  Mount  St.  Agnes,  at  Zwoll,  of  which  Thomas  a 


478       SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

Kempis  was  an  inmate.  The  labours  of  Florentius  were  seconded  by 
Gerhard  of  ZufpJien,  ATho  was  wont  to  insist  on  the  necessity  of  reading 
the  Bible  in  the  vernacular,  and  on  its  importance  both  in  preaching 
and  praying.  Of  course,  the  mendicant  orders  were  violent  enemiea 
of  this  pious  association.  At  last  a  Dominican,  Mattlieio  Grabow,  ac- 
cused them  before  the  Bishop  of  Utrecht,  and  also  wrote  a  large  volume 
against  them.  The  Bishop  refused  his  suit ;  and  when  Grabow  appealed 
to  the  Pope,  the  prelate  carried  the  matter  to  the  Council  of  Constance. 
Gcrsoii  and  (VAilly  took  the  part  of  the  brethren  ;  and  Martin  V.  not 
only  gave  his  sanction  to  their  associations,  but  accorded  their  mem- 
bers the  privilege  of  claiming  ordination  at  any  time.  The  brethren 
in  many  respects  prepared  the  way  for  the  Reformation  ;  indeed,  most 
of  them  afterwards  became  its  cordial  adherents.  After  that  period 
they  gradually  declined,  and  ceased  to  exist  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
(CoMP.  Gerardi  Magni  Epp.  XIV.,  ed.  /.  G.  Acquoy.  Amst.  1857. — 
G.  H.  M.  Delprat,  over  d.  Broederschap  van  G.  Groote  (2d  ed.  Arnh. 
1856),  1st  ed.  transl.  into  German  with  add.  by  il/b^?u'A-e.  Leips.  1846. — 
K.  Vllmann,  Reformers  before  the  Reformation  (transl.  by  Menzies,  in 
Clark's  For.  Theol.  Libr.).  Edinb.  2  Vols.  —  5.  Bdhring,  Gerh.  Groot 
u.  Florentius.     Hamb.  1849.) 


II.  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PEOPLE. 
I  113.   PUBLIC   WORSHIP  AND   THE  FINE   ARTS. 

The  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  the  Mystics,  and  a  number 
of  sectaries,  especially  the  Waldenses,  Wickliffites,  and  Hussites, 
had  insisted  on,  and  by  their  example  promoted,  the  practice  of 
PREACHING  in  the  vernacular.  Great  activity  was  also  displayed, 
especially  during  the  fifteenth  century,  in  the  catechetical  instruc- 
tion of  the  people,  both  by  means  of  books  and  pictures.  The 
ante-reformatory  spirit  of  that  period  also  exerted  itself  in  pre- 
paring hymns  in  the  vernacular  for  general  use  ;  church  music, 
likewise,  was  turned  to  similar  account.  And  whilst  the  glory  of 
architecture  is  evidently  waning,  the  plastic  art  and  ^;az»iz??(jf 
reach  their  full  bloom.  The  Feast  of  the  Immaculate  Concep- 
tion was  generally  introduced  in  France,  Germany,  and  England, 
during  the  fourteenth  century.  Other  festivals  Avere  also  insti- 
tuted in  honour  of  Mary.  The  Council  of  Constance  had  given 
its  sanction  and  authority  to  the  practice  of  "communio  sub 


PUBLIC    WORSHIP    AND     THE    PINE    ARTS.        479 

uua."  In  consequence,  the  miracle  of  a  bleeding  host  now  fre- 
quently occurred,  although  the  fraud  was  exposed  in  a  number 
of  instances.  The  excessive  anxiety  for  and  veneration  of  relics 
still  continued  and  increased.  In  the  fifteenth  century  originated 
the  legend,  that  angels  had  carried  through  the  air  the  house  of 
Mary  from  Nazareth  to  the  coast  of  Dalmatia  (1291)  ;  thence, 
on  the  10th  December,  1294,  to  Recanati,  and  lastly,  after  the 
lapse  of  eight  months,  to  Loretto. 

1.  The  following  were  the  New  Festivals  in  lianour  of  the  Virgin 
(§  105,  2  ;  57,  2) :  the  Feast  of  the  Presentation  of  Manj,  on  the  21st 
November  (according  to  Leviticus  xii.  5-8),  a  solemnity  introduced  in 
the  East  at  a  much  earlier  period  ;  and  the  Festival  of  the  Visitation  of 
Mary,  on  the  2d  July,  in  allusion  to  Luke  i.  39-56.  During  the  fif- 
teenth century,  the  Feast  of  the  Seven  Dolors  of  Mary,  on  the  Friday 
or  Saturday  before  Palm-Sunday,  was  instituted.  The  worship  of  the 
Virgin  was  chiefly  promoted  by  the  Dominicans,  who  had  special  Fra- 
ternities of  the  Rosary.  Dominic  himself  is  said  to  have  observed  the 
Festival  of  the  Rosary  on  the  1st  of  October  (for  the  protection  and 
intercession  of  the  Virgin).  It  was,  however,  only  observed  by  the 
Dominicans,  till  after  the  victory  of  Lepanto  (1571),  which  was  re- 
garded as  due  to  this  species  of  devotion,  when  Gregory  Xlll.  made  it 
a  general  festival. 

2.  Preaching,  in  the  vernacular,  now  became  much  more  common. 
But  it  is  a  peculiar  characteristic  of  this  period,  that  even  those  who 
thus  preached,  thought  in  Latin,  or  at  least  first  wrote  their  sermons  in 
Latin  before  preaching  them.  Vocahularii  predicaniium  were  prepared 
for  the  use  of  less  practised  preachers.  A  Homiletics  and  Catechetics, 
valuable  for  that  age,  was  prepared  by  /.  Vlr.  Surgant,  a  preacher  in 
Basel  [Mamiale  Curatorum),  about  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  centuy. 
Among  other  points,  he  treated  de  regidis  ndgarizandi,  i.e.,  of  render- 
ing sermons  Avritten  in  Latin  into  the  vernacular.  Great  stress  was 
also  laid  upon  hearing  sermons,  by  those  who  had  the  cure  of  souls : 
the  neglect  thereof  was  reproved  as  a  sin.  In  opposition  to  the  scho- 
lastic style  of  preaching,  which  used  the  pulpit  only  for  the  display 
of  learned  ostentation  and  theological  subtleties  (as  by  Gabriel  Biel,  &c.), 
popular  preachers  arose,  who  laid  practical  hold  of  actual  life,  and 
denounced  social  vices,  of  high  and  low  life,  in  plain,  and  sometimes  in 
ludicrous  terms.  Among  these  was  Gabriel  Barletta  [ob.  1480),  whose 
spicy  sermons  so  pleased  the  taste  of  his  age,  that  it  was  usual  to  say: 
Qui  nescit  barlettare,  nescit  prcedicare.  He  was  imitated  by  Oliver 
Maillard,  a  Franciscan  and  royal  court-preacher,  ob.  1502,  and  Michael 
Menot,  also  a  Franciscan,  ob.  1518.  The  German  minister,  at  Strass- 
burg,  Geiler  of  Kaisersberg  {ob.  1510),  equalled  the  preachers  just 
named  in  quaint  plainness  and  cutting  wit,  but  surpassed  them  all  in 
moral  earnestness  and  spiritual  depth  (§  114,  4). 

40* 


480       SECTION    II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CEN  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

3.  Catecliization. — (Cf.  /.  Gcffken,  d.  Bilderkatechismus  d.  15.  Jahrh., 
u.  d.  katech.  HauptstUcke  in  dieser  Zeit  bis  auf  Luther.  I.  Die  10 
Gebote.  Lpz.  1855.)  —  Next  to  preaching,  the  confessional  afforded 
opportunities  for  the  instruction  of  the  people.  The  subsequent  division 
of  the  catechism  sprang  rather  from  the  mode  of  baptism  and  of  making 
confession,  than  from  the  actual  instruction  of  the  people  and  youth; 
and  among  these,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  decalogue  first  found  a  place 
since  the  thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century.  Previously  the  enumeration 
of  the  seven  cardinal  sins  and  seven  cardinal  virtues  was  substituted 
for  the  ten  commandments.  The  more  deeply  to  imjoross  the  doctrines 
of  the  catechism,  pictorial  illustrations  were  employed.  The  -wealth 
of  the  catechetical  literature  of  that  period,  both  in  books  of  instruc- 
tion for  the  clergy,  and  in  doctrinal  books  in  the  vernacular  for  the 
people,  may  be  learned  from  Geffken's  work  above  named. 

4.  Hymnology.  — A  very  marked  contrast  is  noticeable  between  the 
number  and  value  of  the  Latin  hymns  dating  from  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries  and  those  of  the  preceding  period.  Only  the  Mys- 
tics (as,  for  example,  Thomas  a  Kempis)  still  produced  such  composi- 
tions. On  the  other  hand,  it  may  Ido  said  that  German  hymnology 
originated  during  this  period.  Strange  though  it  may  appear,  the 
processions  of  Flagellants  in  the  fourteenth  century  contributed  not  a 
little  to  the  spread  of  religious  poetry  in  the  vernacular.  The  hymns 
or  chants  of  the  Flagellants  were  in  the  vernacular,  and  thus  found 
ready  access  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  But  it  was  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and  during  the  Hussite  movement,  that  really  useful  popular 
hymns  were  composed,  and  for  the  first  time  introduced  into  the  ser- 
vices of  the  Church.  Huss  himself  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  the 
people  taking  part  in  the  service  of  song,  and  composed  a  number  of 
excellent  hymns  in  the  Bohemian.  The  various  hymns  used  by  the 
"Bohemian  Brethren"  (400  in  number)  were  collected  and  published 
in  1504  by  Lucas,  a  senior  or  Bishop  of  the  "Brethren."  The  intro- 
duction of  German  hymns  was  mainly  due  to  Pefrtis  Dresdeiisis,  for- 
merly assistant  to  Huss  at  Prague,  and  since  1420  rector  at  Zwickau. 
His  efibrts  were  not  unsuccessful.  In  some  churches  German  hymns 
were  now  sung  at  the  great  festivals,  and  at  special  ecclesiastical 
solemnities,  while  in  isolated  cases  they  were  even  used  at  the  principal 
service  and  at  mass.  The  religious  poetry  of  that  age  was  of  a  four- 
fold character: — 1.  Mixed  hymns,  half  German  and  half  Latin  (such  as 
"  Puer  natus  in  Bethlehem,  Eejoice  in  it,  Jerusalem,"  etc.). — 2.  Trans- 
lations and  adapiations  of  Latin  hymns.  So  early  as  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century  an  attempt  at  such  translations  was  made  by  Johan- 
nes, "  the  monk  of  Salzburg,"  and  at  a  somewhat  later  period  by  Brother 
Lictric.  A  collection  of  these  versions  appeared  in  1494 ;  but  the 
majority  of  the  hymns  were  so  badly  rendered,  that  the  force  and  point 
of  the  original  was  completely  lost. — 3.  Original  German  hymns,  com- 
monly ])y  monks  or  secular  poets.    These,  however,  were  too  frequently 


PUBLIC    WORSHIP    AND    THE    FINE    ARTS.        481 

destitute  of  all  religious  fervour  or  poetic  value.  —  4.  Adaptations  of 
secular  or  of  Miiine-songs.  Thus  the  popular  ditty,  originally  intended 
for  wandering  apprentices,  which  commenced  :  "  Inspruck,  I  must  leave 
thee,  and  go  my  lonely  way.  Far  hence  to  foreign  lands,"  etc.,  was 
transformed  into  :  "0  world,  I  must  leave  thee,  and  go  my  lonely  way, 
Unto  my  Father's  home,"  etc.  Hcnrij  of  Laiifenherg,  a  priest  at  Frei- 
burg, about  1450,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  attempt  this  kind  of 
poetry.  In  all  cases  the  melody  of  the  original  was  retained.  Although 
many  of  these  adaptations  were  little  better  than  a  burlesque,  they  be- 
came the  means  of  associating  popular  ideas  and  melodies  with  the 
hymns  of  the  Church,  thus  preparing  the  way  for  the  following  period. 

5.  Church  Music.  —  Great  improvements  were  made  at  this  period 
in  the  building  of  organs  ;  the  keys  were  made  smaller,  the  pedal  was 
added,  etc.  Henry  Cranz,  who  flourished  about  1500,  was  reputed  the 
most  successful  builder  of  organs  at  that  period.  Equally  distinguished 
as  an  organist  was  Antonio  dagV  Organi  at  Rome,  who  gathered 
around  him  pupils  from  all  countries  {ob.  1498).  A  great  deal  was 
also  done  for  the  improvement  of  church  music  ;  the  rules  of  counter- 
point, and  other  musical  rules,  were  enlarged  or  applied,  and  singing 
in  parts  came  into  vogue.  At  this  time  the  Dutch  bore  the  palm  in 
music.  William  Dufay,  the  founder  of  the  first  Dutch  School  [oh. 
1432),  introduced  his  improvements  even  into  the  chapel  at  Rome, 
although  a  century  had  not  elapsed  since  John  XXII.  pronounced  an 
anathema  against  the  practice  of  "discantare."  Jolin  Ockenheini,  the 
founder  of  the  second  Dutch  school  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
invented  the  canon  and  the  fugue  ;  but  his  system  of  counterpoint  was 
very  artificial,  and  he  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  who  corrupted  the 
musical  taste  of  the  time.  The  greatest  composer  of  this  school  was 
Josquin  de  Friz  (Jodocus  Pratensis),  about  1500.  His  only  rival  in 
the  art  was  Adam  of  Fulda,  a  German. 

6.  Architecture  and  the  Plastic  Art. — The  Gothic  style  was  universally 
adopted  in  Germany,  France,  and  England.  Into  Italy  it  penetrated 
no  farther  than  Milan.  The  new  Church  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome,  the 
foundation  of  which  was  laid  in  1506  by  Pope  Julius  II.,  presents  the 
most  splendid  specimen  of  the  antique  Romanesque  style.  The  plastic 
art  was  carried  to  its  highest  perfection  by  such  masters  as  Lorenzo 
Ghiberti  [ob.  1455)  and  Michael  Angelo  {ob.  1564).  The  Art  of  Paint- 
ing also  reached  its  highest  stage  in  the  fifteenth  century.  There 
were  at  this  time  four  different  schools  of  painters.  The  Florentine 
School,  which  chiefly  devoted  itself  to  the  representation  of  Scriptural 
events,  was  founded  by  Giotto  {ob.  1336),  and  numbered  among  its 
members  such  masters  as  Angelica  of  Fiesole,  who  always  joined  prayer 
with  painting,  Leonardo  da  Vinci  (the  Last  Supper),  Fra  Bartolomeo 
and  Michael  Angelo.  The  Lombard  School,  of  which  Bellini  {ob.  1516) 
was  the  most  distinguished  representative,  also  gave  itself  at  first  to 

41  2f 


482      SECTION   II. —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.   14  &  15  A.  D.). 

the  study  of  sacred  subjects,  but  soon  afterwards  abandoned  this  for 
the  secular  department.  It  reached  the  pinnacle  of  its  renown  through 
the  works  of  Corregio  {oh.  1534,  Night,  The  penitent  Magdalen),  and 
Titian  [oh.  1576.  Venus,  Ecce  homo,  the  ascension  of  Mary).  The 
Umhrian  School  seemed  almost  to  breathe  the  spirit  of  St.  Francis.  Its 
most  celebrated  master  was  Raphael  of  TIrhino  (the  Sixtine  Madonna 
paintings  on  the  walls  of  the  Vatican,  the  Madonna  della  Sedia,  etc.) 
The  German  School  was  represented  by  such  men  as  the  bi'others 
Hubert  and  John  van  Eyic,  Albrecht  Durer,  and  Hans  Holbein. 

I  114.  POPULAR  LIFE   AND   NATIONAL  LITERATURE. 

The  fearful  decay  of  the  Papacy,  as  well  as  the  deep  degeneracy 
of  the  clergy  and  of  the  monastic  orders,  were  not  without  their 
effects  upon  the  people.     At  no  previous  period  had  the  Church 
less  influence  on  the  moral  and  religious  condition  of  the  com- 
munity.    In  truth,  the  ancieut  reverence  for  the  Church  and  its 
rites   had  been    rudely  shaken,  though  not   entirely  destroyed. 
But  the  religious  enthusiasm  and  the  deep  poetry  of  popular 
life  gradually  disappeared.     Such  personages  as  a  Catharine  of 
Sienna,  a  maid  of  Orleans,  or  a  Nicholas  von  der  Fliie  were  only 
isolated  phenomena  in  the  history  of  that  period.     As  the  prac- 
tice of  indulgences  increased,  all  moral  earnestness  ceased,  and 
all  religious /erfour  gave  way.     Yet,  happily,  not  entirely  ;  the 
existence  of  the  Beghards  and  Lollards,  nay,  even  the  excesses 
of  the  Flagellants,  proved  that  men  still  thought  seriously  on  the 
most  serious  of  subjects.     The   religious   fervour  still  existing 
among  the  people  was  nourished  and  cherished  by  the  faithful 
teachings  of  the  Mystics,  and   found  vent  in    the  wide-spread 
association    known  as  the  Friends  of   God.     In    an    opposite 
direction,    though,  perhaps,  ultimately   traceable   to    the    same 
source,  we  have  the  Brothers  and  Sister^s  of  the  Free   Spirit. 
But  along  with  such  piety,  superstition  also  greatly  increased,  all 
the  more  dangerous  now  that  it  was  no  longer  associated  with 
the  poetry  and  naive  irony  of  a  former  age.     The  men  of  this 
period,  on  the  contrary,  firmly  believed  in  the  black  art,  in  witch- 
craft, in  compacts  with  the  devil,  and  similar  absurdities.     To- 
wards the  close  of  our  period,  however,  a  new  era  dawned.     The 
former  mode  of  conducting  warfare  ceased,  on  the  invention  of 
powder ;    while  the  municipal   institutions  of  the    various   and 
flourishing  towns  of  Germany  called  forth  and  afforded  scope  for 
civic  virtues  for  love  of  freedom,  energy,  and  industry.     Lastly, 


POPULAR    LIFE    AND    NATIONAL    LITERATURE.   483 

the  invention  of  the  art  of  printing  initiated  the  great  changes 
of  which  modern  society  is  the  result. 

1.  Religious  Associations  among  the  People.  —  Besides  the  Beghards 
and  Benguins,  {I  98,  5)  another  association  was  formed  at  Antwerp  in 
1300,  on  occasion  of  a  pestilence.  The  Lollards  (from  lull  =  sing) 
devoted  themselves  chiefly  to  attendance  on  the  sick  and  the  interment 
of  the  dead.  They  also  were  exposed  to  the  persecutions  of  the 
Inquisition,  till  John  XXII.  in  1318  granted  them  toleration  on  certain 
conditions.  —  But  the  strangest  sight  presented  at  that  period  were 
those  long  trains  or  Flagellants,  who,  with  faces  covered,  wandered 
from  country  to  country,  amidst  weeping,  lamentation,  and  the  chant 
of  penitential  hymns,  continually  applying,  as  they  marched,  the 
scourge  to  their  naked  backs.  These  revolting  processions  had 
suddenly  appeared  in  Italy  (in  12G0,  at  Perrugia)  even  at  a  former 
period,  during  the  horrors  of  the  war  between  the  Guelphs  and 
Ghibellines.  They  again  paraded  the  cities  of  Europe  on  different 
occasions  during  the  fourteenth  century,  especially  in  1348-50,  during 
the  ravages  of  the  "  black  death."  The  Flagellants  made  their  appear- 
ance along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  whence,  growing  like  an  avalanche, 
they  passed  through  Germany,  Belgium,  Holland,  Switzerland,  Sweden, 
and  England.  On  the  advice  of  Pope  Clement  VL,  whom  they  had 
summoned  to  join  them,  they  were  refused  admittance  into  France. 
The  paroxysm  lasted  for  three  years.  It  was  raised  anew  in  1399, 
when  famine,  pestilence,  war  with  the  Turks,  and  expectation  of  the 
approaching  end  of  the  world,  excited  the  minds  of  men,  and  Flagel- 
lants again  passed  through  Lombardy.  This  time  they  were  arrayed 
in  white  garments,  on  which  account  they  were  called  Bianchi  or  Al- 
hati.  In  1417,  St.  Vincent  Ferreri,  a  celebrated  Spanish  preacher,  led 
a  long  train  of  Flagellants  through  Italy,  France,  and  Spain.  Princes, 
popes,  universities,  and  councils  expostulated  against  this  mad  fanati- 
cism, without,  however,  being  able  to  suppress  it.  But  after  the 
Council  of  Constance  had  denounced  this  species  of  penance,  St.  Vincent 
himself  ceased  to  take  part  in  it.  Some  of  the  Flagellants  fell  into 
sectarianism  and  heresy  ;  they  denounced  the  hierarchy  as  Antichrist, 
rejected  the  rites  of  Christianity,  and  declared  that  the  baptism  of 
blood,  obtained  by  means  of  the  scourge,  was  the  only  efficacious 
sacrament.  Many  of  these  fanatics  were  condemned  to  the  stake  by 
the  Inquisition.  (Comp.  E.  G.  Forstemann,  d.  chr.  Geisslerges.  —  the 
Chr.  Flag.  — Ilalle  1828;  G.  Molinike,  d.  Geisslerges.,  in  "Illgen's 
Journal,"  III.  2  ;  L.  Schneegans,  le  grand  pilgrimage  des  Flag.,  transl. 
into  Germ,  by  Tischendorf,  Leips.  1840 ;  —  L.  Heller,  Vine.  Ferreri 
Leben  u.  Wirken.  Berl.  1830 ;  Comes  de  Holientlial-Stcedteln,  de  Vine. 
Ferr.  Lips.  1839.) 

Another  and  kindred  form  of  madness  was  that  of  the  Jumpers  or 
Dancers  (Chorisantes),  who,  by  way  of  penance,  commenced  frantic 


484       SECTION    II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  1-i  &  15  A.  D.). 

and  hysteric  dances,  which  by  some  infection  carried  away  even 
accidental  and  indifferent  spectators.  These  fanatics  appeared  along 
the  banks  of  the  Khine  in  1347  and  1418.  They  were  regarded  as 
possessed,  and  the  aid  of  St.  Vitus  was  invoked  for  their  cure  (hence 
the  name  of  St.  Vitus'  dance).  Comp.  Hecker,  die  Tanzwuth  e.  Volk- 
skrankh.  d.  M.  A.  (Dancing  Madness  an  Epid.  of  the  M.  A.)  Berl. 
1832.  H.  Hiiser,  Lehrb.  d.  Gesch.  d.  Medicin  u.  d.  Volkskrankhh. 
Jena,  1845,  p.  282,  etc. 

2.  The  Friends  of  God.  (Comp.  C.  Schmidt,  d.  Gottesfreunde  im  14. 
Jahrh.  Jen.  1854.  —  During  the  fourteenth  century  a  wide-spread  and 
deep  spirit  of  mysticism  seemed  to  pervade  all  Western  Germany,  from 
the  Low  Countries  to  the  borders  of  Italy.  In  truth  a  religious 
awakening  had  taken  place  among  the  people,  though  from  peculiar 
causes  it  bore  a  mystic  and  contemplative  character.  All  ranks  and 
classes,  inmates  of  monasteries  and  Beguins,  knights  in  their  castles, 
artisans  in  their  workshops,  and  merchants  in  their  warehouses, 
equally  came  under  its  influence.  Ultimately  it  led  to  the  formation 
of  a  great  fraternity  of  so-called  Friends  of  God,  the  various  associa- 
tions of  which  kept  up  personal  or  epistolary  intercourse.  This  revival 
was  chiefly  felt  at  Cologne,  Strasburg,  and  Basle.  Its  preachers  be- 
longed mostly  to  the  Dominican  Order,  and  the  views  which  they  ex- 
pressed or  propagated  were  drawn  fi'om  the  writings  of  the  German 
Mystics  (§  117).  They  were  entirely  free  from  sectarianism,  and 
cherished  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church  as  symbols  and  vehicles  of 
Divine  grace.  But  from  the  year  1340  a  mysterious  personage 
evidently  presides  over  this  movement,  and  results  wider  than  those 
formerly  sought  began  to  be  aimed  after.  Most  of  "the  Friends" 
themselves  seem  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  name  or  residence  of  this 
man.  They  call  him  "the  enlightened  layman,"  and  "the  great 
friend  of  God  from  the  Oberland."  Twice  only  is  the  mystery  partly 
cleared  away,  and  we  hear  of  the  name  of  Nicholas  of  Basle.  About 
1340  he  appeared  at  Strasburg,  where  he  exercised  a  decisive  influence 
upon  John  Taider  (^  117,  1).  Again  in  1356,  when  Basle  was  visited 
by  a  fearful  earthquake,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  universal  Christendom 
calling  to  repentance.  In  1307  he  retired  into  the  Swiss  mountains 
with  four  of  his  most  intimate  associates ;  and  when  Gregory  XI.  re- 
turned to  Rome  in  1377,  Nicholas  and  one  of  his  associates  confi-onted 
him,  and  urged  upon  him  the  present  situation,  the  dangers,  and  the 
requirements  of  the  Church.  The  Pope  at  first  received  him  with  dis- 
trust, but  dismissed  him  in  a  very  different  spirit.  It  is  diflicult  ex- 
actly to  ascertain  what  Nicholas  really  aimed  after,  and  by  Avhat 
means  he  intended  to  accomplish  his  plans.  This  alone  is  certain,  that 
he  had  conceived  some  great  plan  for  the  Church,  the  execution  of 
which  he  deferred  till  the  time  which  God  should  indicate  to  him.  In 
1379  those  friends  which  belonged  to  the  inner  circle  held  a  meeting 
in  a  mountain  solitude,  and  finally  resolved  to  adjourn  for  another 


POPULAR    LIFE    AND    NATIONAL    LITERATURE.   485 

year.  After  that  term  they  again  assembled  on  the  same  spot,  when 
it  is  said  a  letter  from  heaven  fell  among  them,  informing  them  that 
God  had  delayed  His  judgments  for  other  three  years.  From  that 
period  we  lose  sight  of  them  ;  but  several  years  later  Nicholas  and  two 
of  his  associates  were  burned  by  order  of  the  Inquisition  at  Vienne,  on 
the  charge  of  being  Beghards,  and  the  same  punishment  was  awarded 
at  Cologne  in  1393  to  Martin,  a  Benedictine  from  Reichenau,  one  of 
the  adherents  of  Nicholas.  The  writings  of  Nicholas  which  are  still 
extant  have  been  published  by  C.  Schmidt,  1.  c.  and  in  his  Life  of 
Tauler, 

3.  TJie  Brothers  and  Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit.  —  Originally  they 
may  have  been  an  offshoot  from  the  sect  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (§  108,  2), 
or  else  the  result  of  a  tendency  similar  to  that  which  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Friends  of  God,  only  that  in  this  case  it  led  to  the  opposite 
extreme  of  pantheism  and  antinomianism.  They  seem  to  have  existed 
in  many  parts  of  Germany  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
especially  along  the  Rhino,  Cologne  being  their  principal  centre. 
They  held  essentially  pantheistic  views.  Every  pious  person  was  a 
Christ,  in  whom  God  l)ecame  incarnate.  Whatever  was  done  in  love 
was  right.  The  perfect  were  free  from  the  law,  and  could  not  sin. 
The  Church,  its  sacraments  and  rites,  were  a  deception  or  an  impos- 
ture ;  purgatory,  heaven,  and  hell,  so  many  fables ;  marriage  was 
against  nature,  and  property,  theft.  Their  secret  services  appropriately 
closed  with  orgies.  The  Inquisition  proceeded  against  them  by  the 
sword  and  the  stake.  —  Other  parties  of  a  kindred  character  were  the 
Adamites  in  Austria  (1312),  the  Luciferians  in  Angermunde  (132G), 
and  the  Turlupines  in  the  Isle  of  France  (1372).  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  fifteenth  century  they  reappeared  at  Brussels  under  the 
name  of  "Homines  intelligentias ; "  and  in  1421  Ziska  exterminated 
the  Bohemian  Adamites,  who,  by  way  of  imitating  the  paradisiacal 
state,  lived  naked  on  an  island  in  the  Danube,  and  had  their  wives  in 
common. 

4.  National  Literature.  —  At  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  and  the 
commencement  of  the  fourteenth  century  a  new  literature  sprung  up  in 
Italy,  which  in  many  respects  affected  the  Church.  To  three  Floren- 
tine writers  does  Europe  owe  it,  that  the  spell  was  broken  by  which 
poetry  and  science  had  so  long  been  bound  to  the  Latin  language. 
The  importance  of  this  can  scarcely  be  over-estimated.  Not  only  have 
these  writers  left  unperishing  monuments  of  their  own  genius  ;  they 
also  became  the  fathers  of  the  Italian  language,  and  gave  a  great  im- 
pulse to  national  literature  generally.  The  general  prevalence  of  the 
Latin  was  one  of  the  means  by  which  the  Church  of  Kojue  retained  its 
absolute  hold  on  the  minds  of  men,  repressed  all  independent  and 
national  movements,  and  prevented  the  ex])ression  of  those  anti-papal 
sentiments  which  were  rapidly  pervading  the  peoples  of  Europe.     In 

41* 


486 


SECTION   II. — THIRD    TERIOD    (CENT.   14&15A.D.). 


all  these  respects  it  was  important  that  former  restraints  should  he 
removed.  But  the  three  writers  to  whom  we  allude  were  also  enthusi- 
astic admirers  of  classical  literature;  indeed,  they  prepared  the  way 
for  the  study  of  the  classics,  and  became  the  precursors  of  the  Human- 
ists (§  151).  Withal  they  were  opposed,  though  not  to  the  same  de- 
gree, to  the  subtleties  of  scholasticism,  and  boldly  satirised  the  abuses 
in  the  Church,  the  arrogance  of  the  hierarchy,  the  rapacity  and  disso- 
luteness of  the  Papacy,  as  also  the  moral  and  intellectual  decay  of  the 
clergy  and  of  the  monastic  orders.  Dante  Aliguieri  (born  at  Florence 
1256,  oh.  in  exile  at  Ravenna  1321)  stood  on  the  boundary  line  of  two 
centuries  and  two  epochs.  His  "  Divina  Comedia"  may  be  regarded 
as  embodjring  the  views  and  tendences  of  his  own  age,  and  forecasting 
the  advent  of  another.  He  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  St.  Thomas 
and  his  theology ;  but  his  scholasticism  was  transformed  and  spiritual- 
ized by  the  finest  assthetic  taste  and  the  most  fervid  imagination.  In 
deep  anguish  of  spirit  he  mourned  over  the  decay  of  the  Church.  Thus 
he  relegated  a  Boniface  VIII.,  but  also  a  Frederic  II.,  to  hell.  In 
sharpest  language  he  exposed  the  degeneracy  of  the  monks,  while  he 
at  the  same  time  extolled  the  bliss  of  St.  Francis  and  St.  Dominic.  He 
could  admire  the  classic  beauties  of  Virgil ;  but  more  than  all  the  rest, 
he  dwelt  with  peculiar  delight  on  the  fulness  of  Christian  truth. 
While  reprobating  the  practice  of  indulgences,  he  continued  to  adhere 
to  the  dogmas  of  the  Church.  Petrarch  (born  at  Arezzo  in  1304,  oh. 
near  Padua  in  1374)  went  much  beyond  his  predecessor.  His  opposi- 
tion to  scholasticism  brought  upon  him  the  hatred  and  persecution  of 
schoolmen  and  monks  ;  and  although  he  still  ranked  the  classics  as  far 
subordinate  to  the  teaching  of  the  Church,  his  admiration  of  antiquity 
occasionally  led  him  beyond  the  bounds  of  proper  moderation.  Boc- 
caccio (born  in  1313,  oh.  1375)  was  a  most  violent  opponent  of  scholas- 
ticism, monasticism,  and  the  hierarchy.  He  speaks  of  them  not  in 
language  of  indignation,  but  of  irony  and  contempt.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  he  also  deals  too  lightly  with  the  great  moral  and  reli- 
gious requirements  of  Christianity.  In  later  years  he  expressed,  in 
his  "Decamerone,"  deep  regret  about  any  such  expressions  occurring 
in  his  youthful  writings. 

German  national  literature  decayed  along  with  the  dynasty  of  the 
Ilohenstaufen.  The  only  department  deserving  mention  was  that  of 
popular  poetry,  secular  and  religious.  The  compositions  of  the  master- 
singers  bear  the  character  of  proud  self-consciousness  on  the  part  of 
those  towns  of  Germany  whence  they  sprung.  German  prose  loriting 
was  richly  cultivated  by  the  Mystics  (^  117),  and  German  satire  was 
inaugurated  by  the  "  Narrenschifi" "  of  Sehastian  Brandt,  1494,  the 
Syndic  of  Strassburg.  Amon^ popular  preachers,  John  Tauler  of  Strass- 
.burg  (I  117,  2)  wore  the  palm.  The  very  original  John  Geiler  of 
Kaisersherg  [oh.  1510)  was  also  a  brilliant  preacher  in  Strassburg ;  his 
sermons   al)ounded   in    pointed  wit,  biting   sarcasm,  and  bold,  often 


ECCLESIxVSTICAL    DISCIPLINE,  487 

quaint,  applications,  but  also  with  deep  and  penetrating  earnestness. 
Among  liis  numerous  writings,  his  412  sermons  on  Brandt's  "Narren- 
schiff,"  are  best  known.  (Cf.  Chr.  Fr.  v.  Ammoii,  G.  v.  Kaisersb. 
Leben,  Lehren  u.  Schriften.  Erl.  1826.  A.  Sirober,  essai  hist,  et  lit. 
sur  la  vie  et  les  sermons  de  G.  Strassb.  1834.  SeeHerzog's  (translated) 
Theol.  and  Eccl.  Encyclop.  Art.  Geiler.  Philad.  1859. 

The  Religious  Drama  [I  106,  2)  reached  its  highest  bloom  in  the 
14th  century.  During  the  festival  weeks,  such  di*amas  were  performed 
in  almost  every  village.  Their  poetical  value  was,  on  the  whole,  small. 
But  in  the  Lamentations  of  Mart/,  they  sometimes  rose  to  an  unusual 
pitch  of  beauty.  Comedies  and  burlesques  (in  which  the  characters 
of  Judas,  the  spice  pedlars,  and  Mary  Magdalen,  still  unconverted, 
played  a  prominent  part)  were  allowed.  Theod.  Schernberg  composed 
a  "  Schcin  Spiel  von  Frau  Jutte"  (the  popess  Joanna  ^  82,  3),  which 
represented,  in  a  very  earnest  way,  her  fall  and  repentance.  In  the 
plays  performed  during  the  Shrove  Tuesday  Carnival,  reformatory 
tendencies  became  obvious  in  the  ridicule  cast  upon  the  clergy  and 
monks.  Hans  liosenpJut,  a  painter  of  escutcheons  in  Nurenberg,  1450, 
was  celebrated  as  the  author  of  such  plays  for  the  carnival.  In 
France,  near  the  end  of  the  14th  century,  some  young  persons,  con- 
nected with  higher  families,  formed  a  society  called  enfans  sans  souci, 
which  performed  Sotties,  in  cities  and  at  Courts,  with  great  success ; 
they  did  not  spare  the  Church.  The  principal  of  their  composers  was 
Pierre  Gringore,  who  alluded  very  plainly,  in  his  CJiasse  du  Cerf  des 
Cerfs,  to  the  Servus  servorum,  and  represented  the  Church  under  the 
fools;  mother  with  a  cap  on  (early  in  the  16th  century).  In  Spain, 
during  the  15th  century,  the  Auto's  appeared,  —  a  development  of  the 
old  mysteries,  and  rather  allied  in  their  form  to  the  allegorical  moral- 
ites  of  the  Middle  Ages  (|  106,  2).  They  breathed  a  true  Spanish 
Spirit,  and  were  partly  Autos  al  nasciemento,  but  mainly  Atitos  sacra- 
mentales.  Their  earliest  composers  were  Juan  de  la  Encina,  and  the 
Portuguese  Gil  Vincente. 

I  115.  ECCLESIASTICAL   DISCIPLINE. 

In  1343  Clement  VI.  gave  his  sanction  to  the  teaching  of  the 
schoolmen  regarding  indulgences  (§  lOT,  1).  Norway  this  mea- 
sure in  opposition  to  the  view  taken  by  the  reformatory  councils 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  which  only  disapproved  of  their  abuse, 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  money.  In  14Y7  Sixtus  IV.  confirmed 
the  tenet,  that  indulgences  might  be  granted  for  those  who  were 
defunct,  and  that  they  delivered  souls  from  purgatory.  In  reply 
to  the  somewhat  impertinent  question,  wliy  the  Pope,  who 
possessed  such  ample  powers,  did  not  at  once  deliver  all  souls 
from  purgatory,  it  was  said,  that  the  Church  followed  in  the 
41 


488    SECTION    H.—THIRD  PERIOD   (CENT.   14  &  15  A.  D.). 

wake  of  Divine  justice,  and  dispensed  its  benefits  only  "discrete 
et  cum  nioderamine."  The  p7'actice  of  indulgences  was  still 
further  carried  out  by  the  institution  of  years  of  Jubilee.  On 
the  testimony  of  a  man  107  years  of  age,  that  100  years  before 
a  jubilee  had  been  proclaimed,  Boniface  VIII.  promised,  in  1320, 
an  indulgence  of  100  years  to  all  Christians  who  should  peni- 
tently visit  for  fifteen  days  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  at 
Rome.  No  fev/er  than  200,000  availed  themselves  of  the 
privilege.  His  successors  shortened  the  intervening  period  of 
jubilees  to  fifty,  to  thirty-three,  and  lastly  to  twenty-five  years. 
Instead  of  making  a  personal  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  it  was  de- 
clared sufficient  to  pay  the  travelling  expenses.  Nepotism  and 
extravagance  were  emptying  the  coflPers  of  the  Pope,  and  the 
traffic  of  indulgences  ofl'ered  the  readiest  means  of  replenishing 
them.  Wars  with  the  Turks  and  the  building  of  St.  Peter's 
Church  served  as  a  ready  pretext  for  a  fresh  sale  of  these  new 
spiritual  wares.  The  venders  of  indulgences  did  all  in  their 
power  to  vaunt  the  excellency  of  their  articles,  and  the  necessity 
for  penitence  and  amendment  were  no  longer  mentioned.  Indul- 
gence was  even  granted  for  sins  contemplated.  Such  abuses 
rendered  anything  like  ecclesiastical  discipline  impossible  ;  and 
if  any  respect  still  existed  for  the  confessional,  it  was  speedily 
destroyed  by  the  interference  of  the  mendicant  orders,  who 
claimed  the  privilege  of  attending  to  penitents  at  any  time  and 
place.  Already  excommunication  and  the  interdict  had  lost 
their  terrors.  On  Corpus  Christi  Day,  the  bull  "  In  coena 
Domini "  (issued  by  Martin  Y.  at  the  close  of  the  Council  of 
Constance,  and  greatly  enlarged  by  succeeding  popes)  was 
solemnly  recited  at  Rome,  and  the  anathema  against  all  heretics, 
which  it  embodied,  renewed.  The  Inquisition  had  still  enough 
to  do,  persecuting  and  burning  Beghards,  Lollards,  Flagellants, 
Fratricelli,  Friends  of  God,  and  other  sectaries.  Innocent  VIII. 
gave  his  formal  sanction  (1484)  to  the  popular  superstition 
about  witches,  and  appointed  two  judges  for  such  causes  in 
Germany — perhaps  in  some  measure  as  a  compensation  for  the 
circumstance,  that  the  Inquisition  had  never  properly  thriven  in 
that  country. 

1.  The  Inquisition  attained  greatest  power  in  France  and  Italy. 
The  Spanisli  Inquisition  (sanctum  officium)  was  instituted  in  1481  by 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  oi-ganized  in  1483  by  the  Inquisitor- 
General,  Thomas  de  Torqiiemada.  In  some  respects  it  was  as 
much    a   political   as   an    ecclesiastical   institution,    since   the   confis- 


ECCLESIASTICAL     DISCIPLINE.  489 

cation  of  property  served  to  enrich  the  public  treasury  and  to  humble 
the  proud  aristocracy.  Its  persecutions  of  the  hated  Moriscoes  and 
Jews  made  this  dreadful  tribunal  popular  among  the  Spaniards.  The 
Auto-da-fe's  (or  acts  of  faith)  were  celebrated  amidst  revolting  displays 
of  pomp  and  state.  According  to  the  statement  of  Llorente  (Ilist.  crit. 
de  rinquis.  d'Espagne.  Par.  1815),  no  fewer  than  32,000  individuals 
were  burnt,  18,000  were  similarly  punished  in  effigy,  wdiile  300,000 
received  other  sentences  at  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  from 
its  origin  to  the  time  when  Napoleon  swept  it  aAvay  in  1808.  Comp. 
C.  /.  Hefele  (d.  Cardinal  Ximenez.  2d  Ed.  Tub.  1851),  who  has  corrected 
some  of  the  statements  of  Llorente. 

2.  Procedure  against  Witches.  (Comp.  Hauher,  Biblioth.,  acta  et 
scripta  magica.  Lemgo  1739-45.  W.  G.  Soldaii,  Gesch.  d.  Hexenproc. — 
Hist,  of  the  Proced.  ag.  Witch. —  Stuttg.  1843.  C.  G.v.  Wdchter, 
Beitr.  zur  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Strafr.  Tub.  1845.) — In  1484  Innocent 
VIII.  issued  the  bull  "  Summis  desiderantes  aifectibus,"  wherein  he 
informed  the  Germans  that  their  country  was  overrun  by  witches,  for 
whose  destruction  he  liad  appointed  two  inquisitors,  Henry  Kramer 
and  Jacob  Sprenger.  The  paternal  care  of  the  Pope  found  too  ready  a 
response  among  a  supei-stitious  jaeople.  From  confessions  extorted  on 
the  rack,  a  perfect  dogmatic  and  historical  system  was  framed,  in 
which  the  various  compacts  made  with  the  devil,  or  the  improper 
alliances  contracted  with  him,  obtained  their  due  place,  while  the  use 
of  broomsticks  and  pitchforks,  the  revelries  of  AValpurgis  Night  and 
the  scenes  on  the  Blocksberg,  found  appropriate  explanation.  On  the 
basis  of  this  new  lore  »S);/-e»(/er  elaborated  a  code  of  criminal  procedure 
against  witches,  which  bore  the  title  of  "  Malleus  Maleficarum."  The 
delusion  spread  like  an  epidemic,  and  thousands  of  innocent  females 
expired  amid  tortures,  not  only  in  Germany,  but  in  England,  and  even 
in  Scotland.  Unfortunately,  the  Reformation  made  little  difference  in 
this  respect,  and  the  sorrow  with  which  we  witness  the  persecutions 
of  supposed  witches  in  Scotland,  even  during  the  most  flourishing 
periods  of  religious  life,  is  only  equalled  by  our  indignation  on  finding 
that  an  eminent  Protestant  lawyer  on  the  Continent,  Benedict  Carpzov, 
should,  so  late  as  the  seventeenth  century,  have  entered  the  lists  in 
defence  of  the  practice.  King  James  VI.  showed  his  zeal  by  writing 
a  treatise  on  "  Dwmonologie."  Christian  Thomasins  was  the  first  in 
1707,  successfully  to  combat  this  superstition.     (Cf.  §  157,  3). 


490    SECTION   II.  —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CE  N  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

HI.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 
§  116.  SCHOLASTICISM  AND  ITS  OPPONENTS. 

A  large  number  of  schools  of  learning  were  founded  during 
this  period.  They  increasingly  assumed  the  character  of  uni- 
versities, in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  although  chief  atten- 
tion was  still  paid  to  theology.  These  seminaries  were  generally 
pledged  to  the  defence  of  matters  as  then  existing,  with  all  the 
abuses  and  defects  of  the  system  —  hierarchical  strongholds  not 
unfrequently  planted  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  camp.  Paris 
and  Cologne  were  still  the  chief  centres  of  scholasticism,  which 
was  there  professed  by  the  mendicant  friars.  For  a  considerable 
time  realism  had  held  undisputed  sway,  when  William  Occam 
again  entered  the  lists  in  Germany  in  favour  of  nominalism. 
The  controversy  which  now  ensued  was  carried  on  with  much 
bitterness  ;  ultimately  realism,  which  a  number  of  the  Keformers 
(among  others,  Wycliffe  and  Huss)  professed,  was  decried  as  the 
source  of  all  heresy.  Aristotle  continued  the  great  authority  on 
all  philosophical  questions  ;  he  was  extolled  as  the  precursor  of 
Christ,  and  his  system  formed  the  basis  of  theology.  But  what 
of  power  and  energy  there  was  in  scholasticism,  had  long  passed 
away ;  bitter  polemics,  empty  formalism,  and  mere  casuistry  now 
constituted  its  sum  and  substance.  The  distinction  made  between 
philosophical  and  theological  truth,  by  which  one  and  the  same 
proposition  might  be  true  in  philosophy  and  false  in  theology, 
was  almost  universally  adopted.  In  ethics,  the  schoolmen  ad- 
dressed themselves  chiefly  to  intricate  questions,  while  on  some 
points  their  views  were  far  from  trustworthy  (for  example,  in 
their  defence  of  the  murder  of  a  tyrant,  or  their  doctrine  of  pro- 
bability). But  already  the  reign  of  scholasticism  was  drawing 
to  a  close.  Many  complained  of  the  abuse  to  which  it  had  been 
turned  ;  others  endeavoured  to  improve  and  reform  it,  or,  by  the 
study  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  Fathers,  to  infuse  into  it  a  new 
life.  Generally,  however,  the  opposition  was  one  of  principle, 
and  that  chiefly  on  the  part  of  the  Mystics  (§  IH),  the  English 
and  Bohemian  Reformers  (§  119),  and  the  Humanists  (§  120). 

1.  Among  the  ScJiooImen,  propeiit/  so  called,  of  that  period,  the  most 
celebrated  were  Francis  Mavron,  a  Scotist  at  Paris  —  Doctor  illumi- 
natus  or  acutus — ob.  1325,  and  Herveus  Natalis,  a  Thomist  and  gene- 


SCHOLASTICISM    AND    ITS    OPPONENTS.  491 

ral  of  the  Dominicans  (06.  1323).  But  more  extensive  and  important 
than  theirs  was  the  influence  of  two  other  schoolmen,  who  not  only 
renounced,  strict  adherence  to  scholastic  tenets,  but  ventured  to  pro- 
pound evangelical  views.  William  Durandus  de  St.  Porciano  (near 
Clermont),  also  a  Dominican  —  Doctor  resolutissimus  —  and  from  132G 
Bishop  of  Meaux,  had  at  first  been  a  zealous  advocate  of  Thomlst 
views.  Afterwards,  however,  he  saw  cause  to  change  his  opinions.  In 
philosophy  he  became  a  nominalist,  while,  in  opposition  to  the  school- 
men, he  taught  that  there  were  doctrines  which  could  not  be  demon- 
strated, and  which  had  to  be  received  in  simple  faith  as  revealed  truth. 
On  the  subject  of  the  Eucharist  he  held  that  the  (Lutheran)  doctrine 
of  consubstantiation  was  at  least  probable ;  he  also  maintained  that 
marriage  was  not  a  sacrament  in  the  same  sense  as  the  other  six.  He 
wrote  a  commentary  on  Lombardus,  and  a  "  Tractatus  de  statu  anima- 
rum  sanctarum  postquam  resolutse  sunt  a  corpore."  This  work  was 
directed  against  the  view  of  Pope  John  XXII.,  that  the  souls  of  the 
blessed  attained  vision  of  God,  only  after  the  resurrection  and  the  last 
judgment.  In  general,  this  erroneous  tenet  was  so  strenuously  opposed 
throughout  the  Church,  that  the  Pontiff  himself  was  obliged  to  retract 
it.  Of  kindred  spirit  was  the  Franciscan  William  Occam,  an  English- 
man— Doctor  invincibilis — teacher  at  Paris,  and  provincial  of  his  order. 
He  was  expelled  by  the  Franciscans  on  account  of  his  taking  the  part 
of  the  more  rigorous  in  the  order,  and  espoused  the  cause  of  Louis  of 
Bavaria,  whom  he  boldly  defended  against  the  interference  of  the 
hierarchy  [oh.  1347).  On  many  subjects  he  dissented  from  the  views 
of  Scotus,  which  were  a  kind  of  test  of  orthodoxy.  In  philosophy  he 
was  a  Nominalist ;  he  rejected  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and 
adopted  that  of  impanation.  Against  John  XXII.  he  wrote  a  "  Com- 
pendium errorum  Joannis  XXII.,"  in  which  he  charged  the  Pontiff 
with  a  number  of  heresies ;  among  others,  with  that  above  referred  to. 
In  his  numerous  writings  he  frequently  defended  the  opinion,  that  the 
Emperor  Avas  superior  to,  and  the  judge  of,  the  Pope,  and  that  the 
decision  of  all  questions  connected  with  marriage  belonged  to  the 
State.  (Comp.  Rettberg,  Occam  u.  Luther,  in  the  "  theol.  Stud.  u. 
Kritt."  for  1839.  I. ;  also  Turner,  Hist,  of  England,  Middle  Ages.  Vol. 
III.)  Of  course  the  papal  ban  was  hurled  against  him  ;  the  University 
of  Paris  also  condemned  his  views.  Still  a  large  number  of  students 
gathered  around  him  (Occamists).  —  The  last  great  representative  of 
the  schoolmen  was  Gabriel  Biel  of  Spires,  a  teacher  at  Tubingen  [oh. 
1495),  and  an  admirer  of  Occam.  He  delivered  sermons  on  the  Ethics 
of  Aristotle  ;  but  in  other  respects  avoided  many  of  the  errors  of  scho- 
lasticism, and  at  a  later  period  joined  the  Brethren  of  the  Common 
Life. 

2.  Besides  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  (|  112,  6)  and  those 
who  advocated  the  views  propounded  at  the  Councils  of  Constance  and 
Basle  (I  118),  the  following  were  the  principal  Opponents,  or  rather 
reformers  of  scholasticism ; 
41* 


492   SECTION  ir. —  third  period  (cent.  14  &15  a. d.). 

(1.)  Nicholas  de  Lyra,  a  Franciscan,  a  Jewish'  convert  from  Nor- 
mandy and  teacher  of  theology  at  Paris  [ob.  1340).  His  great  merit 
consisted  in  applying  his  stores  of  rabbinical  and  philological  learning 
to  the  interpretation  of  Scripture.  Since  Christian  Druthmar  (^  110, 
6),  he  was  the  first  again  to  prosecute  grammatical  and  historical  exe- 
gesis (Postilla  in  universa  Biblia).  A  century  later  another  Jewish 
proselyte,  Fmd  Burgensis  [ob.  1435,  whilst  Bishop  of  Burgos),  wrote  on 
the  margin  of  his  copy  of  the  Postilla,  a  number  of  excellent  Addi- 
tiones,  which  were  partly  emendatory,  partly  supplementary,  to  the 
original.  For  these  additions  he  was  assailed,  about  20  or  30  years 
afterwards,  by  Mattheio  Doi-ing,  provincial  of  the  Saxon  Franciscans, 
in  his  "  Replicas  defensivos  postillje."  In  translating  the  Bible,  Luther 
largely  availed  himself  of  the  commentaries  of  Lyra.  Accordingly 
the  enemies  of  the  Reformer  were  wont  to  say :  Si  Lyra  non  Lyrasset, 
Lutherus  non  saltasset. 

(2.)  TnoMAS  OF  Bradwardine,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  [ob.  1349), 
a  man  of  deep  piety,  and  who  charged  his  cotemporaries  with  Pelagi- 
anism,  but  himself  strayed  into  the  most  rugged  predcstinarianism. 

(3.)  The  learned  and  acute  Raymond  of  Sabunde  at  Toulouse,  the 
founder  of  the  science  of  natural  theology,  designed  to  exhibit  the 
agreement  between  the  book  of  nature  and  that  of  revelation. — (Comp. 
F.  Uvlberg,  de  theol.  naturali  Raim.  de  Sabunde.  Hal.  1843.  —  D. 
Matzke,  d".  nat.  Theol.  d.  Raim.  v.  Sab.  Bresl.  1846.— jlf.  Huttler,  d.  Rel. 
Phil.  d.  R.  V.  S.  Augsb.  1851. — Fr.  Kitzch,  qu^estiones  Raimundianas. 
In  the  hist,  theol.  Ztschr.  1859,  III.) 

I  117.  GERMAN  MYSTICISM. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  mysticism  had  formed  an  alliance  with  scholasticism. 
But  as  the  latter  gradually  degenerated  into  unmeaning  disputes 
and  empty  formalism,  mysticism  escaped  from  its  thraldom  and 
unfolded  all  the  richness  and  depth  of  which,  especially  in  that 
age,  it  showed  itself  capable.  Germany  was  now  its  chief  centre, 
and  the  national  cast  of  this  mysticism  appeared  even  in  the  cir- 
cumstance that  its  leading  representatives  wrote  in  the  vernacu- 
lar, and  thereby  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  development  of 
the  German  language  and  literature.  The  mysticism  to  which 
we  refer  had  a  character  of  its  own  ;  in  it,  lofty  speculation, 
which  occasionally  verged  on  and  passed  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  pantheism,  was  conjoined  with  deep  contemplativeness.  Dur- 
ing the  fifteenth  century  it  lost  much  of  its  metaphysical  char- 
acter, but  gained  all  the  more  in  biblical  ti'uth  and  practical 
tendency  (approximating  in  that  respect  the  older  French  mys- 


GERMAN     MYSTICISM.  493 

ticism).  Two  sentiments  meet  us  in  alLthe  Mystics  of  that  age 
—  genuine  sorrow  for  the  decay  ol-the- Clhurch,  and  equally 
ardent  longing  for  a  7'eformation.  But  mysticism,  however 
practical  and  popular  in  its  form,  however  right  and  evangelical 
in  its  aspirations,  has  never  been  able  to  bring  about  a  thorough 
and  lasting  renovation  of  religious  life.  It  fiuds  an  echo  only  in 
those  isolated,  quiet  spirits  which  cherish  deep  longing  for  the 
cultivation  of  the  inner  life.  Hence  at  best  it  cannot  lead  to 
results  greater  than  the  formation  of  separatist  churches,  whose 
exclusive  cultivation  of  a  subjective  piety  contains  within  itself 
the  germs  of  error  and  of  destruction.  It  is  characteristic  of 
such  mysticism  that,  in  its  contemplation  of  what  the  Saviour 
does  IN  us,  it  undervalues  what  He  has  done  for  us,  and  that  it 
devotes  more  attention  to  communion  with  God  and  sanctijica- 
iion  than  to  jaatification  by  faith,  which  is  the  condition  and 
basis  of  all  fellowship  with  God.  In  short,  no  genuine  reforma- 
tion can  take  place  without  mysticism,  but  it  alone  is  insufficient 
to  accomplish  that  object. 

1.  The  series  of  German  philosophical  Mystics  opens  with  Master 
EccART  {oh.  about  1329),  a  provincial  of  the  Dominicans.  In  boldness 
and  vigour  of  speculation  he  was  superior  to  all  his  successors,  but  at 
the  same  time  he  strayed  into  open  pantheism.  It  is  more  than  pro- 
bable that  he  stood  in  some  relation  to  the  Brothers  and  Sisters  of  the 
Free  Spirit,  though  he  certainly  did  not  share  their  antinomian  views 
and  practices.  Archbishop  Henry  of  Cologne  summoned  him  before 
his  tribunal,  and  laid  the  case  before  Pope  John  XXII.  The  commis- 
sion appointed  to  try  Eccart  extracted  from  his  writings  twenty-eiglit 
propositions,  of  which  seventeen  were  declared  directly  heretical,  the 
others  at  least  suspicious  and  capable  of  heretical  interpretation.  The 
Pope  issued  a  bull  of  condemnation,  in  which  however  he  stated  that 
Eccart  had  recanted  shortly  before  his  death,  —  which  we  suppose 
amounted  to  this,  that  he  denied  holding  the  same  views  as  the  Bre- 
thren of  the  Free  Spirit.  His  numerous  tractates,  written  in  German, 
•were  suppressed,  and  only  fragments  of  them  have  been  preserved. — 
(Comp.  H.  Martensen,  Mcister  Eccart.  Ilamb.  1842. —  C.  Schmidt,  in 
the  "  Stud.  u.  Kritt."  for  1839.  III. ;  Thomson,  in  the  same  Review  for 
1845.  III.) 

2.  The  writings  and  teaching  of  Eccart  had  produced  a  deep  im- 
pression. He  was  followed  during  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centu- 
ries by  other  and  like-minded  Mystics.  If  the  speculations  of  Eccart 
had  been  pantheistic  in  their  tendency,  they  now  endeavoured  to  give 
them  a  more  scriptural  character,  and  to  turn  them  to  practical 
account.     Their  writings  and  sermons  in  the  vernacular  contributed 

42 


494      SECTION    II. — THIIID    PERIOD    (CEN  T  .  14  &  15  A.  D.)- 

not  a  little  to  the  revival  of  genuine  piety  among  the  people.  Fore- 
most among  these  Mystics  we  mention: — 1.  The  Dominican  Johannes 
Tauler  at  Strasburg  [oh.  1361),  one  of  the  most  powerful  preachers  of 
any  age,  whose  labours  seem  to  have  been  richly  blessed.  His  own 
conversion  and  spiritual  growth  were  in  great  measure  due  to  inter- 
course with  Nicholas  of  Basle,  the  "friend  of  God"  [l  114,  2).  He 
was  distinguished  by  deep  humility,  ardent  love,  and  fervent  piety.  It 
was  the  main  object  of  all  his  labours  that  Christians  should  daily  die 
to  the  world  and  self,  that  so  Christ  might  be  found  in  them,  and  that 
they  should  find  themselves  poor  in  spirit,  that  so  they  might  become 
rich  in  God.  Withal  he  clearly  understood  and  preached  the  great 
truth  of  justification  by  faith.  Especially  did  he  abound  in  labours 
during  the  terrible  year  of  1348,  when  the  black  death  ravaged  Strass- 
burg  and  the  papal  interdict  rested  on  the  doomed  city.  But  no  inter- 
dict could  bind  Tauler.  The  best  known  of  his  writings  is  that  on  the 
"  Imitation  of  the  Poor  Life  of  Christ.'^  His  style  and  diction  entitle 
him  to  a  place  among  the  best  German  prose  writers  before  Luther. 
(Comp.  C.  Schmidt,  Joh.  Taul.  v.  Strassb.  Hamb.  1841.  B.  Bdhring, 
J.  Taul.  u.  d.  Gottesfreunde.  Hamb.  1853.  Eiidelhach,  christl.  Biogra- 
phic, I.  3.) — 2.  Henry  Suso,.  a  Dominican  at  Ulm,  also  called  Amandiis, 
the  son  of  a  Count  of  Berg  [oh.  1365).  His  writings,  full  of  sorrow  for 
sin  and  love  to  the  Lord,  which  seem  the  very  outpourings  of  his  soul, 
go  straight  to  the  heart.  (Comp.  Melch.  Diepenhrock,  Suso's  Leben  u. 
Schriften,  with  an  Introd.  by  Gorres,  2d  Ed.  Regensb.  1837.  C. 
Schmidt,  der  Myst.  H.  Suso,  in  the  "Stud.  u.  Kritt."  for  1843.  IV. 
3.  John  Ruysbroek,  an  Augustine  monk  at  Brussels  [oh.  1381).  He 
was  called  Doctor  ecstaticus,  from  the  circumstance  that  he  laid  such 
stress  on  the  ecstatic  state,  in  which  man  cast  ofi"  the  heavy  and  im- 
peding bonds  of  outward  sense,  and  opened  his  heart  immediately  and 
directly  to  the  influences  of  the  love  of  God  and  the  communications 
of  His  Spirit.  He  wrote  in  Latin  (Comp.  Engelhardt,  Rich.  v.  St. 
Victor  u.  Joh.  Ruysbr.  Erlang,  1838).  —  4.  Hermann  of  Fritzlar,  a 
pious  layman,  who  has  left  us  a  work  on  the  Life  of  the  Saints,  which 
has  lately  been  again  edited  (by  Fr.  Pfeiffer,  in  his  "  teutsche  Myst. 
d.  14.  Jahrh.  Vol.  I.  Leips.  1845).  In  attractive  language  and  with 
most  affectionate  simplicity,  he  endeavoured  to  show  how  the  outward 
life  of  the  saints  reflected  their  inward  purity.  The  book  is  entirely 
free  from  dead  externalism,  and  is  interspersed  with  explanations  and 
remarks  which  breathe  a  deep  mysticism  and  sublime  speculation, 
5.  Rulman  Merswin  (Meerschwein)  a  wealthy  merchant  and  broker  in 
Strassburg,  who  subsequently  joined  the  "  Friends  of  God,"  and  gave 
his  riches  to  benevolent  objects.  He  bought  an  old  forsaken  cloister 
near  the  city,  refitted  it  and  gave  it  to  the  order  of  St.  John.  There 
he  spent  the  rest  of  his  days  in  pious  contemplation  and  good  works 
[oh.  1382).  He  is  the  author,  as  K.  Schmidt  (hist,  theol.  ztschr.  1839) 
has  shown,  of  the  "Buch  von  den  neuen  Felsen"  found  among  Suso's 


REFORMATION    IN    HEAD    AND    MEMBERS.  495 

works.  It  is  a  complaint  of  a  devout  laymen  over  the  decay  of  the 
Church,  and  the  distractions  of  social  life.  Other  writings  by  him  are 
still  unpublished.  —  6.  Otto  von  Passau  a  Franciscan  of  the  14th 
(some  say  15th)  century.  He  wrote  a  devotional  book  entitled,  Die 
24  Alten,  oder  der  goldenc  Thron,''  which  secured  him  a  place  among 
the  German  mystics,  perhaps  on  a  level  with  Suso.  —  7.  The  unknown 
author  of  the  tractate  entitled  Theologia  Germanica,  "a noble  treatise, 
which  setteth  forth  what  Adam  and  what  Christ  is,  and  how  Adam  is 
to  die  and  Christ  to  rise  in  us."  The  work  treats  principally  of  the 
incarnation  of  God  in  Christ,  and  the  elevation  of  man  by  the  Saviour. 
It  was  held  in  very  high  esteem  by  Luther,  who  published  a  new 
edition  of  it.  (Transl.  into  Engl,  by  Miss  Winhworth,  with  a  Pref.  by 
Kingsley.)  —  8.  John  Staupitz,  Vicar-General  of  the  Augustine  Order 
in  Germany,  and  the  spiritual  father  of  Luther.  Himself  a  warm 
admirer  of  the  German  Mystics,  he  succeeded  in  awakening  similar 
sentiments  among  the  members  of  his  order.  But  he  felt  unequal  to 
the  contest  on  which  Luther  entered,  and  accordingly  retired  into  a 
Benedictine  monastery  at  Salzburg,  where  he  died  in  1524. 

3.  Even  in  the  case  of  Suso,  speculative  mysticism  had  assumed  a 
more  practical  cast.  This  change  was  finally  completed  by  the 
"Brethren  of  the  Common  Life"  (§  112,  5).  Most  distinguished 
among  their  writers  was  Thomas  a  Kempis  [oh.  1471).  According  to 
their  views,  the  whole  life,  all  thinking,  knowledge,  and  action,  were 
to  spring  from  love  to  God,  and  to  manifest  themselves  in  the  way  of 
growing  sanctification.  Thomas  a  Kempis  was  the  author  of  many 
tractates  ;  the  well-known  book  on  the  Imitation  of  Christ  is  generally 
ascribed  to  him.  With  the  exception  of  the  Bible,  perhaps  no  other 
work  has  so  frequently  been  reprinted,  or  translated  into  so  many 
languages,  nor  has  any  other  been  perused  by  so  many  persons  of  all 
ranks  and  creeds.  (Comp,  /.  P.  Silhert,  Gersen,  Gerson  u.  Kempis, 
welcher  ist  d.  Verf.  etc.  —  who  is  the  author,  etc.  —  Vienna,  1828. 
TJllman,  in  the  "  Stud.  u.  Kritt."  for  1843.  I.  G.  Vert,  Etudes  his.  sur 
rimit.  de  J.  C.  Toul.  1957.     B.  Bdhring,  Th.  v.  Kempen.  Berl.  1849.) 


IV.  REFORMATORY  MOVEMENTS. 
I  118.  THE   REFORMATION   IN   HEAD   AND   MEMBERS. 

The  desire  for  a  reformation  in  head  and  members  continued 
to  exist  throughout  the  whole  of  this  period,  down  to  the  Re- 
formation, and  even  beyond  it.  It  had  found  utterance  in  the 
reformatory  Councils  of  Pisa,  Constance,  and  Basle;  but  the 


496       SECTION    II. — THIRD   PER  10  D    (CEN  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

utter  failure  of  all  such  attempts,  however  sincere  and  energetic, 
and  however  wide  the  sympathies  they  commanded,  proves  that 
they  started  from  a  wrong  principle.  While  recognizing  that 
these  councils  kept  themselves  entirely  free  from  all  sectarian 
tendencies,  and  honestly  endeavoured  not  to  destroy  but  to  reform 
the  Church  from  within,  we  cannot  shut  our  eyes  to  the  manifest 
defects  of  those  movements.  Foremost  among  them  we  place 
the  circumstance,  that  they  aimed  after  a  reformation  only  iii 
head  and  members,  not  in  sjmnt ;  an  attempt  which  may  be  com- 
pared to  the  pruning  of  wild  branches,  while  that  which  in  times 
past  caused,  and  would  still  promote  their  growth,  is  left  un- 
touched. In  truth,  it  was  never  intended  to  abolish  more  than 
the  most  grievous  oppressions,  and  certain  gross  outward 
scandals  —  such  as  the  assumptions  of  the  hierarchy,  the  exac- 
tions of  the  Papacy,  and  the  dissoluteness  of  the  clergy.  But 
these  councils  entered  not  on  questions  of  doctrine  ;  despite  their 
corruption,  the  Romish  interpretation  of  dogmas  was  universally 
acknowledged.  Nor  was  it  understood  that  any  genuine  renova- 
tion could  only  proceed  from  the  preaching  of  repentance  and 
from  a  devout  acknowledgment  of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  in  him  who  justifieth  the  ungodly.  Hence  it  was  that  the 
reformers  of  Constance  condemned  to  the  stake  a  Huss,  who  had 
pointed  out  and  endeavoured  to  apply  this  the  only  true  lever 
of  a  genuine  reformation  ;  hence,  also,  the  fathers  of  Basle  hesi- 
tated not  to  proclaim  "  the  Immaculate  Conception "  as  an 
article  of  catholic  faith.  The  miscarriage  of  all  these  attempts 
must,  therefore,  not  be  ascribed  to  outward  obstacles,  either  at 
Pisa  or  Constance,  such  as,  that  before  addressing  themselves 
to  the  work  of  reformation  the  fathers  proceeded  to  the  choice 
of  a  new  Pope,  who  afterwards  prevented  any  genuine  reforma- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  the  circumstance  that  the  members  of 
these  councils  refused  to  address  themselves  to  a  reformation  of 
the  Church  till  they  had  given  it  a  head,  is  rather  an  honourable 
testimony  to  their  conscientiousness  ;  but  even  had  it  been  other- 
wise, their  defective  principles  would  have  led  to  the  same  result. 
On  this  ground  also  we  can  understand  why  the  ablest  men  in 
the  Council  of  Basle  gradually  retired  from  it  in  despair,  and, 
like  Nicholas  of  Cusa,  again  embraced  the  phantom  of  papal 
supremacy,  which,  under  a  Gregory  and  an  Innocent,  had  proved 
so  powerful  an  instrument  of  reform.  However  clearly  they  dis- 
cerned that  all  such  attempts  as  were  made  by  councils  had 


REFORMATION    IN    HEAD    AND    MEMBERS.  497 

proved  abortive,  they  failed  to  perceive  the  real  cause  of  this, 
and  hence  once  more  clung  to  the  Papacy  as  the  sole  anchor  of 
hope. 

1.  French  Reformers.  —  The  desire  for  a  reformation  of  the  Church 
in  head  and  members  was  chiefly  fostered  by  the  great  representatives 
of  the  University  of  Paris.     Among  these  divines  we  mention : 

(1.)  Peter  n'AiLLy,  Chancollor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  from 
139G  Bishop  of  Cambray,  and  from  1411  also  a  cardinal  [oh,  1425).  In 
many  respects  he  still  adhered  to  the  scliolastic  method,  and  even  wrote 
a  commentary  on  Lombardus,  while  at  the  san^  time  he  endeavoured 
to  give  a  biblical  basis  to  his  favourite  science. 

(2.)  John  Charlier  of  Gerson  (a  little  village  near  Rhcims), 
Doctor  Christianissimus,  the  pupil  and  successor  of  d'Ailly  at  Paris 
[oh.  1429).  lie  strenuously  insisted  that  a  General  Council  was 
superior  to  the  Pope,  —  a  principle  which,  in  his  opinion,  was  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  any  genuine  reformation.  Nor  was  he  merely 
alive  to  outward  defects  in  the  Church ;  on  the  contrary,  he  was  wont 
to  appeal  to  the  Bible  as  the  only  source  and  rule  of  Christian  know- 
ledge, and  contended  against  the  abuse  of  the  doctrine  of  indulgences, 
and  the  multiplication  of  saints  and  festivals.  Still  he  would  have 
withheld  the  Scriptures  in  the  vernacular  from  the  laity,  and  branded 
every  one  as  an  heretic  who  did  not  implicitly  receive  the  interpreta- 
tion which  the  Church  gave  of  a  passage.  Gerson  was  deeply  impressed 
with  the  desirableness  of  combining  mysticism  with  scholasticism.  His 
own  mysticism,  however,  was  rather  practical  than  speculative. — (Comp. 
C.  ScJimidf,  Essai  sur  J.  Gerson.  Par.  1839.  —  D.  Meitenleiter,  J.  Ger- 
son u.  s.  Zeit.  Augsb.  1857  ;  and  the  Essays  on  G.'s  Mystic,  by  Lichner 
in  the  "  Stud.  u.  Kritt.  for  1835.  II.,  by  Hundesliagen  in  Illgen's 
Journal  IV.,  and  by  Engclhardt ;  Thomassy,  Jean  Gerson.  Par.  1843; 
Dr.  J.  H.  Schwab  (Rom.  Cath.),  Joh.  Gerson,  e.  Monogr.  Wlirzb.  1859). 

(3.)  Nicholas  or  Clemangis,  Rector  of  the  University  of  Paris,  from 
which  he  retired  into  solitude  {ob.  about  1440).  Of  all  divines  in  the 
Church  he  perceived  most  clearly  existing  abuses,  and  most  fully  re- 
cognized the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  as  the  rule  of  belief  and  of 
judgment.  —  Corap.  A.  M'dniz,  Nic.  de  Clemanges,  sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits. 
Strasb.  1846. 

(4.)  Louis  d'Allejiand,  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Aries,  the 
ablest  and  most  eloquent  member  of  the  anti-papal  party  at  Basle.  He 
was  excommunicated  and  deposed  by  Eugenius  IV.  But  when  the 
Council  of  Basle  made  subjection.  Pope  Nicholas  V.  restored  him,  and 
in  1527  Clement  VII.  even  allowed  the  faithful  to  venerate  him  as  a 
saint. 

2.   The  Friends  of  Reform  in  Germany.  —  A  considerable  time  before 
the  appearance  of  the  French  reformers,  a  German,  Henry  of  Langen- 
stein,  near  Marburg  [Henricus  de  Hassia),  had  insisted  that  princes 
42  *  2  G 


498     SECTION    II.  —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

and  prelates  should  summon  a  General  Council  in  order  to  put  an  end 
to  the  papal  schism,  and  to  initiate  a  reformation  in  the  Church.  His 
work,  "  Consilium  pads  de  unione  ac  reforraatione  ecclesije  in  concilio 
uuiversali,"  appeared  in  1381.  It  contained  a  humbling,  but  unfor- 
tunately too  correct  account  of  the  desolate  state  of  the  Church.  The 
monasteries  he  designated  "  prostibula  meretricum,"  and  the  cathe- 
dral churches  "  speluncaj  raptorum  et  latronum."  He  taught  first 
at  Paris,  and  from  1381  in  Vienna,  where  he  died  (1397),  as  rector  of 
the  University.  (Cf.  O.  Hartioiy,  Ilenr.  de  Langenst.  dictus  de  Hassia 
Zwei  Unterss.  Marb.  1858.) — 2.  Theodore  of  Niem  (Neheim)  was  secre- 
tary to  Gregory  IX.,  with  whom  he  went  from  France  to  Kome.  After- 
wards he  became  Bishop  of  Verdun,  and  died  in  1417,  as  Bishop  of 
Cambray,  during  the  sittings  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  of  which 
he  Avas  a  member.  His  writings,  which  have  not  yet  received  sufficient 
attention,  are  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the  history  of  the  schism 
and  of  the  Council.  Throughout,  his  language  is  bold  and  unsparing. — 
3.  Gregory  of  Heimhurg.  He  attended  the  Council  of  Basle,  as  secre- 
tary to  ^neas  Sylvius,  who  at  the  time  was  still  attached  to  the  reform- 
ing party.  But  his  violent  opposition  to  papal  a.?sumptions  caused 
such  excitement,  that  ^ncas  deemed  it  prudent  to  dismiss  his  secre- 
tary. He  afterwards  became  Syndic  of  Nurnberg,  and  in  1459  attended 
the  Council  of  Mantua,  as  ambassador  of  the  Emporor  Sigismund. 
Pope  Pius  II.  (^neas  Sylvius)  excommunicated  him,  from  which  time 
he  wandered  about  from  place  to  place,  the  victim  of  papal  persecu- 
tions. He  died  at  Dresden,  in  1472.  His  writings  were  collected  and 
published  at  Frankfort,  in  1608,  under  the  title,  "  Scripta  nervosa  justi- 
tiajque  plena."  On  the  relation  between  ^neas  and  Gregory  compare 
also  G.  Pfizer,  d.  Deutsche  u.  d.  Welsche  (the  German  and  the  Ital.). 
Stuttg.  1844.  —  4.  Nicliolas  of  Cusa,  near  Treves  (his  real  name  was 
Chryfi'tz  =  crab).  He  attended  the  Council  of  Basle,  as  Archdeacon 
of  Lieges,  spoke  and  wrote  in  defence  of  the  principles  of  that  Council 
(de  concordantia  catholica  LI.  III.);  but  afterwards  joined  the  papal 
party,  was  rewarded  with  the  episcopal  see  of  Brixen,  where  he  died 
a  cardinal  in  1464.  Against  the  abuses  of  the  scholastic  method  he 
wrote  three  books,  "  de  docta  ignorantia."  (Comp.  F.  A.  Scharpjf,  d. 
kirchl.  u.  lit.  Wirken  d.  Nic.  v.  Cusa  (the  Eccl.  and  Lit.  Labours  of 
N.  ofC).  Vol.1.  May.  1843.— /.  ilf.  i)Ma;,  d.  deutsche  Card.  Nic.  V. 
Cusa  u.  d.  Kirche  s.  Zeit.     Regensb.  1847.     2  Vols.) 

3.  Italy  also  contributed  to  the  Council  of  Basle  one  who  at  least  for 
a  time  appeared  to  be  a  reformer,  ^neas  Sylvius  Piccolomini  was 
among  the  most  determined  opponents  of  Eugenius  IV.  He  wrote  a 
history  of  the  Council  of  Basle,  couched  in  a  violent,  anti-papal  spirit, 
and  became  secretary  of  Felix,  the  Pontiff  whom  that  Council  elected. 
But  in  1442  he  entered  the  service  of  the  Emperor  Frederic  III., 
became  poet  laureate  and  imperial  counsellor.  In  this  capacity  he 
displayed  considerable  diplomatic  skill  in  bringing  about  the  Concordat 


EVANGELICAL    REFOEMATION.  499 

of  Frank  fort  in  1446,  by  AYhich  a  reconciliation  was  effected  between 
Pope  Eugenius  and  the  German  princes.  Ten  years  afterwards  Calix- 
tus  IV.  nominated  liim  cardinal,  and  in  1458  he  was  elevated  to  the 
papal  see,  as  Pius  II.  His  poetic  effusions  are  full  of  most  indecent 
passages,  and  his  former  lasciviousness  continued  even  after  his  acces- 
sion to  the  see  of  Peter.  (Cf.  K.  R.  Uagenhacli,  Erinner.  an  ^n.  Sylv. 
Pice.     Bas.  1840.) 

I  119.   ATTEMPTS  AT   EVANGELICAL   REFORMATION. 

While  the  divines  of  Paris  attacked  the  glaring  abuses  of  the 
Papacy,  a  more  hopeful  movement  had  commenced  in  England 
(especially  by  Wycliffe)  and  Bohemia  (especially  by  Hus). 
Not  merely  the  outward  corruptions  of  the  Church,  but  their 

•  hidden  cau^gs^were  to  be  exposed  and  removed.  Another  dis- 
tinctive feature  of  this  Keformation  was,  that  it  addressed  itself 

tto^the  loeonle  rather  than  to  the  learned,  and  aimed  at  enlisting 
their  sympathies  and  convictions.  For  the  first  time  also  was  it 
understood  and  proclaimed,  more  or  less  distinctly,  that  a  genuine 

■  reformation  must  be  based,  on  that  great  doctrine  of  justificajtjan 
by  faith,  which  had  at  first  been  the  corner  stone  of  the  Church.  It 
is  on  this  ground  that  Wycliffe  and  Hus  have  frequently  been 
represented  as  the  precursors  of  the  Reformation  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  However  correct  in  some  respects  the  statement,  there 
was  a  vast  difference  between  these  men  and  the  reformers  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Not  to  speak  of  the  comparatively  small  suc- 
cess of  their  labours,  which  in  part  may  have  been  due  to  the 
circumstance  that  the  fulness  of  time  for  such  comprehensive 
reforms  had  not  yet  come,  they  faUed  by  adopting  some  heretical 
(spiritualistic)  elements,  which  conflicted  with  the  idea  and  true 
character  of  the  Church,  whilst  the  German  Reformation  either 
shunned  such  errors,  or  gradually  excludgti.  them.  YirtuaUy 
acknowledging  no  otlier  than  ihg.  invisible  Church,  they  failed  in 
establishing  a  visible  community  ;  while  in  their  aims  after  exces- 
sive purity  and  simplicity,  they  disconnected  themselves  not  only 
from  the  past,  but  even  from  the  present.  Of  the  two  reformers 
whom  we  have  mentioned,  Hus  was  more  a-  man  of  the  people 
than  Wycliffe.  If  his  views  were  less  iDhilosophical,  and  his 
system  less  developed,  his  aims  were  morejyactical  and  popijlar 
(by  preaching  justification  by_  faiths,  and  more  fully  directed 
towards  inward  and  spiritual  renovation  than  those  of  his  great 
English^teacher. — These  tendencies  were  not  confined  to  England 
42 


500       SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD   (CEN  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

or  Boheinia.  A _similar_  iIIG:teiii£.nt  sprung  up  in  other  lands, 
especially  in  the  Low.  Conntrieg.  In  this  case  also  submission 
to  the  Scriptui'es,  and  faith  in  the  crucifi.ed_SaYiour.  as  the  ground 
of  salvation,  \vere  regarded  as  the  onlv_principles  capg.ble  of 
achieving  a  genuine  reformalion.  Jjike  Hiis  and  Wycliffe,  those 
divines  adopted  the  theological  s3'steju_of  St_Augustine,  but  their 
activity  was  more,  quiet,  confined  to  narrower  circles,  and  rather 
theological  than  popular.  Even_Jn_iteI^(:4i_reforriier  appeared. 
Thoroughly  imbued  with  evangelical  sentiments,  Savonarola  ex- 
ercised during  his  brief  public  career  a  most  precious_  influence 
upon  his  j20untrymen. 

1.  Wycliffe  and  the  Wycliffites".' —  (Comp.  /.  Lewis,  Hist,  of  the  Life 
and  Sufferings  of  J.  Wycliffe.  Osf.  1S20.  — R.fang7ia7i,  J.  de  Wycliffe,  , 
a  Monograph.  Lend.  1853. —  O.Jdger,  J.  Wye.  u.  s.  Bedetitung  fiir  d. 
Reform.  Halle  1854.  —  G.Wehcr,  Gesch.  d.  akathol.  Kirchen  u.  Seeten 
V.  Grossbrit.  Leips.  1845.  Vol.  I.  —  F.  A.  I^icald,  d.  theol.  Doctrin.  J.  * 
Wye.  In  the  "Zeitsch.  fur  hist.  Theol."  for  184G.  II.-IV. ;  and  in  the 
same  Journal  for  1853.  III.  1854.  II.  —  G.  V.  LecMcr,  Wye.  u.  d.  Lol- 
larden,  and  "  Hist,  of  Engl,  and  France  under  the  Housej)f  Lancaster."  < 
Lond  1852. —  (A  number  of  W.'s  treatises  have  of  late  been  reprinted.) 
• — The  kinffsand  parliament  of  England  had  been  long  resi^iog^jjie.^ 
oppressive  yuke  of  the  papal  hierarchy  ;  and  such  men  as  Jqhiij>f  Salis- 
Iniry,  Robert  Greathead,  Roger^acon,  and  Thojnas  of  Bradwardine,  had 
lifted  their  voices  against  the  inner  corruptions  of  the  Church.  John 
Wycliffe.  a  jiupil  of  Bradwardine,  was  born  1324,  As  a  felloAV  of 
the  university  of  Oxford,  which  was  then  involved  in  a  controversy 
with  the  mendicant  monks,  Wycliffe  appeared  in  1360  against  these 
monks,  and  in  136G  in  defence  of  the  English  cro\i::n_ag|iiust  the  de- 
mands of  the  papal  court  (then  at  Avignon),  foxJIeij,i!x!UiU]30sts.  This 
secured  for  him  the  favour  of  the  English  court,  which  conferred  the 
doctorate  upon  him,  appointed  him  professpr  of  theology  in  Oxford,  and, 
1374,  placed  him  on  an  embassy  to  the^jopc  to  effect  an  adjustment  of 
existing  difficulties.  ■-TheiTKe  learned,  by  immediate  observation,  how 
corrupt  the  papacy  was.  After  his  return,  ho  spoke  and  w^'ote  openly 
against  the  papal  'Antichrist"  and  its  system.  'iGregorg  XI.  con- 
demned (1377),  nineteen jT^outs  in  his  writings,  but  the  English  court 
protected  him  against  punishment.  Wycliffe  became  moi^e_Jiold, 
formed  societies  of  pious  maa^  preach  the  Gospel  among  the  people, 
(their  enemies  called  them  Lollards),  and  translated  the  Bible  (from 
the  Vulgate),  into  English.  By  this  time  the  anger  of  his  enemies  had 
reaelHjd  its  height.  He  now  assailed  transubstantiation,  and  revived-, 
Eorongar's  view  of  the  Lord's  Supper;  the  univer|ity_expelled  him,  and 
:i  syqgd  at  London  condemned  his  works  and  doctrines  as  heretical 
(i3.s2).     The  cyiirt  and  Parliament  could  only  protect  his  person.    He 


EVANGELICAL    REFORMATION. 


501 


re^ijicd  to  the  parish  of  LuttexStGrth,  and  there  died  (1384).  His  ad- 
herents, including  many  eminent  and  educated  persons  (among  the 
masses  he  found  but  little  sympathy),  were  violently  persecuted.  The 
Council  of  Constance  condemnejLjinewibrtyifij^points  in  his  writings, 
and  commanded  his  corpse  to  be  disinterred,  burnt,  and  scattered. 
But  much  of  the  seed  he  sowed  was_preserved  until,  in  the  Reformation, 
it  sprang  up  and  bloomed  with  greater  purity  and  power. — In  the  last 
years  of  his  compulsory  leisure,  Wycliffe  wrote  his  chief  work,  the 
Triqlpj/us,  in  which  he  fully  sets  forth  his  theological  views.  As  the 
fundamental  principle  of  all  theology  and  of  a  reformation,  he  main- 
tained that  the  Holy  Scriptures  are  the  only  source  and  rule  of  all 
religious  knowledge.  But  in  rejecting  all  ecclesiastical  tracLltion  as  a 
mere  human  invention,  he  went  beyond  the  limits  of  evangelical  con- 
sideration, and  failed  to  distinguish  between  normal  and  abnormal 
developments.  Agreeably  to  his  principle  he  rpnonnnnd  the  wnrshjp 
ofjielics  and  images,  the  use  of  the  La,t_in  language,  the  chanting  of  the 
priests,  the  nnmernns-  fr^jtivals.  private  masses,  extreme  unction,  and 
in  general  all  ceremonies.  lie  pronounced  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  in- 
dulg^ences,  as  well  as  bans  and  interdicts,  blasphemous ;  auricular  cijn- 
fession,  violence  done  to  the  conscience  ;  and  the  power  of  the_keys_con- 
ditional,  and  its  application  impotent  unless  in  harmony  with  the  law 
of  Christ.  He  denied  tlie_jx^al_j5resence  of  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  in  the  Supper,  and  affirmed/with  Berengar,la  communiciiiion 
of  hjsjiowe]^  which  was  not  only  independent  of^the  faith  of  the 
recipient,  but  also  of  the  worthiness  of  the  administering  priest.  The 
doctrine  of  purgatory  he  wholly  rejected.  lie  held  predestination  in 
the  rigid  form  of  his  teaclierj^Bradwardine.     He  maintained  that  the 

,»paj5ju^y_jYa§_.;Ailiichrist,  and  that  the  pope  obtained  his  power  only 
from  the  oiiiperor.  not  from  God.  For  the  hierarchical  organization 
should  be  substituted  the  presbyterial  fo£in  of  government.  Ordination 
imparts  nojneradicable  chai'acter  ;  a  priest  guilty  of  a  mortal  sin  caii- 
•nQt,   v.'vli(lb[_ad minister    a    sacrament.     Every    believer    possesses   a 

>  priestly_cliaracter.  To  the  state^belongs  the  prerogative  of  represent- 
ing Christ  as  the  theanthropi^c__r^ii]Gr_of  the  world;  the  clergy  are 
merely  to  represent  the  poor  suffering  life  of  his  humanity.  IVIonasti- 
cism  is  a  monster.  &c. 

2.  The  Bohemian  Reformers  before  Hus.  —  (Comp.  /.  P.  Jordan,  d. 
Vorlaufer  d.  Ilussitenth.  in  Bohmcn  (the  Precursors  of  H.  in  Bohemia. 
Leips.  1846. — A.Zitte,  Lebensboschr.  d.  drei  Vorl.  d.  Joh.  Hus.  Prague 
1786.  — i^'.  Palackij,  Gesch.  v.  Bohmen.  Vol.  III.,  pp.  157,  etc.)  — It 
will  be  remembered  that  the  Bohemian  Church  had  been  founded  by. 
missionari_aa_frpm  tli^_^ast,  and  not  from  tluB  West.  The  peculiar 
direction  which  it  got  at  first  was  never  wholly_lpst ;  and  though,  at  a 
l^tcr  period,  the  Romish  Qi:^r  and  liturgy  had  been  introduced,  they 
were  not  received  without  opposition  or  grudge.  In  Bohemia  the 
founder  of  the  Waldenses  had  sj^ent  jheJaaLjears  of  his  lifej  and 


502       SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (C  E  NT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

there,  at  a  later  period,  a  number  of  his^adherents  had  found  an  asylum 
when  driven  from  the  valleys  of  Piedmont.  The  great  stronghold  of 
the  Papacy  in  Bohemia  was  theJ]n2vjrsity^_of_Prague  (founded  in  1348). 
Most  of  its  chairs  were  occnpip^djry  the  mendicants,  who  were  of  course 
zealous  defenders  of  hierarchical  principles ;  while  the  arrangement 
of  the  members  of  the  University  into  four  nations,  of  whom  each  had 
one  vote  (Bohemia,  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Poland),  prevented  anything 
like  a  national  and  independent  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Bohe- 
mians. Nor  was  it  unimportant,  in  reference  to  the  religious  history 
of  the  country,  that  the  controversy  between  Realism  and  Nominalism 
raged  more  violently  at_Prag.uo  than  elsewhere,  and  that  there  also 
Realism  was  regarded  as  suspicious,  while  Noniinalism  was  considered 
tlie,^gr£^it_Jiuhyark  of  ecclesiastical  orthodoxy.  (Wycliffe  also  was  a 
Rejlist,  but  the  Paris__Reformers  were  zealous  Nominalists.)  Even 
^  before  the  time  of  Hus,  three  earnest  preacliers  had  prepared  the  way 
by  their  evangelical  sermons  and  by  their  pastoral  labours  among  the 
people.  These  were  Conrad  of]  WaJdlimisen  [ob.  1369),  Jolui  Milicz 
oh.  1734),  and  MaWiias_ofJamv  {ob.  1394).  Milicz  seems  to  have  had 
the  clearest  insight  into  evangelical  truth,  while  J^nov  was  loudest  in 
his  denunciations  of  ecclesiastical  abuses.  All  three  gathered  vast  audi- 
ences around  them.  In  1367  Milicz  went  to  Ronxa_tai>bear  testimony 
against  ecclesiastical  corruptions  in  the  capital  of  Christendom.  He 
was  soon  silenced  in  ajy^son ;  but  either  Pope  Urban  V.,  who  had  just 
returned  from  Avignon,  or  the  good  offices  of  some  other  friends,  pro- 
cured his^lijieration.  Fresh^ersecutions  awaited  him  on  his  return  to 
Bohemia.  His  opponents  accused  him  of  heresy  before  Po-pejjfrerjori/,  XL 
Milicz  successfully  defended  his  orthodoxy  at  Avignon,  whither  he  had 
gone  to  plead  his  cause  in  person.  ^J^ov  has  left  two^  tractates,  "  De  • 
sacerdotu^;^_et_monachorum  abhorrenda  abominatione  desolationis  in 
ecclesia  Christi,"  and  "  De^_Antichristo,"  which  contain  a  withering 
exposure  of  the  degenerate,  hierarchy,  clergy,  and  monks  of  his  time. 
His  hearers  he  warned  against  trusting  in  their  own  works,  or  attach- 
ing value  to  mere  ceremonies.  Janov  cherished  the  conviction  that, 
according  to  Christ's  appointment,  the  laity  should  receive  the  cup  as 
well  as  the  bread  in  the  Eucharist,  but  that,  in  obedience  to  his  eccle- 
siastical superiors,  he  had  yieded  the  point.  The  statement,  however, 
wants  historical  confirmation. 

3.  Hits  and  Jerome.  —  (Comp.  A.  Ziite,  Lebensbeschr.  d.  Joh.  Hus. 
Prague,  1799.  2  Vols.  —  A.  Ziirn,  J.  Hus  auf  d.  Concil  zu  Kotnitz. 
Leips.  1836. — L.  Kbhler,  J.  Hus  u.  seine  Zeit.  Leips.  1846.  3  Vols. — 
, /.  A.  Helfert,  Hus  u.  Hieron,  Prague,  1853. — L.  Heller,  Hieron.  v, 
Prag.  Tub.  1835.  —  F.  Palach/,  Gesch.  v.  Btihmen.  Vol.  III.  t- 
John  Hus,  of  Husinecz,  was  born  in  1369.  From  1398  he  occupied  the 
chair  of  Philosophy  in  the  University  of  Prague.  Even  before  his 
public  appearance,  he  had  passed  through  deep  personal  experiences, 
realizing  his  own  sinfulness,  and  ultimately  finding  peace  and  comfort 


EVANGELICAL    REFORMATION.  503 

in  the  "Word  of  God  and  in  a  cordial  reception  of  the  crucified  Saviour. 
These  truths  became  a  source  of  new  life  to  him,  and  them  he  pro- 
claimed when  called  in  1402  to  officiate  as  preacher  in  the  Bdhlchvm 
Chapel  at  Prague,  which  was  founded  for  the  special  purpose  of  giving 
the  people  an  opportunity  of  hearing  the  Gospel  in  the  vernacular. 
Hitherto  Hus  had  only  been  superficially  acquainted  with  the  Avritings 
of  WycHffe,  whose  views  on  the  Eucharist  he  rejected.  But  when 
Jerome  of  Prague,  a  Bohemian  knight,  returned  from  Oxford  an  enthu- 
siastic adherent  of  WycliiFe,  he  persuaded  his  friend  to  examine  more 
fully  the  writings  and  opinions  of  the  British  Reformer.  Jerome  was 
a  man  of  brilliant  talents,  ardently  attached  to  what  he  believed  the 
truth,  and  burning  with  a  zeal  which  bordered  on  enthusiasm,  but 
deficient  in  that  moderation  and  prudence  for  which  Hus  was  so  dis- 
tinguished. The  charge  of  sharing  Wycliffe's  views  was  first  brought 
against  IIus  in  1404,  when  two  young  English  divines,  pupils  of  AVyc- 
liffe,  being  persecuted  in  Prague  for  their  advocacy  of  their  teacher's 
tenets,  exhibited  a  number  of  pictures,  by  way  of  showing  the  striking 
contrast  between  the  poverty  of  Christ  and  His  apostles,  and  the  pomp 
and  luxury  of  the  Pope  and  his  cardinals.  Hus  disapproved  of  the 
conduct  of  the  young  men,  although  he  admitted  the  truth  of  the  con- 
trast presented.  The  Bohemian  members  of  the  University  took  the 
same  view  of  the  question  ;  the  Germans  and  Poles  the  opposite.  As 
the  foreigners  commanded  three  votes  in  the  University  against  the 
one  of  the  Bohemians,  a  resolution  was  published  in  1408,  by  which 
forty-five  propositions  of  Wyclifi"e  were  formally  condemned.  But  this 
state  of  matters  was  not  to  continue.  In  1409  the  national  party  pre- 
vailed on  Wenceslaus,  the  King,  to  issue  an  order  to  the  effect  that  in 
future  the  Bohemian  nation  should  have  three  votes,  and  the  other 
nations,  combined,  only  one.  The  foreigners  (teachers  and  students 
numbering,  according  to  the  lowest  estimate,  5000)  immediately  left 
Prague,  and  founded  the  University  of  Leipsig.  The  party  of  Hus 
became  dominant  in  Bohemia,  but  all  the  more  unpopular  in  foreign 
countries,  and  the  charge  of  Wycliffism  was  generally  preferred  against 
its  leader.  About  the  same  time  Hus  became  also  more  earnest  and 
energetic  in  his  denunciations  of  ecclesiastical  and  clerical  abuses. 
Sbynko,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  now  laid  an  accusation  against  him  in 
Rome,  and  prohibited  his  preaching  in  the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  But 
the  populace  openly  insulted  the  Archbishop  in  the  streets,  while  Hus 
appealed  from  the  Pope  ill-informed  to  the  Pope  better-informed.  The 
Bohemian  Reformer  was  wont  to  declare  that  he  received  not  implicitly 
all  the  statements  of  Wycliife,  but  distinguished  in  them  between  truth 
and  error,  and  that  he  was  prepared  to  retract  the  moment  he  should 
be  convinced  from  Scripture  of  his  error.  The  Pope  cited  him  to  Rome ; 
but,  on  the  intercession  of  the  King  and  the  University,  a  temporary 
truce  was  concluded  between  Hus  and  the  Archbishop  of  Prague. 
Other  occasions  of  dissension  soon  arose.  In  1412  John  XXIII.  pro- 
42  * 


504     SECTION    II. —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14&15A.  D.). 

claimed  a  crusade  against  Naples,  which  was  also  preached  in  Bohemia. 
Against  this  daring  presumption  Hus  protested  by  pen  and  voice; 
while  Jerome,  in  his  indignation,  even  ventured  to  burn  the  Pope's  bull 
at  the  public  pillory.  The  Pope  now  excommunicated  IIus,  and  laid 
Prague  under  the  interdict,  so  long  as  it  sheltered  the  Reformer  (1413). 
Hus  appealed  to  the  tribunal  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  retired  from  Prague 
to  his  birthplace.  Meantime  the  Council  of  Constance  had  been  sum- 
moned. There  the  cause  of  Hus  was  to  be  finally  settled.  At  the 
request  of  the  Emperor  Sigismnnd,  and  furnished  by  him  with  a  safe- 
conduct,  the  Reformer  went  (1414)  to  Constance,  fully  persuaded  of  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  and  prepared,  if  necessary,  to  suffer  martyrdom. 
On  his  first  examination  Hus  was  immediately  committed  to  prison. 
The  Bohemian  nobles  who  had  accompanied  him  to  Constance  appealed 
to  the  Emperor,  who  was  on  his  way  to  that  city.  The  Emperor  sent 
an  order  to  restore  Hus  to  liberty,  which  was  not  obeyed  ;  and  a  depu- 
tation from  the  Council  persuaded  the  weak  monarch,  that  since  Hua 
was  at  the  bar  of  the  Council  on  the  charge  of  heresy,  he  was  beyond 
imperial  protection.  For  seven  months  the  Reformer  was  tortured  by 
private  examinations.  At  length  a  public  audience  was  granted  him 
(in  June,  1415).  But  he  was  not  allowed  to  proceed  to  the  discussion 
of  controverted  points;  the  Council  insisted  on  simple  and  unqualified 
retractation.  The  humility,  meekness,  and  gentleness  of  the  Reformer, 
his  enthusiasm  and  confidence,  gained  him  friends  even  in  the  Council. 
From  all  sides,  and  by  every  kind  of  motive,  he  was  pressed  to  yield. 
These  well-meant  persvxasions  proved  as  ineffectual  as  the  threats  of  his 
enemies.  On  the  (Stli  July,  his  forty-sixth  birthday,  a  solemn  oration 
was  delivered  in  the  cathedral  on  Romans  vi.  6,  after  which  Hus  was 
stripped  of  his  priestly  robes,  handed  over  to  the  secular  power,  and 
led  to  the  stake.  Amid  prayer  and  praise  he  expired,  joyously  and 
confidently,  one  of  the  numerous  company  of  martyrs  who  with  their 
blood  have  sealed  a  good  confession.  —  Jerome  of  Prague,  the  friend  of 
Hus,  had  also  appeared  at  Constance,  though  unsummoned.  Perceiving 
that  a  longer  stay  could  be  of  no  use  to  his  friend  and  only  exposed 
himself  to  a  similar  fate,  he  left  the  town,  but  was  captured  by  the 
way,  and  brought  back  in  chains  (April,  1415).  Half  a  year  spent  in 
a  loathsome  prison,  and  the  continuous  solicitations  of  his  judges, 
induced  him  in  an  hour  of  weakness  to  recant,  and  to  acknowledge  the 
sentence  pronounced  against  Hus.  But  notwithstanding  his  recanta- 
tion, he  was  still  distrusted  and  kept  in  durance.  Jerome  soon  re- 
covered himself.  He  requested  a  public  audience  before  the  whole 
Council,  which  was  granted  him  in  May,  1416.  He  now  publicly  and 
formally  retracted  his  former  recantation,  and  confounded  the  Council 
by  his  eloquence  and  moral  earnestness.  On  the  30th  May,  141G,  he 
died  at  the  stake,  full  of  courage  and  joy. 

The  Doctrinal  Views  of  Hus,  most  clearly  expressed  in  his  tractate 
"  dc  ccclesia,"  had  but  one  error.     Adopting  the  predestinarian  views 


EVANGELICAL     REFORMATION.  505 

of  St.  Augustine,  he  regarded  the  Church  as  the  totality  of  the  pre- 
destinate, and  argued  that  only  the  predestinate  covild  properly  dispense 
the  sacraments.  This  view  annuls  the  objective  power  of  the  Church: 
its  nature,  significance  and  office  arc  evaporated;  it  is  deprived  of  every 
thing  like  a  firm  basis.  An  error  so  fundamental,  which  Hus  shared 
with  Wycliffe,  rendered  him  incompetent  to  be  a  reformer,  notwith- 
standing his  moral  purity  and  power  and  the  fulness  of  his  evangelical 
knowledge.  A  reformation  based  on  such  fundamental  principles  would 
be  apt  to  degenerate  into  sectarianism  or  fanaticism.  In  all  other 
respects  his  teaching  was  excellent,  and  thoroughly  evangelical.  In 
regard  to  the  Lord's  Supper  he  differed  decidedly  from  Wyclifie,  and 
adhered  to  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  yea  even  to  transubstan- 
tiation,  —  We  are  scarcely  surprised  that  the  Council  of  Constance, 
though  led  by  a  Gerson,  should  have  pronounced  sentence  of  death  on 
such  a  man.  Other  reasons  also  led  to  this  result.  The  Fathers  of 
Constance  were  chiefly  Nominalists,  and  to  them  the  Realism  of  Hus 
appeared  the  source  of  all  his  heresy ;  besides,  the  controversy  in  the 
University  of  Prague,  and  the  decision  of  the  king,  which  were  chiefly 
attributed  to  him,  had  raised  a  prejudice  in  the  minds  of  the  Germans. 
Perhaps,  also,  his  mistakes  on  the  subject  of  the  Church  might  appear 
to  the  Council  more  dangerous  than  they  really  were ;  while  all  the 
other  points,  on  which  he  advocated  evangelical  views,  could  not  be 
appreciated  by  such  an  assembly  as  that  of  Constance.  Lastly,  IIus 
drew  upon  himself  the  enmity  of  both  parties  in  the  Council :  the 
hierarchical  party  wished  to  deter  its  opponents  by  showing  that  the 
Church  still  possessed  the  power  of  burning  heretics,  while  the  liberal 
party  withdrew  its  protection,  from  apprehension  that  any  suspicion 
of  sharing  the  heretical  views  of  IIus  might  endanger  the  success  of 
their  reformatory  attempts. — The  story,  frequently  related,  that  in  his 
last  moments  Hus  uttered  the  prediction,  "  To-day  you  roast  a  goose 
(in  Bohemian  =  Hus),  but  from  mine  ashes  will  arise  a  swan  (the 
armorial  device  of  Luther),  whom  you  will  not  be  able  to  destroy,"  is 
entirely  apocryphal.  It  probably  originated  during  the  time  of  the 
Reformation,  from  the  circumstance  that  the  two  martyrs  had  appealed 
to  the  judgment  of  God  of  history.  Hus  predicted  that,  instead  of 
the  weak  goose,  sti-ong  eagles  and  falcons  would  soon  come ;  while 
Jerome  summoned  his  vinjust  judges  to  answer  within  a  hundred  years 
before  the  highest  tribunal. 

4.  The  Hussites.  —  Comp.  Z.  Theobald,  Hussitenkrieg.  3d  Ed.  BresL 
1750.  4.  —  Lenfant,  Hist,  de  la  guerre  des  Huss.  2  T.  4.  Suppl6m.  par 
Beausohre.  Laus.  1745.  —  F.  Palacki/,  u.  s.).  —  During  the  imprison- 
ment of  Hus,  Jacobus  of  Misa  ( Jacobellus)  had  acted  as  leader  of  the 
Hussites.  By  advice  of  a  Waldensian  [Peter  of  Dresden),  and  with  the 
approbation  of  Hus,  he  dispensed  to  the  laity  the  cup  in  the  Eucharist. 
In  consequence  of  this,  a  violent  controversy  broke  out  between  the 
divines  of  Prague  and  those  of  Constance,  about  the  lawfulness  of  with- 
43 


506    SECTION   II.  —  THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14&15  A.  D.). 

holding  the  cup.  On  the  proposal  of  Gerson,  the  Council  resolved, 
that  any  one  Vfho  refused  to  submit  in  this  matter  to  the  Church, 
should  be  treated  as  a  heretic.  This  and  the  execution  of  Hus  raised 
popular  feeling  in  Bohemia  to  the  highest  pitch.  In  the  midst  of  the 
excitement  which  ensued,  King  Wenceslaus  died  in  1419,  and  the 
estates  refused  to  acknowledge  his  brother,  the  "perjured"  Emperor 
Sigismund.  For  sixteen  years  a  civil  war  raged,  which,  in  bitterness 
and  cruelty  on  both  sides,  has  rarely  been  equalled.  The  Hussites, 
who  had  built  the  fortified  town  of  Tabor  on  the  top  of  a  steep  moun- 
tain, were  commanded  by  the  one-eyed  Zlslca.  The  armies  of  crusaders 
successively  summoned  against  the  Bohemians  M^ere  defeated  and 
annihilated.  But  the  mild  evangelical  spirit  of  Hus  had  forsaken  the 
great  majority  of  his  adherents,  who  were  divided  among  themselves. 
Two  parties  became  more  and  more  decidedly  arrayed  against  each 
other.  The  (aristocratic)  Calixtines  (from  calix  =  cup)  or  Utraquists 
(sub  utraque,  i.  e.,  under  both  forms),  which  were  headed  by  Rokycana, 
the  Bishop-elect  of  Prague,  would  have  been  satisfied  if  the  Catholic 
Church  had  conceded  their  four  articles  (1.  The  Eucharist  under  both 
forms ;  2.  The  free  preaching  of  the  Gospel  in  the  vernacular  ;  3.  Strict 
discipline  among  the  clergy  ;  4.  That  the  clergy  should  not  possess 
secular  property).  But'the  (democratic)  Taborites  refused  to  come 
to  any  terms  with  the  Catholic  Church.  They  laid  down  the  principle, 
that  whatever  in  government,  doctrine,  and  worship  could  not  be 
proved  from  Scripture,  should  be  implicitly  rejected,  and  thus,  by  ignor- 
ing all  historical  development,  strayed  into  fanaticism,  iconoclasm,  and 
other  extravagances.  After  the  death  of  Ziska  (of  pestilence  in  1424), 
the  majority  of  the  Taborites  chose  Procopius  the  Great  his  successor. 
A  smaller,  which  deemed  no  man  worthy  to  succeed  their  departed 
leader,  separated  from  Procopius,  and  took  the  name  of  "Orphans." 
Meantime  the  Council  of  Basle  had  assembled ;  and,  after  much  fruit- 
less negotiation,  succeeded  in  1433  in  inducing  the  Hussites  to  send 
300  deputies  to  Basle.  The  discussion  on  the  four  Calixtine  articles 
lasted  for  fifty  days,  after  which  the  Council  conceded  them,  although 
vrith  restriction.  On  the  ground  of  these  Basle  Com2Jactates,  as  they 
were  called,  the  Calixtines  returned,  at  least  nominally,  to  the  allegi- 
ance of  the  Church.  The  Taborites  regarded  this  as  a  betrayal  of  the 
truth.  Part  of  them  once  more  tried  the  fate  of  arms,  but  were  de- 
•  feated  and  scattered  at  Bolimisclihrod,  near  Prague,  in  1434.  The 
Emperor  Sigismund  confirmed  the  Compactates,  and  was  acknowledged 
king.  As  might  have  been  expected,  small  as  were  these  concessions, 
they  were  continually  ignored,  and  violated  both  by  Church  and  State. 
Sigismund  died  in  1437,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  infant  grandson 
Ladislaus,  the  government  being  administered  by  George  Podiehrad,  a 
zealous  and  able  Calixtine.  After  the  death  of  Ladislaus  in  1457, 
George  Podiebrad  became  king.  He  adhered  closely  to  the  compac- 
tates.    He  was  acknowledged  by  Pius  II.,  in  the  hope  of  his  joining 


EVANGELICAL    REFORMATION.  507 

the  projected  war  against  the  Turks.  When  this  hope  failed,  the  Pon- 
tiiF  iu  14G2  went  so  far  as  even  to  disown  the  Compactates.  Paul  II. 
excommunicated  the  king,  and  had  a  crusade  preached  against  him. 
But  the  crusade  did  not  succeed,  and  George  maintained  himself  till 
his  death  in  1471.  His  successor,  TJladislaus,  a  Polish  prince,  though 
a  Roman  Catholic,  favoured  the  Calixtines.  But  their  day  was  past. 
A  wretched  remnant  of  them  furtively  obtained  at  times  the  use  of  the 
cup,  but,  in  the  sixteenth  century  they  wholly  disappeared. 

5.  The  Bohemian  and  Moravian  Brethren.  —  (Comp.  Jaoch.  Came- 
rarii,  hist,  narratio  de  fratr.  orthod.  ecclesiis  in  Bohem.,  Moravia  et 
Polonia.  Ileidelb.  1605. — /.  Amos  Comenius,  hist,  fratrum  Bohemorum, 
c.  prasf.  Fr.  Buddei.  Hall.  1702.  4. —  G.  C.  Rieger,  d.  alt.  u.  neuen 
biihm.  Bruder.  24.  St.  Ziillich.  1734,  etc.  —  G.  W.  K.  Lochner,  Entsteh. 
u.  erste  Schicks.  d.  Briidergem.  in  Bohm.  u.  Mahr.  —  Orig.  and  Early 
Hist,  of  the  "Brethren."  —  Nlirnb.  1832.  —  A.  Koppen,  Kirchenordn. 
u.  Disciplin.  d.  hussit.  Briiderk.  in  Biihm.  u.  Mahr.  Leips.  1845. — • 
A.  Giedehj,  Bohmen  u.  Mahren  im  Zeitalter  d.  Reformation.  2  Vols. 
Prague  1857-58.  —  A.  Edersheim,  Bohemian  Reformers  and  German 
Politicians,  in  the  "  Free  Ch.  Essays."  Edinb.  1858).— In  1453,  George 
Podiehrad  took  Tabor,  and  scattered  the  last  remnants  of  the  Tahorites. 
Purified  by  their  misfortunes,  they  gradually  returned  to  evangelical 
views.  Peter  of  Chelcic,  (Cheltschiz),  a  Taborite  friend  of  God,  was 
the  central  point  of  their  communion,  and  George  Podiebrad,  at  Roky- 
cana's  recommendation,  directed  them  to  accupy  the  village  of  Kun- 
wald,  on  his  hereditary  estates.  There,  under  the  guidance  of  Michael 
V.  Bradacz,  the  minister  of  SenfiFtenberg,  they  organized  themselves 
(1457),  as  the  Unitas  fratrum,  and  assumed  the  name  of  Bohemian  or 
Moravian  Brethren.  But  in  1461  Podiebrad  withdrew  his  favour,  and 
drove  them  from  his  estates.  They  fled  to  the  forests,  and  held  their 
worship  in  caves,  (hence  called  Picards).  In  1467,  the  most  influential 
of  them  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia  met  at  the  Bohemian  village,  Lhota, 
and  in  order  to  provide  for  the  want  of  pastors,  chose,  by  lot,  three 
brethren  as  priests.  Michael  Bradacz  then  went  to  the  Bohemian 
bishop  of  the  Waldenses,  and  was  ordained  by  him ;  on  his  return,  he 
ordained  the  three  brethren  chosen  at  Lhota,  Mathias  of  Kuntoald  as 
bishop,  the  other  two  as  priests.  Thus  the  apostolic  succession  of  the 
episcopate  was  secured.  Rokycana,  embittered  by  this  act,  excited 
more  violent  persecutions  against  them.  Still  the  communion  was  so 
touch  increased  by  the  accession  of  Waldenses  in  Bohemia  and  others, 
that  at  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  century  it  embraced  nearly 
200  churches  and  houses  for  prayer  in  Bohemia,  Moravia,  and  Poland. 
Under  TJladislans,  to  whom  they  submitted  an  apology  in  1508,  per- 
secutions against  them  abated.  They  sent  the  same  apology  to  Eras- 
mus, in  1511,  with  the  request  that  he  would  furnish  them  with  his 
opinion  upon  it.  Erasmus  declined  doing  this.  They  hailed  Luther's 
movement  with  hearty  rejoicing.     Repeated  messengers  were  sent  by 


508       SECTION   II. — TniRP   PERIOD    (c  E  N  T.  14  *  15  A.  D.). 

them  to  Luther,  but  Trere  offended  that  he  did  not  give  as  much  pro- 
minence as  they  desired  to  apostolic  tliscipline. 

6.  Reformers  in  the  Low  Countries.  —  (Comp.  C.  Vllmann,  Re- 
formers before  the  Reform.  Edinb.  Clarks'  For.  Theol.  Libr.).  —  Most 
of  these  reformers  had  learned  in  the  school  of  the  "  Brethren  of  the 
Common  Life."     The  following  were  the  most  celebrated  among  them  : 

(1.)  John  Pi-pper  of  Goch,  prior  of  a  cloister  of  canonesses  at  Ma- 
lines  which  himself  had  founded  [oh.  1475).  From  his  writings  (de 
libertate  Christiana,  de  quatuor  erroribus  circa  legem)  we  gather  that 
he  was  a  man  of  deep  piety.  Ilis  theology  is  entirely  that  of  Augus- 
tine ;  he  insists  at  great  length  that  love,  which  constitutes  the  liberty 
of  the  children  of  God,  forms  the  great  subject-matter  of  theology,  while 
the  exclusive  authority  of  Scripture  affords  the  sole  testing  point  of 
Christian  truth.  He  also  inveighed  against  legalism,  work-righteous- 
ness, and  all  externalism  in  religion. 

(2.)  John  Ruchrath  of  "Wesel,  professor  at  Erfurt,  then  preacher 
at  Mayence  and  "Worms  [oh.  1481).  His  theology  was  also  cast  in  the 
mould  of  St.  Augustine.  lie  denied  the  power  of  the  Pope  to  issue 
anathemas  or  to  grant  indulgences,  and  preached  the  doctrine  of  salva- 
tion by  faith  alone.  In  opposition  to  transubstantiation  he  maintained 
the  doctrine  of  impanation  ;  his  views  of  the  Church  bordered  on 
spiritualism.  He  wrote  a  tractate,  "de  jejunio,"  against  ecclesiastical 
fasts;  another,  "  de  indulgentiis,"  against  indulgences;  and  a  third, 
"  de  potestate  ecclesiastica,"  against  the  hierarchy.  The  Dominicans 
in  Mayence  accused  and  condemned  him  as  a  heretic.  Bent  by  age 
and  disease,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  recant  and  to  commit  his 
■writings  to  the  flames,  while  he  himself  was  condemned  to  imprison- 
ment for  life.  His  writings  and  those  of  Pupper  are  partially  reprinted 
in  Fr.WalcJi's  Monumenta  medii  a?vi.  Gottg.  1757. 

(3.)  Jonx  AVessel,  from  Groningen,  educated  by  the  Brethren  of  the 
Common  Life  at  ZwoU,  where  Thomas  a  Kempis  exercised  considerable 
influence  upon  him.  After  having  taught  at  Heidelberg  for  some 
years,  he  retired  to  the  monastery  on  Mount  St.  Agnes  near  Zwoll, 
where  he  died  in  1489.  Ilis  friends  called  him  "  Lux  Mundi."  In 
rare  measure  he  combined  accomplishments  so  diverse  as  scholastic 
dialectics,  mystic  speculation,  and  thorough  classical  training.  Luther 
said  of  him :  "  If  I  had  read  Wessel  before  I  began,  my  opponents 
would  have  imagined  that  Luther  had  derived  everything  from  "Wessel 
—  so  entirely  do  we  two  agree  in  spirit."  In  one  point,  however,  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  lost  himself  in  a  volatilizing  spiritual- 
ism. The  patronage  of  influential  friends  proved  his  safeguard  from 
the  Inquisition.  Unfortunately,  some  of  his  numerous  writings  have 
been  entirely  suppressed  through  the  exertions  of  the  mendicants.  An 
edition  of  those  still  extant  has  been  published  by  Petrus  Pappus 
(Groning.  1G14).  The  most  important  of  them,  which  bears  the  title 
"  Farrago,"  consists  of  a  collection  of  small  but  very  interesting  essays. 


EVANGELICAL    REFORM  A  TIOX.  509 

Along  -with  these  Xetherland  Reformers,  before  the  reformation, 
Nicholas  Btiis,  a  priest  of  Rostock,  (near  the  end  of  the  fifteenth,  or 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century),  merits  honourable  notice.  From 
the  catalogus  testium  veritatis  of  Flacius  it  was  known  that,  in  a  work 
"  De  triplici  funiculo,"  he  zealously  assailed  the  hierarchy,  monasticism, 
indulgences,  work-righteousness,  the  worship  of  relics  and  saints  ;  also, 
that  he  kept  up  intimate  intercourse  with  the  Waldenses  in  Bohemia, 
had  to  endure  much  defamation  and  persecution  on  account  of  his  re- 
formatory efforts,  and,  finally,  died  as  an  exile  in  Livonia.  His  work 
above  named,  written  in  Low  Dutch,  of  which  many  copies  were 
printed,  was  also  destroyed.  But  one  of  his  friends  rescued  some 
copies  by  concealing  them  in  a  chest.  Flacius  intended  to  have  it 
translated  and  printed  in  German,  but  did  not  accomplish  it.  From 
that  time  nothing  was  known  of  the  book  until,  in  1850,  Julius  Wiggers 
discovered  a  copy  in  the  library  at  Rostock,  and  published  an  abstract 
of  it  in  the  Hist.  Theol.  Ztschr.  of  Xiedner  1850,  II.  It  is  entitled : 
"  Ton  dem  Strick,  oder  den  drei  Strangen  ;"  for  in  order  to  draw  men 
from  the  pit  of  destruction  a  cord  is  necessary,  and  this,  to  be  suffi- 
ciently strong,  must  be  composed  of  three  strands  :  faith,  hope,  and 
love.  These  are  then  minutely  described.  Thus  the  book  furnishes  a 
complete  guide  to  the  Christian's  faith  and  life,  with  severe  assaults 
upon  the  degenerate  doctrines  and  morals  of  the  Church  of  his  age. 

7.  An  Italian  Reformer. — (Comp.  A.  G.  Rudelhach,  Hier.  Savonarola 
u.  seine  Zeit.  Hamb.  1835.  —  F.  C.Meier,  Girolamo  Savon.  Berl.  1836. 
—  K.  Hase,  neue  Propheten.  Leips.  1851.  —  F.  T.  Perrens,  Jerome  Sav. 
Par.  —  a  book  to  which  the  French  Acad,  awarded  the  1st  prize — 2d 
Ed.  1857;  transl.  into  Germ,  by  Dr.  ScJiroder).  —  The  reformation 
which  Savonarola  inaugurated  in  Italy  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  was  directed  not  only  against  ecclesiastical,  but  also  against 
political  abuses.  It  was  this  combination  of  different  objects  which 
proved  fatal  to  himself  and  his  work.  Jerome  Savoxarola,  a  Domini- 
can, had  learned  the  truths  of  the  Gospel  from  Scripture  and  from  the 
writings  of  St.  Augustine.  These  truths  he  now  proclaimed  at  Florence 
(since  1489).  His  brilliant  oratory,  his  bold  and  almost  fanatical  de- 
nunciations of  the  corruptions  prevalent  among  clergy  and  laity, 
princes  and  people,  attracted  crowds  around  him.  With  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  way  of  salvation,  he  combined  a  strange  apocalyptic 
and  prophetic  turn.  Many  an  obstinate  sinner  was  aroused  by  having 
discovered  his  most  secret  sins,  while  some  of  his  political  predictions 
were  fulfilled  in  the  most  remarkable  manner.  Savonarola  soon 
became  the  idol  of  the  people  ;  and  measures  were  taken  to  carry  into 
practice  not  only  the  moral  and  religious,  but  also  the  political  reforma- 
tion which  he  had  proposed.  Florence  was  to  become  the  capital  of  a 
new  democratic  theocracy.  What  his  enemies,  especially  Pope  Alex- 
ander, could  not  effect  by  the  offer  of  a  cardinal's  hat,  was  accomplished 
by  the  folly  of  a  fickle  populace.  For  a  time  political  complications  in 
43  * 


510      SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

Italy  became  more  unfavourable,  and  seemed  to  run  counter  to  some 
of  his  predictions,  while  a  famine  desolated  the  land.  The  nobility 
and  the  loose  young  men  of  Florence  had  always  been  his  bitter 
enemies;  popular  opinion  also  now  began  to  turn  against  him.  The 
Pope  had  chosen  the  right  moment  to  hurl  his  anathema  against  the 
reformer,  and  to  lay  the  city  which  sheltered  him  under  the  interdict 
(1497).  An  excited  mob  made  him  prisoner;  his  most  bitter  enemies 
were  his  judges.  He  was  condemned  to  the  stake  as  a  heretic  and  a 
seducer  of  the  people.  Savonarola  submitted  to  his  doom  in  child-like 
confidence  on  Him  who  had  died  on  the  cross  (1498).  Among  the 
heresies  laid  to  his  charge,  was  that  of  having  taught  the  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith.  —  (Comp.  G.  Rapi?,  die  erweckl.  Schriften  (the 
Popul.  Kelig.  Treat.)  d.  Martyr.  H.  Savon.  Stuttg.  1839. 

1 120.  THE  SO-CALLED  REVIVAL  OF  LEARNING. 

CoMP.  Hecren,  Gesch.  d.  class.  Literat.  im  M.  A,  Meiners,  Lebens- 
beschr.  berlihmt.  Manner  aus  d.  Zeit  d.  Wiederherst.  d.  "Wiss.  (Biogr. 
of  Celebr.  Men  at  the  Time  of  the  Reviv.  of  Learn.)  Zur.  1795.  3  Vols. 
— H.  A.  Erhard,  Gesch.  d.  Wiederaufbl.  d.  wiss.  Bild.  (Hist,  of  the 
Reviv.  of  Learn.)  Magd.  1827-32.  3  Vols. 

The  classical  literature  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  was  not 
so  entirely  neglected  during  the  Middle  Ages  as  is  supposed. 
On  the  contrary,  frequent  and  successful  attempts  had  been  made 
throughout  that  period  to  introduce  such  studies.  Such  mon- 
archs  as  Charlemagne,  Charles  the  Bald,  Alfred  the  Great, 
and  the  Othoh  of  Germany,  encouraged  learned  pursuits,  and 
men  like  Erigena,  Gerhert,  Roger  Bacon,  and  others,  possessed 
a  comparatively  extensive  knowledge  of  the  classics.  Nor  must 
it  be  forgotten  that  the  circle  of  classical  literature  was  enlarged 
during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  by  the  labours  of  the 
Moors  in  Spain,  and  by  frequent  intercourse  with  Byzantine 
students.  The  founders  of  the  national  literature  of  Italy  in  the 
fourteenth  century  —  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  Boccaccio  —  were 
also  the  most  zealous  promoters  of  classical  studies.  Such  pur- 
suits received  during  the  fifteenth  cent,  a  very  great  impulse.  If, 
during  the  meeting  of  the  Greeks  and  Italians  at  the  Council  of 
Florence  in  1439  (§  67,  6),  a  fresh  interest  had  been  awakened 
in  the  study  of  the  classics,  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  by 
the  Turks  in  145.3  afforded  the  opportunity  of  greatly  increasing, 
and  at  the  same  time  of  fully  gratifying  it.  A  large  number  of 
learned  men  from  Byzantium  sought  refuge  in  Italy ;  they  found 
an  enthusiastic  reception  in  Rome,  and  also  especially  by  the 


THE    SO-CALLED    REVIVAL    OP    LEARNING.        511 

generous  princes  of  the  House  of  Medici.     The  art  of  printing, 
discovered  in  1440,  had  already  rendered  the  treasures  of  classical 
antiquity  generally  accessible.     But   this   immigration    gave  a 
new  direction  as  well  as  a  fresh  impulse  to  classical  studies.     If 
during  the  Middle  Ages  they  had  almost  exclusively  been  cm- 
ployed  for  ecclesiastical  and  theological  purposes,  they  were  now 
prosecuted  for  their  own  sakes,  and  as  the  basis  of  that  general 
culture  expected  in  educated  men  (hence  the  name  Humanismus, 
and    the   term    "  Humanity,"   still   used   in    English    colleges). 
Humanism  renounced  the  service  of  the  Church;  gradually  it 
assumed  a  posture  of  indifference  and  of  proud  disdain  towards 
Christianity.     Many  of  its  votaries  even  strayed  into  the  worship 
of  heathen  antiquity.     With  superstition,  faith  was  also  derided  ; 
sacred  history  and   Greek  mythology  were  placed  on  the  same 
level.     From  all  parts  the  youth  of  Europe  crowded  to  Italy,  to 
draw  in  its  academies  from  the  newly  opened  springs.     On  their 
return  they  brought  with  tliem    and  spread  around  an  ardent 
zeal  for  classical  lore.     Happily  the  infidelity  with  which  it  was 
too  frequently  conjoined  in  Ital}^,  did  not  make  such  rapid  pro- 
gress in  other  countries.     In  Germany  these  studies  were  chiefly 
cultivated  by  the  "  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,"  who  suc- 
ceeded in  adapting  the  new  weapons  to  the  service  of  theology 
and  of  the  Church,     This  school  gave  birth  to  many  of  the  co- 
adjutors of  the  Lutheran  reformation. — It  will  be  understood, 
that  to  a  certain  extent  the  sympathies  of  the  Humanists  must 
have  gone  with  tliose  who  sought  to  reform  the  Church.     Tiiey 
joined  them  in  their  opposition  to  the  absurdities  of  scholasti- 
cism, to  superstition,  monasticism,  and  other  abuses.     But  while 
agreed  in  their  aversion  to  the  prevailing  state  of  things,  both 
the  grounds  on  which,  and  the  manner  in  which,  they  carried  on 
the   contest,  were    widely   different.     The    Reformers    opposed 
abuses  because  they  were  contrary  to   Scripture,  and  led  away 
from  the  great  object  of  faith  ;   the  Humanists,   because  such 
views  agreed  not  with  those  of  heathen  antiquity.     The  Re- 
formers contended  with  weapons  drawn  from  the  Word  of  God, 
and  for  the   highest  of  all  objects  —  the   salvation  of  souls  ;   the 
Humanists,  with  shafts  of  wit  and  satire,  content  if  they  secured 
earthly  well-being.      In  truth,  the  despised  schoolmen  and  the 
derided  monks  were  not  always  in  the  wrong  in  their  opposition 
to  the  Humanists.     A  reformation  of  the  Church,  accomplished 
by  them  alone,  would  speedily  have  landed  in  heathenism.     But 

4o 


512      SECTION   II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

under  the  direction  of  men  of  genuine  piety,  the  revival  of 
classical  learning  opened  a  rich  and  till  then  unknown  source  of 
philological,  philosophical,  and  general  knowledge,  without 
which  the  faithful  translation  and  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  consequently  that  revision  of  dogmatics  which  marked  the 
Reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century,  could  not  have  been  ac- 
complished so  rapidly,  so  comprehensively,  or  so  safely. 

1.  The  Italian  Humanists.  Comp.  {Diitmar)  Die  Humanistea  u.  das 
Evangelium,  in  the  Erland.  "  Zeitschr.  fur  Protestsm.  u.  K."  July  and 
Oct.  1855. — Italy  was  the  great  nursery  of  Humanism,  and  the  Greeks 
who  emigrated  thither  were  its  parents.  The  first  Greek  who  taught 
in  that  country  was  Emanual  Chnjsoloras  (1396).  After  the  Council 
of  Florence  Bessariox  and  Gemistius  Pletho  settled  in  Italy,  and 
being  warm  admirers  of  the  Platonic  philosophy,  brought  it  into  vogue 
in  the  land  of  their  adoption.  After  1453  a  large  number  of  literary 
men  from  the  East  sought  an  asylum  in  Rome  and  Florence.  From 
their  seminaries  classical  learning  and  heathen  ideas  spread  over  Italy. 
They  found  access  even  among  the  highest  members  of  the  hierarchy. 
Even  though  the  well-known  saying  ascribed  to  Leo  X.,  "  Of  what  ad- 
vantage this  fable  about  Christ  has  been  to  us  and  ours  is  sufficiently 
known  to  all  centuries,"  be  not  authentic,  it  affords  an  insight  into 
the  character  and  spirit  animating  the  papal  court.  Cardinal  Bembus, 
the  private  secretary  of  Leo,  translated  the  realities  of  the  Gospel  into 
mythological  equivalents,  couched  in  classical  Latin.  Christ  he  called 
"  Minervam  e  Jovis  capite  ortam,"  the  Holy  Ghost,  "  auram  Zephyri 
C8elestis,"  while  he  paraphrased  forgiveness  of  sin  as  "  Deos  superos- 
que  manesquc  placare."  So  early  as  the  meeting  of  the  Council  of 
Florence,  Pletho  had  ventured  to  express  an  opinion,  that  Christianity 
would  soon  give  place  to  a  universal  religion  which  would  not  greatly 
diiFer  from  heathenism.  When  Pletho  died,  Bessarion  addressed  a 
letter  of  consolation  to  his  sons,  telling  them  that  their  father  had  risen 
•  to  purer  and  heavenly  spheres,  where  he  had  joined  the  Olympic  gods 
in  their  mystic,  Bacchantic  dances.  The  new  Platonic  school,  which 
assembled  in  the  gardens  of  the  Medici,  assigned  to  the  philosophy  of 
Plato  a  place  much  higher  than  to  Christianity.  A  new  Peripatetic 
school  was  also  founded.  Its  great  representative,  Petro  Pompoxazzo 
[ob.  1526),  openly  declared,  that  from  a  philosophic  point  of  view  the 
immortality  of  the  soul  was  more  than  doubtful.  Another  member  of 
that  school,  the  celebrated  historian  Machiavelli,  introduced  a  system 
of  politics  entirely  alien  to  the  spirit  of  Christianity.  Moral  frivolity 
went  hand  in  hand  with  religious  laxity.  The  most  obscene  poetry 
and  the  most  lascivious  pictures  circulated  among  the  Humanists,  and 
their  practice  was  certainly  no  better  than  their  theory.  —  In  their 
public  declarations  the  Italian  Humanists  were  careful  at  least  to  ig- 
nore the  Church  and  its  doctrines,  from  fear  of  bringing  down  ven- 


THE     SO-CALLEDREVIVAL    OF     LEARNING.         5X3 

geance.  Laurextius  Valla,  however,  ventured,  in  his  "  Annotationes 
in  Novum  Testam."  (afterwards  edited  by  Erasmus),  to  point  out  a 
number  of  errors  in  the  Vulgate.  He  even  went  further.  Having 
proved  on  irrefragable  historical  evidence  that  the  pretended  donation 
of  Constance  to  the  see  of  Rome  was  spurious  (§  82,  1),  he  inveighed 
against  the  ambition  of  the  Papacy.  Valla  was  summoned  before  the 
Inquisition,  but  escaped  with  a  retraction.  Nicholas  V.  suppressed 
the  investigation,  and  by  kindness  attached  him  to  the  papal  see. 
Valla  was  not,  however,  one  of  those  Humanists  who  had  lost  all  reve- 
rence for  Christianity.  He  died  in  1405  as  papal  secretary.  —  But  the 
phoenix  of  that  age  was  Johannes  Picus  Frince  o/'Mirandola,  who 
combined  in  himself  all  the  nobler  aspirations  of  the  period.  He  was 
a  courtier  and  a  poet,  a  scholastic,  a  mystic,  a  cabbalist  and  a  human- 
ist, a  historian,  a  mathematician,  and  an  astronomer  —  and  equally 
versed  in  classical  and  Oriental  lore.  During  the  last  ten  years  of  his 
brief  career  (he  died  at  thirty  yOiars  of  age)  he  renounced  the  world 
and  its  pomp,  and  Avholly  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. He  had  intended  to  travel  through  Europe  to  preach  Christ 
crucified,  when  death  called  him  from  the  field  of  labour.  Characte- 
ristic is  his  saying:  Philosophia  veritatem  quserit,  theologia  invenit, 
religio  jDOssidet. 

2.  The  German  Humanists.  (Comp.  C.  A.  Cornelius,  d.  mlinster. 
Human,  u.  ihr  Verb,  zur  Reform.  —  The  Munster  Hum.  and  their  rel. 
to  the  Resorm. — Munst.  1851.  K.  Hagen,  Deutschlands  liter,  u.  relig. 
Zustande  im  Zeitalter  d.  Reform.  Erl.  1841.  3  Vols.  E.  Th.  Mayerlioff, 
Job.  Reuchlin  u.  s.  Zeit.  Berl.  1830.  F.  W.  KampfsclmUe,  die  Univ. 
Erfurt  in  ihr,  Verh.  zum  Humanism,  u.  zur  Reform.  2  Bde,  Trier. 
1858.  The  universities  of  Heidelberg  and  Erfurt  were  the  chief  seats 
of  German  Humanism.  —  Rudolph  Agricola  of  Heidelberg,  a  friend 
and  associate  of  Wessel  and  Kempis  [oh.  1482),  may  be  designated  the 
father  of  German  Humanism.  Most  of  his  numerous  pupils  [Alexander 
Hegius  at  Deventer,  FudolpJi  Lange  at  Munster,  Hermann  Busch  at 
Wesel,  and  others)  mostly  joined  the  Luther's  Reformation.  The 
example  set  by  Maximilian  I.  induced  the  princes  and  knights  of  the 
empire  to  take  an  interest  in  scientific  and  literary  pursuits.  After 
,  the  death  of  Agricola,  John  Reuchlin  (Capnio),  a  celebrated  jurist, 
became  the  leader  of  the  German  Humanists  [ob.  1522).  He  gave 
himself  more  especially  to  the  study  of  the  language  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, which  he  prosecuted  with  the  greatest  zeal  and  with  unsurpassed 
success.  Well  might  he  in  1506  conclude  his  "  Rudimenta  linguae 
Hebraicae"  with  the  words  of  Ovid,  "Exegi  monumentum,  etc." 
The  work  has  become  the  basis  of  all  later  studies  in  Hebrew  philology. 
He  also  wrote  a  tractate  on  the  difficult  subject  of  the  Hebrew  accents 
(De  ace.  et  orthogr.  hebr.  LI.  III.).  His  work,  "  de  arte  cabbalistica," 
treats  of  the  secret  philosophy  of  the  Jews.  Such  was  his  interest  in 
the  Jews,  with  whom  he  had  continual  and  intimate  intercourse,  that 

2h 


514     SECTION    II. — THIRD   PERIOD    (CENT.   U  &  15  A.D.). 

in  1505  he  published  "  an  Open  Letter  to  a  Nobleman,  why  the  Jewa 
have  so  long  been  suffering"  ("Tutsch  Missiv  an  einen  Junkherrn, 
"vrarumb  die  Juden  so  lang  im  Ellend  sind").  In  this  tractate  he 
offered  to  instruct  any  Jew  in  the  Christian  religion,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  provide  for  his  temporal  support.  His  predilection  for  Rab- 
binical studies  involved  him  in  a  controversy,  by  which,  however,  his 
fame  only  spread  over  Germany  and  Europe.  In  1509  one  Pfeffer- 
KORX,  a  baptized  Jew  at  Cologne,  called  upon  the  Emperor  Maximilian 
to  order  all  Rabbinical  writings  to  be  burnt,  on  account  of  the  blasphe- 
mies against  Christ  Avhich  they  contained.  When  Reuchlin  protested 
against  this  summary  measure,  Pfefferkorn  and  the  Dominicans  of 
Cologne  fell  upon  the  Humanist,  who  defended  himself  with  stinging 
satire.  Jacob  of  Hogstratcii,  the  Inquisitor  of  Cologne,  cited  him  before 
his  tribunal.  Reuchlin  appealed  to  Leo  X.  The  commission  of  in- 
quiry appointed  by  the  Pope  condemned  the  Dominicans  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  process  (1514)  ;  the  forcible  collection  of  these  111  gold 
florins  was  a  real  labour  of  love  and  pleasure  on  the  part  of  Knight 
Francis  of  Sickingen  (1519).  Meantime  a  number  of  able  pens  had 
been  set  in  motion  on  behalf  of  Reuchlin.  In  151G  the  Epistolce  obscu- 
rorum  Virorum  appeared,  professedly  a  correspondence  between 
Ortuimis  Graf  ins  of  Deventer,  a  teacher  at  Cologne,  and  some  friends. 
That  this  man,  a  pupil  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  and  from 
all  we  know  of  him,  an  honourable,  pious,  and  not  a  bigoted  man, 
should  have  been  selected  as  the  butt  for  such  sarcasm,  can  only  be 
explained  on  the  ground  of  personal  motives  (comp.  Mohnike  in  the 
"Zeitschr.  fur  hist.  Theol."  1843.  III.  IV.).  In  the  most  exquisite 
monkish  Latin,  the  stupid,  and  in  part  obscene  love  affairs  of  the 
mendicants,  are  related  with  such  apparent  sincerity  and  frankness, 
with  a  continual  running  reference  to  their  controversy  with  Reuch- 
lin, that  at  first  some  of  the  Dominicans  themselves  regarded  these 
letters  as  genuine,  and  excused  their  somewhat  curious  expressions  as 
due  to  the  "vis  sententiarum."  All  the  greater  was  the  merriment 
and  scorn  which  was  heaped  upon  them  by  the  learned  of  Europe.  At 
the  request  of  the  mendicants,  Leo  X.  indeed  issued  a  severe  bull  against 
all  readers  of  the  blasphemous  tractate,  but  this  measure  only  increased 
their  number.  These  letters  were  in  all  probability  composed  hy  such 
men  as  Crotns  Bubiamis,  Hermann  Busch,  Wilibald  Firklieinier,  and 
by  the  publisher  of  the  work,  Wolfgang  Angst,  at  Hagenau.  This 
termination  of  the  controversy  with  Reuchlin  had  given  the  re- 
formatory movement  in  Germany  a  false  and  even  dangerous  turn. 
A  contest  carried  on  with  such  unholy  and  carnal  weapons  could 
only  have  ended  in  complete  subversion  of  both  Church  and  State. 
To  the  circle  of  writers  fi-om  which  the  "Epist.  obsc.  vir."  came  be- 
longed also  Ulric  von  Hutten,  a  knight  of  noble  Franconian  family.  It 
was,  however,  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  rather  than  in  that  of  the  Gospel, 
that  he  fought  all  his  life  long  against  pedantry  of  every  kind,  against 


THE    SO-OALLED    REVIVAL    OP    LEARNING.        515 

the  monastic  orders,  and  indeed  against  all  constraint  in  matters  of 
conscience.  In  loO-l  he  escaped  from  the  monastery  of  Fulda,  -where 
he  was  to  be  trained  for  the  clerical  profession.  He  next  studied  in 
Erfurt,  and  fought  in  the  army  of  Maximilian,  as  he  afterwards  con- 
tended with  his  pen  on  behalf  of  Reuchlin.  When  deprived  of  the  aid 
of  Sickingen,  he  wandered  about  homeless,  and  at  last  died  in  wretched- 
ness in  1523.  His  works  were  published  by  E.  J.  H.  Munch,  Berlin 
1821,  etc.,  5  Bde.— (Comp.  L.  Schubart,  Ulr.  v.  H.  Leips.  1791.— 
Herder's  Denkmal  (Memorial).  —  G.  C.  F.  Mohnike,  U.  v.  H.'s  Jugendl. 
Greifsw.  1816.  —  G.  J.  W.  Wagenseil,  U.  v.  H.  Nurnb.  1823.  —  G.  W. 
Panzer,  U.  v.  H.  in  lit.  Bezieh.  Nlirnb.  1798.  —  E.v.  Brunnow,  U.  v. 
II.  Leips.  1842.  — D.  Strauss,  U.  v.  H.  Leips.  1858.  2  Vols.). 

3.  Desiderius  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam. — (Comp.  Burigny,  Vie  d'Er., 
translated  into  German  by  Reich,  with  add.  by  Henke.  Halle  1782. 
2  \ols.  — Sal.  Hess,  Er.  v.  R.  Zur.  1790.  2  Vols.  — ^rf.  MiUler,  Leben 
d.  Er.  V.  R.  Hamburg  1828.)  —  The  most  distinguished  among  all 
the  Humanists,  either  before  or  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  was 
Erasmus  (Gerhard  Gerhardson).  The  child  of  conjugal  affections 
which  were  shamefully  defrauded  of  the  happiness  of  valid  marriage, 
he  was  educated  at  Deventer  and  at  the  Hague  by  "  the  Brethren  of 
the  Common  Life."  Forced  by  relatives  to  enter  a  monastery  in  1486, 
he  was  ultimately  set  free  through  the  interposition  of  an  ecclesiastical 
dignitary  from  his  conventual  prison,  and  thus  enabled  wholly  to  devote 
himself  to  the  pursuit  of  science  (1496).  He  next  attended  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris.  Having  finished  his  studies,  he  travelled  through 
Europe,  when  he  made  personal  acquaintanceship  with  almost  all  the 
eminent  men  of  his  time.  For  several  years  he  occupied  the  Chair  of 
Greek  in  Oxford,  and  ultimately  settled  in  Basle  with  his  learned  pub- 
lisher Frobenius  (1521).  In  this  retreat  he  refused  every  office,  and 
even  the  dignity  of  cardinal,  although  not  liberal  pensions ;  and  amidst 
learned  labours  of  varied  kinds,  and  a  most  extensive  epistolary  inter- 
course, lived  as  a  kind  of  scientific  monarch.  His  chief  merit  con- 
sisted in  his  promotion  of  classical  learning,  and  in  its  application  to 
theological  purposes.  In  many  other  ways  also  he  promoted  the  Refor- 
mation. Thus  he  pointed  out  the  defects  in  the  theological  study  of 
the  time,  especially  the  absurdities  of  the  prevailing  scholastic  method. 
,  He  also  exposed  the  abuses  in  the  Church,  castigated  the  moral  cor- 
ruption of  all  ranks,  and  unsparingly  denounced  the  ignorance,  idle- 
ness, and  dissoluteness  of  the  monastic  orders.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
also  disapproved  of  the  paganizing  spirit  of  many  of  the  Humanists, 
and  of  the  revolutionary  ideas  of  such  men  as  Ulric  von  Ilutten.  His 
own  views  were  essentially  Pelagian ;  he  was,  accordingly,  quite  unable 
to  understand  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  Gospel.  While  anxious 
for  a  reformation  of  the  Church,  he  neither  was  nor  felt  himself  called 
to  be  a  Reformer.  With  him  the  whole  was  merely  a  question  of 
rationality;  religious  depth,  strength  of  faith,  self-denying  love,  con- 
43* 


516      SECTION   II. — THIRD    PERIOD    (C  E  N  T  .  14  &  15  A.  D.), 

viction,  and  courage,  such  as  martyrs  require,  "were  utterly  ■svanting  in 
him.  He  loved  his  quiet  and  comfortable  life  too  well  to  jeopard  it ; 
and  his  knowledge  of  the  real  causes  of  prevailing  abuses,  and  of  the 
kind  of  reformation  requisite,  was  entirely  insufficient.  Erasmus 
would  have  accomplished  the  work  by  human  science,  and  not  by  the 
agency  of  a  pure  Gospel.  When,  in  1529,  the  Reformation  prevailed 
at  Basle,  Erasmus  left  it,  and  settled  at  Freiburg  in  Breisgau,  but 
died  at  Basle  (whither  he  had  gone  to  have  a  personal  interview  with 
Frobenius),  "sine  lux,  sine  crux,  sine  Deus"  (1536).  The  best  edition 
of  his  writings  is  that  by  J.  Clericus  (Lugd.  1702.  10  YoU.  foL). 
Among  his  Avritings,  the  most  important  for  theology,  are  his  critical 
and  exegetical  notes  on  the  N.  T.  (note  5).  He  also  edited  a  number 
of  the  Fathers  (Jer.,  Hilar.,  Ambros.,  Iren.,  Athan.,  C'hrys.,  etc.).  His 
controversy  with  Luther  belongs  properly  to  a  later  period.  The 
"  Ecclesiastes  s.  concionator  evangelicus"  was  intended  as  a  kind  of 
homiletics.  The  tyxtafiiov  fnopiai  s.  laus  stultitijB,  dedicated  to  his  friend 
Thomas  More,  contains  a  most  cutting  satire  on  the  monks  and  the 
clergy  generally.  Even  in  his  "  Colloquia,"  by  which  he  hoped  to 
make  boys  "  latiniores  et  meliores,"  he  allowed  not  an  opportunity  to 
pass  of  deriding  the  monks,  the  clergy,  and  those  rites  which  he  re- 
garded as  superstitions  (such  as  monastic  vows,  fasts,  pilgrimages, 
indulgences,  auricular  confession,  the  worship  of  saints,  etc.). 

4.  Humanism  in  England,  France,  and  Sjjain. — In  England,  also, 
the  new  study  excited  considerable  interest.  Its  chief  friend  and  ad- 
vocate there  was  Thomas  More,  Lord  High  Chancellor  of  Henry  VIII. 
Moi-e  was  on  intimate  terms  with  Erasmus,  and  shared  his  objections 
to  prevalent  abuses  in  the  Church.  But  it  appears  from  his  well-known 
treatise,  "De  optimo  reipublicas  statu  deque  nova  insula  Utopia,"  that 
he  rather  inclined  towards  Deism  than  desired  an  evangelical  reforma- 
tion. In  the  treatise  to  which  we  have  referred,  he  expressed  at  some 
length  the  expectation,  that  a  more  rational  and  natural  arrangement 
of  social  relations  would  lead  to  univei'sal  happiness.  The  contem- 
plated religion  of  Utopia  is  undisguised  Deism  :  providence,  virtue,  im^ 
mortality,  and  retribution  ;  everything  distinctively  Christian  is  care- 
fully ignored.  In  his  capacity  of  Chancellor,  More  suppressed  the 
Reformation  in  England,  and  took  the  side  of  the  King  in  his  contro- 
versy Avith  Luther.  But  when  Henry  YIII.  quarreled  with  the  Pon- 
tifiF,  and  laid  claim  to  reform  the  Church  in  his  own  fashion.  More 
resigned  his  offices,  refused  to  acknowledge  the  King  as  head  of  the 
English  Church,  and  was  beheaded  in  1535,  after  a  long  and  close 
imprisonment.  (Comp.  G.  Th.  Rudhart,  Leben  d.  Th.  Mor.  Niirnb. 
1829.) 

In  Spain  Humanism  found  a  patron  in  no  less  a  personage  than 
Francis  Ximenes,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  Grand  Inquisitor,  and  Minister 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  [oh.  1517).  (Comp.  C.  J.  Hefele,  d.  Card. 
Xim.  2d  Ed.  Tub.  1851.  —  W.  Havemann,  Darstellungen  aus  d.  innern 


TUE    SO-CALLED    REVIVAL    OP    LEARNING.         517 

Gesch.  Span,  im  15.,  16.  u.  17.  Jahi-h.  Giitt.  1850.)  Among  those  who 
prosecuted  the  new  study  in  Spain  the  ablest  was  Axtuonv  of  Lerija, 
Professor  at  Salamanca.  In  1508  Ximenes  assigned  him  a  chair  in  the 
new  University  of  ^/caZa  (Complutum).  The  Cardinal  availed  himself 
of  his  assistance  in  his  edition  of  the  Oomplutensian  Polyglott,  and 
protected  him  from  the  Inquisition,  before  which  he  was  summoned  to 
answer  for  his  criticisms  on  the  Vulgate.     He  died  in  1522. 

Humanism  scarcely  made  any  progress  in  France.  For  this  we  can 
only  account  by  the  great  influence  which  the  University  of  Paris 
brought  to  bear  against  it.  However,  one  man  at  least  presented  the 
new  learning,  and  was  led  to  devote  himself  to  the  critical  investigation 
of  the  Bible.  John  Faber  Stapulensis,  a  doctor  of  Sorbonne  [oh.  1537), 
who  reached  the  patriarchal  age  of  100,  gave  himself  to  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures  in  the  original,  and  pointed  out  and  corrected  the  cor- 
ruptions in  the  text  of  the  Vulgate.  He  also  insisted  that  the  Bible 
should  be  read  in  the  vernacular,  and  translated  the  Scriptures  into 
the  French.  For  these  offences  he  was  expelled  the  Sorbonne,  and  de- 
prived of  his  doctorate.  The  French  Parliament  likewise  took  measures 
against  his  heresy;  happily,  he  enjoyed  the  protection  of  Francis  I., 
who  entrusted  him  with  the  education  of  the  royal  princesses.  The 
Council  of  Trent  placed  his  works  in  the  "  Index  Prohibitorum,"  though, 
with  the  remark,  "  donee  corrigantur."  (Comp.  K.  H.  Graf,  J.  Fab. 
Stap. :  Ein  Beitr.  zur  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  in  Frankr.,  in  the  "  hist,  theol. 
Zeitschr."  for  1852.  I.) 

5.  The  Study  of  the  Scriptures.  —  The  greatest  advantage  which  the 
Church  and  theology  derived  from  the  so-called  restoration  of  the 
sciences  was  this,  that  the  Scriptures  were  taken  from  under  the  bushel 
which  had  concealed  them,  and  again  placed  on  the  candlestick.  The 
Vulgate  (of  which  ninety-eight  printed  editions  appeared  before  the 
year  1500)  was  now  compared  with  the  text  of  the  original,  and  the 
allegorical  mode  of  interpretation  gave  place  to  grammatical  and  his- 
torical exegesis.  This  was  mainly  accomplished  by  providing  the 
necessary  means  for  carrying  on  philological  studies,  while  the  print- 
ing-press spread  the  original  text  throughout  Europe.  Since  the  inven- 
tion of  printing,  the  -Jews  diffused  the  Old  Testament  in  the  original. 
In  1502  Ximoies  employed  a  number  of  learned  men  to  edit  that  splen- 
did work  known  as  the  Complutensian  Polyglott  (the  Old  Testament 
was  edited  by  learned  Jewish  proselytes)  —  the  whole  was  completed 
in  1517.  The  work  contained  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  text  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  the  Targumim,  the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate,  and 
a  Latin  translation  of  the  Septuagint  and  of  the  Targumim,  together 
with  a  somewhat  meagre  grammatical  and  philological  apparatus — the 
whole  in  six  volumes  (four  for  the  Old  Testament).  About  the  same 
time,  Daniel  Bomherg,  a  learned  bookseller  in  Antwerp,  was  engaged 
at  Venice  in  bringing  out  various  editions  of  the  Old  Testament,  partly 
with  and  partly  without  Rabbinical  commentaries.  Romberg  had 
44 


518       SECTION    II. — THIRD   PERIOD   (CEN  T.  14  &  15  A.  D.). 

made  himself  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  Hebrew;  he  was  also  aided 
hj  Felix  Pratensis,  a  converted  Jew,  and  hj  Jacob  Ben  Chajim,  a  Rabbi 
from  Tunis.  The  first  two  editions  appeared  in  1518,  and  were  soon 
followed  by  other  three. — But  the  great  expense  of  the  Completensian 
Polyglott  placed  it  Avithin  the  reach  of  very  few.  To  Erasmus  belongs 
the  great  merit  of  publishing  a  pocket  edition  of  the  Greek  New  Testa- 
ment (with  a  Latin  translation  of  his  own).  The  first  edition  of  this 
work  appeared  in  1516.  The  first  who  distinguished  himself  in  this 
branch  of  study  was  Laiirentius  Valla,  whose  "Annotationes  in  N.  T." 
were  published  by  Erasmus.  Erasmus  himself  composed  paraphrases 
on  the  whole  New  Testament  (excepting  the  Book  of  Revelations)  ; 
Faher  Stapulensis  wrote  commentaries  on  the  Gospels  and  the  Epistles 
of  Paul,  while  Lerija  published  critical  remarks  on  the  Vulgate. 

The  want  of  translations  of  the  Bible  into  the  vernacular  was  also 
increasingly  felt.  Faber  composed  an  excellent  translation  of  the 
Scriptures  in  French,  which  has  formed  the  basis  of  all  later  versions 
(it  was  completed  in  1530).  Wycliffe  had  translated  the  Bible  into 
English  ;  and  before  tlie  time  of  Luther  there  were  no  fewer  than  four- 
teen translations  of  the  Scriptures  into  German  and  s^  in  Low  Dutch. 
And  yet  they  are  essentially  but  one  and  the  same  version,  translated 
of  course  from  the  Vulgate.  The  translator,  or  translators  are  wholly 
unknown.  Throughout  the  Ian guage_]s_wr etched,  and  the  sense  Js 
often  unintelligible.  Some  portions,  however,  are  better,  and  Luther 
seems  to  have  consultecjLlhem.  (Comp.  /.  Kchrein,  zur  Gesch.  d.  deut- 
schen  Bibelubers.  vor  Luther  (Contrib.  to  the  History  of  the  German 
Bible  before  L.).     Stuttg.  1851.) 


INDEX. 


{The  numerals  refer  to  the  Paragraphs  and  notes.) 


Abbacomitks,  85 
Abbots     "in     commen- 

cLim,"  115 
Abbuua,  52,  7 
Abdas  of  Siisa,  64,  2 
Abderrhaman,  81  ;  95 
Abelard,  105,  1 
Abgar,  25 
— ^  Uchomo,  14,  2 
Abodrites,  63,  2 
Abraxas,  28,  2 
Abrenuuciatio  diab.,  32 ; 

58,  1 
Absolution,  Formula  of, 

88,  5 
Acacias  of  Amida,  64,  2 
of   Constantinople, 

52,  5 
Academy,  New,  8,  4 
Achamoth,  28,  3 
Acoiinetes,  44,  4 ;  52,  6 
Acolythi,  30,  1 
Acroteleutia,  59,  3 
Acta  facientes,  23,  5 
Adalbert  of  Bremen,  96, 

3 ;  97,  1 

of  Prague,  93,  3 

of  Tuscany,  96,  1 

the  Heretic,  78,  4 

Adam  of  Bremen,  4,  1 ; 

102,  1 

of  Fulda,  113,  5 

of  St.  Victor,  105,  4 

Adamites,  114,  3 
Adesius,  64,  1 
Adoptionists,  91,  1 
Adrianus,  48,  1 
Advent,  56,  5 
Advocati  eccl.,  86 
iEdesius,  94,  1 
JEneas  Sylv.,  110,  3,  4; 

118,  3 
^ons,  26 


Aerius,  62 
Aetius,  50,  3 
Africa,  25;  76,  3 
Agapes,  18,  5;  33 
Agapette,  36,  3 
Agapetus,  52,  6 
Agathangelos,  64,  3 
Agatho,  52.  8 
Age,  Canonical,  70,  1 
Agilulf,  76,  8 
Agnes,  Empress,  96,  2 
Agobard,  88,  4;  90,  4; 

91,  1;  92,  2 
Agricola,  Rudolf,  120,  2 
Aidan,   77,-  5 

d'Ailly,  110,  3;  118,  1 

Aistulf,  82,  1 

Aix  la  Chapelle,  Council 

at,  91,  1,  2 
Aizanas,  61,  1 
'AKeijiaXoi,  52,  5 
OLKpoaats,   36,   2 

dlKpOLOIlCVOl,     32,    1 

Alanianni,  78,  1 
Alanus  ab  Insulis,  103,  2 
Alaric,  76,  2 
Alaviv,  70,  1 
Albati,  114,  1 
Alberic,  96,  1 
Alberic  V.  Driibeck,  104,5 
Albert  of  Apeldern,  93,4 

the  Bear,  93,  3 

of  Buxhowden.93,3 

of  Suerbeer,  93,  3 

Albertus  Magnus,  104,  1 
Albigenses,  109,  1 
Alboin,  76,  8 
Alcuin,  90,  3;   91,  1,  2  ; 

92,  1 
Aldgild,  78,  3 
Alexander  II.,  Pope,96,2 
III..  96,  4 

v.,  VI.,  110,  3,  4 


Alexander  of  Alex.,  50,  1 
of  Ant.,  63,  1 

Halesius,  104,  1 

Severus,  23,  3 

Alexandria,  Council  of, 

50,  4 ;  52,  1 
School   of,    39,  4 ; 

47,  4;  52,  2 
Alexius   Comuenus,   71, 

1,  3 
Alfonso  the  Chaste,  81 

the  Catholic,  81 

the  III.  of  Castile, 

95,  2 
.\lfred  the  Great, 88,1;  90 
Alfric,  101,  1 
d'Allemand,      100,      3 ; 

118,  1 
Alogi,  40,  2 
All-Saints,  57,  1 ;  89,  5 
All-Souls,  105,  2 
Altar,  35;  60,  2 ;  89,  5 
Al varus  81,  1 
Alzog,  4,  4 

Amalarius,  84,  4 ;  90,  4 
Amalric  of  Bena,  108,  2 
Amandus,  St.,  78,  3 
Amatus  of  Salerno,  102,1 
Ambon,  60,  3 
Ambrosiaster,  48,  1 
Anibrosius,    47,    5;    50, 

4  ;  57,  2,  3  ;  59,  3 
Ammonius,  44 

Saccas,  24,  2 

Ananus,  17 
Anastasius  Bibl.,  4,  1 

of  Rome,  51,  2. 

Sinaita,  48,  1 

Anathema,  52,  3 
Anchorites,  36,  3 ;  44 
Ancyra,  Council  of,  50 
Andrew  II.  of  Hungary, 

94,  4 

(519) 


520 


INDEX. 


AndronicusPalteol.,67,5 
Angelico      of      Fiesolc, 

113,  6 
Angelici,   57,  3 
Augelo,  Mich.,  113,  3 
Angels,  Worship  of,  87,  o 
Angilram,  87,  1 
Anglo-Saxons,  77,  4 
Angst,  Wolfg.,  120,  2 
Anicetus,  33,  1 
Ann,  St.,  72,  4 
Annatte,  110 
Anno  of  Cologne,  536,  3  ; 

97,  1 
Anonioites,  50,  3 
Ansbert  of  Maild.,  83,  1 
Anscgis,  87,  1 
Ansel m    of  Canterbury, 

67,  4;  96,  5 

of  Havelb.,  67,  4 

of  Laon,  102,  1 

of  Lucca,  96,  3  ;  99 

Ansgar,  80,  1 
Anthimus  of  Const,  52,  6 
Antidicomarianites  57,  2 

62 
dvTiioypa,  58,  4 
Antilegomena,  34,  2 
Antinoniianism,  19 
Antioch,  Council  of,  50,  2 
School   of,    47,    1 ; 

52,  2 
Antiphones,  34,  4 
Antiphonous       Singing, 

59,  3 
Antiphonarium,  59,  8 
Antitactes,  28,  6 
Antony,  St.,  44,  1 

of  Padua,  98,  4 

Antoninus  Pius,  23,  2 
Apiarius,  46,  2 
Apiuus,  64,  1 
Apocrisarians,  46 
Apocrypha,  39,  7 ;  41,  5 
Apollinaris,  52,  1 

Claudius,  41,  1 

Apollonius     of     Tyana, 

32,  1 
Apollos,  19 
Apologetics,  24;  41,  1; 

48,  3 
Apostles,     Meeting     of, 

19,  1 
Apostolic  Brethren,  108, 3 
Constitutions     and 

Canons,  41,  6 


Apostolic  Fathers,  39 
Apostolici,  62 
Apostolicity,  13 
Apsis,  GO,  1 
Aquarii,  28,  8 
Arausio,  Council  of,  53,5 
Arcadius,  Emperor,  42, 

3;  51,  3 
Arcesilaus,  8,  4 
Archbishops,  see  Metro- 
politans. 
Archchaplain,  84,  1 

Deacon,  45,  5  ;  84, 

2;  87,  9 

Presbyter,  45,  5 

Architecture,  Ecclesias- 
tical, 105,  6;  113,  6 
Arcvurdi's,  71,  2 
Ariald,  97,  2 
Arians  50 ;  76 
Ariold,  97,  2 
Aristides,  41,  1 
Aristobulus,  11,  1 
Ariston  of  Pella,  41,  1 
Aristotle,  8,  4;  100,  2 
Arius,  50,  1,  2 
Armenia,  64,  3 ;  73,  2 
Arno  of  Salzb.,  79 
Arnobius,  41,  1 

the  Younger,  83,  5 

Arnold,  Gottfr.,  4,  3 

of  Brescia,  96,  6 ; 

108,  3 

ofCiteaux,  109,  1 

of  Lubeck,  104,  5 

Arnulf  of  Carinthia,  82,5 

of  Rheims,  96,  1 

Arsacius,  51 
Arsenius,  70,  1  ;  82,  4 
Artabasdus,  66,  2 
Artemon,  32,  2 
Ascension,  56,  4 
Asceticism,  36,  3 
Ash  Wednesday,  56,  4 
Associations      for      the 

Dead,  89,  3 
Asterius,  50,  6 

of  Amasa,  57,  4 

Astronomus,  90,  9 
Asylum,  Right  of,  43 
Athanaric,  76 
Athanasian  Creed,  50,  6 
Athanasius,  44  ;   47,  4  ; 

50 ;  52,  2 
Athenagoras,  41,  1 
Athenogenes,  41,  4 


Athos,  Monks  of,  69,  1 ; 

70,  3 
Atrium,  60,  1 
Atto  of  Vercclli,  101,  1 
Audians,  62 
Audientes,  32,  1 
Augustine,    45,    1 ;    47, 

5;  53,  2,  4,  5;  54,  1, 

58,  3  ;  63,  2 
the  Missionary,  77, 

4 
Augustines,  98,  4;n2,  2 
Aurelian,  Emp.,  23,  5; 

40,  7 

of  Carth.,  63,  2 

Auto  da  m,  115,  1 
Auxentius,  76,  1 
Avari,  79 
Averrhoes,  100,  2 
Avicenna,  100,  2 
Avitus,    48,    9;    53,    5; 

76,  5 
Azymites,  07,  3 

B.\ANES,  71,   1 

Bacon,  Roger,  104,  3 

BafFomet,  112,  2 

Baldwin  of  Jerusalem, 
94,  1  ;  98,  6 

of  Flanders,  94,  4 

Bangor,  85,  4 

Baptism,  doctrine  of, 
32,  3 

of  Blood,  32,  3 

of  Heretics,  32,  2 

of  Infants,  see  In- 
fant Baptism. 

Godfathers,       82  ; 

56,  4 

Mode  of,  32 ;  58,  1 

Baptismal  Font,  60,  1; 
89,  5 

Baptismus  Clinic,  32 

Baptisterium,  60,  2 

Baradai.  52,  7 

Bar-Cochba,  21 

Bardesanes,  32,  9 

Barhebrreus,  73,  2 

Barlnam,  67,  5 :  69,  1 

Barletta,  113,  2 

Barnabas,  15;  41,  1 

Baronius,  4,  2 

Barsumas,  52,  3 

Bartbolomen  of  Luoea, 
4,  1 

Bartholomew  of  Pi3a,98,4 


INDEX, 


521 


Bartolotneo,  Fra,  113,  4 
Basilica,  CO,  1 
Basilides,     the     Qnost., 

28,  2 

the  Martyr,  23,  4 

Basiliscus,  52,  5 
Basilius    the   Great,  44, 

3;  47,  4 
,  Leader  of  the  Bo- 

gomiles,  71,  3 

of  Ancyra,  50,  3 

the  JMiiccclonian,57, 

1;  68,  ];  71,  1;  72,   I 
Basle,  Council  of.  110,  8 

Reform,  in,  120,  3,  8 

Bas-relief,  60,  3 
Baumjiarten,  76,  2 
Bavaria,  78,  2 
Beatus,  Presb.,  91,  2 
Beccus,  67,  4 
Bede,     the     Venerable, 

90,  2 
Beghards   and  Beguins, 

99,  5 
Behram  V.,  64,  2 
Bellini.  113,  4 
Bells,  60,  3 

Baptism  of,  89,  5 

Pnim,  60,  1 
Bembus,  120,  1 
Benedict  VIII.,  96,  2 

IX.  96,  2 

X.  96,  3 

XII.  67,  5;  110,  2; 

112.  1 

of  Aniane,  85,  2 

Levita,  87,  1 

of  Nursia,  85,  1 

Benedictina,  112,  1 
Benedictines,  85 ;  98,  1 ; 

112,  1 
Benefices,  86,  1 
Benno  of  Meissen,  93,  3 
Berengar,  102,  1,  2 

II.  96,  1 

Bernard  of  Clairv.,  94,2; 

96,   6 ;   98,  2  ;   105,  2, 

4;  108,  1,  3;  109 
Bernardines,  98,  2 
Berno,  Abbot,  98,  1 
Bertha,  77,  4 
Berthold     of    Calabria, 

98,  3 

of  Loccum,  93,  4 

of  Regensb.,  105 

Bertrada,  96,  3 
44* 


Bertrand  de  Got,  110,  2 
Beryllus,  40,  5 
Bessarion,  67,  6;  68,  2 ; 

120,  1 
Bianchi,  114,  1 
Bible,  Transl.  of,  32,  3 
Biel,  Gabr.,  116 
Bishops,  18,  2;  30.  1 

,  Transl.  of,  45 

Djorn,  80,  1 
Blandina,  23,  3 
Boabdil,  95 
Bobbio,  78,  1  ;  85,  4. 
Boccaccio,  114,  4 
Boethius,  47,  6 
Bogomiles,  71,  1 
Bogoris,  72,  3 
Bohemia,  79,  2  ;  93,  2. 
Bohemian         Brethren, 

119,  5 
Boleslav,  I.,  III.,  of  Po- 
land, 93,  2 
1,  II.  of  Bohemia, 

93,  2 

Chrobry,93,2;96, 1 

Bomberg,  120,  6 
Bonaventura,     104,     1 : 

105,  4 
Boniface,  St.,  78,  4 

VIII.,  99;  110,  1 

Boni  homines,  108,  1 

Bonosus,  62 

Borgia,  Csesar,  114,  4 

Boruth,  79 

Borzivoi,  79,  2 

Bossuet,  7 

Bradacz,  Mich,  v.,  119,  5 

Bradwardine,     Th.,     of, 

116,  2 
Braga,  Synod  of,  76,  4 
Brandt,  Seb.  114,  4 
Brest,  Synod  of,  72,  4 
Brethren,      "  the      four 

long,"  51,  3 

Bohemian,  119,  5 

of  the  Common  Life, 

112,  6 
of  the  Free  Spirit, 

114,  3 
Bretwalda,  77,  4 
Bridget,  St.,  112,  2,  4 
Britons,  77 
Brumalia,  56,  5 
Brunehilda,  78,  1 
Bruno    the    Missionary, 


Bruno  of  Cologne,  101 

■  of  Rheims,  98,  3 

of  Toul,  9(;,  2 

Bulgaria,  67,  1 ;  72,  3 

Bulgari,  108,  1 

Bull,  In  Coena   Domini, 

115 
Burchard  of  Worms,  99 
Burgundians,  76,  5 
Buscli,  Ilcrm.  of,  120,  2 
Bythos,  28,  3 

Cabasilas,  see  Nicholas 
Cadalus  of  Pni'ma,  96,  3 
C*cilianus,  63,  2 
Ctedmon,  88,  2 
Csesarius  of  Arel.,  47,  4 ; 

53,  5 
Cainites,  28,  4 
Cajus,  37,  2;  60,  8 
Calami,  106,  1 
Calatrava,      Order      of, 

98,  6 
Calixt,  George,  4,  8 
Calixtus  L,  60,  1 ;  40,  4 

II.,  96,  5 

III.,  110,  4 

Callinice,  71,  1 
Camaldulensians,  98,  1 
Canon  of  the  Mass,  59,  4 

in  music,  113,  5 

Canons  of  Synods,  43,  2 
Canonesses,  85,  3 
Canonical  Life,  84.  4  ;  97 
Canonici,  84,  4 ;  97 
Cantores,  30,  1 
Cantus  Ambros.,  59,  3 

Firraus,  59,  3 

Figuratus,  105,  5 

Canute  the  Gr.,  123,  1 
Capitula  Episcop.,  87,  1 
Capitula,  three,  contro- 
versy about,  52,  6 
Capitularies,  87,  1 
Carantani,  79 
Carbeas,  71,  1 
Cardianls,  96 
Carmelites,  98,  3 
Carnival,  56,  4;  106,  1 
Carpocrates,  34,  5 
Carthusians,  98,  3;  112 
Casimir  of  Pol.  93,  2 
Cassiaiius,  44;  53,  5 
Cassiodorus,  4 ;  47,  6 
Catacombs,  61,  3 
I  Catechists,  30,  1 


522 


INDEX. 


Catechetical  School,  39,4 

Catechumens,  32,  1 

Cateiice,  48,  1 

Cathari,  38,  2;  108,  1 

Catharine,  St.,  122,  2 

Cathedral  Chapters,  84, 
4;  97:  111 

Catholicity,  13;  30,  3 

Catholicos,  52,  7 

Ceitumar,  79 

Celibacy,  36,  3 ;  45,  4 ; 
84,  3"^;  96,  2;  111 

Celsus,  24,  4 

Cencius,  96,  2 

Centuria,  Magdb.,  4,  2 

Cerdo,  28,  10 

Cerinthus,  18;  28,  1 

Ce?arini,  110,  3 

Chalcedon,  (Ec.  Counc. 
of,  46 ;  52,  4  [2 

Chaldean  Christians,  52, 

Chapels,  84,  3 

Chapter,  Chapter-house, 
84,  4 

Charismata,  18,  1 

Charlemagne,  81,  1 ;  92, 
1;  97 

Charles  Martel,  81 ;  82, 1 

of  Anjou,  96,  8 

the  Bald,  82,  2,  4, 

5;  90 

Chazars,  72,  2 

Chelbes,  28,  4 

Chiersy,  Synod  of,  91,  4 

Children  ofthe  Sun,  71,  2 

Chilperic  II.,  76,  5 

China,  93,  5 

Chinghis-Khan,  73,  1 

Chorepiscopoi,  30 ;  45 

Chosroes  II.,  64,  2 

Chrisma,  32 

Christians,  persecutions 
of,  21  ;  23 

Christianitates,  84,  2 

Christmas,  53  ;  86,  5 

Christ,  controversies 
concerning  the  Per- 
son of,  52 

Chrodegang,  84,  4 

Chrysam,  45,  3 

Chrysoloras,  120,  1 

Chrysostom,  47,  1;  51, 
3 ;  53,  1 

Church.  See  also  Eccle- 
siastical. [5 

Consecration  of, 59, 


Church,  Nave  of,  60,  1 

Peace  of,  88,  4 

States  of,  82,  1 

Churches,  35 
Ciborium,  60,  3 
Cid,  95 

Cimabue,  105,  7 
Circumcelliones,  63,  2 
Cistercians,  98,  2 
Clara,  of  .Assissi,  98,  4 

Order  of,  128,  4 

Clarendon,  Assembly  at, 

96,  4 
Claudius,  Emp.,  23,  1 

of  Turin,  92,  2 

Clemanges,  110,  3;118,1 
Clement  II.,  96,  2,  3 

III.,  96,  4 

v.,    99;    110,    2; 

112,  2 
VI..   110,   2;    114, 

1;  115 

VII.,  110,  3 

the  Heretic,  78,  4 

of  Alexandria,  39,  4 

of  Rome,  39,  1 

Clementines,  27,  4 

(jus  can.),  99 

Clergy,  30 

Choice  of,  45 

Clerical  Dress,  45,  3 
Clerici  vagi,  84,  2 
Clericis  laicos,  110,  1 
Clermont,  Synod  of,  94 
Cliuici,  30,  1 ;  45,  2 
Cloveshoo,  Svnod  of,88,5 
Clugny,  Monks  of,  98,  1 
Ccemeteria,  35 
Coelestine  of  Rome,  52, 

3-;  53,  4 

III.,  96,  6 

IV.,  96,  8 

Coelestines,  112,  4 
("oelestius,  53.  4 
Ccelicolte,  37,  2 
Coena  Domini,  bull,  115 
Coifi,  77,  4 

Cohidi  Rienzi,  110,  2 
Colidei,  77,  1 
Collatio  cum  Donat,  63,  2 
Colleges  of  Canons,  84,  4 
Collyridians,  57,  2 
Colman,  77,  6 
Colombino,  112,  4 
Colonna,  110,  1,  8 
Colet,  120,  4 


Columba,  77,  3 
Columbanus,  78,  1 
Comes  Hieron.,  59 
Commendfe,  110 
Commodian,  41,  1 
Commodus,  23,  8 
Communic.  idiom.,  87,  7 
Communion  of  Children, 

33 ;  68,  4 
Competentes,  82,  1 
Compiegne,     Synod    of, 

82,  2 
Compurgators,  88,  4 
Concha,  60 
Conclave,  96,  6 
Concubitus  (Edipod.,  23 
Confession,    83;    61,    1; 

88,  5 
Confessors,  28,  5 ;  36,2,4 
Confirmation,  32 
Conrad    of  Hochsteden, 

105,  6 

of  Marburg,  109,  2 

1.,  II.,  96,  1,  2 

III.,  94,  2 

Conradin,  96,  6 
Consolamentum,  108,  1 
Constance,  96,  5 

Council  of,  110,  8 

Constantia,  50,  2 
Constantine    the  Great, 

23,   7;  42,  1;  50,  1; 

63,2 
Constantinus  Chrysoma- 

lus,  70,  4 

Copronymus,  66,  2 

of  Mananalis,  71,  2 

Monomachus,  67,  3 

Pogonatus,  52,  8 

Porphyrogenneta, 

68,  1 
the       Philosopher, 

72,2 
Constantinople,    (Ecum. 
Council  of,  II.,  46; 

50,  4,  5 ;  52,  1 

v.,  52,  6 

VI.,  52,  8 

VII.,  66,  2,  3 

VIII.,  67,  1 

Constantius,  42,  1  ;  50,  2 

Chlorus,  23,  6 

Constitutio  Romaua,82,3 
Continentes,  36,  3 
Convenensa,  108,  1 
Conventiclers,  108,  5 


INDEX. 


523 


Conventu.iles,  112,  1 
Coiiversi,  98 
Copts,  52,  7 ;  73,  2 
Corbiiiian,  78,  2 
Cornelius  of  Home,  30,  2 
Corporale,  60,  2 
Corpus  Cliristi  day,105,2 
Corpus  jur.  can.,  99 
Correggio,  113,  4 
Cosiuas      Indicoplastes, 
48,  2 

Patriarch,  70,  4 

the  Usurper,  6(3,  1 

Cossa,  110,  3 
Councils,  30,  2  , 

General,  43,  2 

Courland,  93,  4 
Court  chapels,  84,  1 
Cranz,  H.,  113,  3 
Creatianism,  53,  1 
Crescentius,  96,  1 
Crimthan,  77,  3 
Cross,  discovery  of,  57,  5 

elevation  of,  57,  5 

experiment  of,  88,  4 

particles  of,  57,  5 

sign  of,  36,  1 

Crotus  Rubianus,  120,  2 
Crucifix,  GO,  3 
Crusades,  94 
Crypts,  GO,  1 
Culdees,  77,  1 
Cupola,  60,  1 
Curates,  84,  2 
Cursores,  60,  3 
Cusa,  Nich.  of,  110,  3: 

118,  2 
Cyprian  of  Carthage,  23, 

5:  30,  3;  32,  2;  36; 

38,  2 ;  39,  5 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  45, 

9  ;  52,  2,  3 

of  Jerusalem,  48,  5 

and  Methodius,  72, 

2,  8 
Cyrus  of  Alexandria, 52, 8 
Dagobert  I.,  78,  1 
Damasus,  63,  1 
Dambrovka,  93,  2 
Damiani,  see  Petrus. 
Dandalo,  94,  4 
Dante,  144,  4 
David  of  Dinanto,  108,  2 
Deacons,  18,  3;  80,  1 

Subdeacons,  51,  1 

Decani,  Deans,  84,  2 
44 


Decalogue,  113,  3 
Dccius,  Emp.,  23,  5 
Decretals,  43,  3  ;  46,  2 
Decretists,  99 
Decretum  Gratiani,  99 

Gregorii,  99 

Defensores,  45,  5 
Definitioiies,  43,  2 
Demetrius      of       Alex- 
andria, 31,  4 
Demiurgos,  26,  1 
Dendrites,  70,  3 
Denmark,  80  ;  93,  1 
Desiderius,  82,  1 
Desk,  35 ;  60,  2 
Dhu-Nowas,  64,  4 
Didenhofen,    Synod    of, 

82,  2 
Didymus  of  Alexandria, 

45,  6 
Dies  stationum,  32 
Dinanto,  see  David. 
Diodorus,  monk,  34,  5 
of  Tarsus,    47,   1 ; 

48,  1 
Diognetus,  39,  1 
Donysius  of  Alexandria, 

39,  4  ;  40,  6,  8 
the  Areopag.,  47,  6 ; 

48,  5 ;  90,  1 
Exiguus,  43,  3  ;  48, 

2;  56,  3 

of  Paris,  25 

of  Rome,  40,  6 

Dioscurus,  52,  4 
Diptychs,  59,  4 
Disciplina  arcani,  33,  2 
Discipline,    Eccles.,  36, 

2;  61,  1  ;  88,  5 

stages  of,  86,  2 

Discussion     at    Aix    la 

Chapelle,  91,  1 
Docetism,  19;  26,  1 
Doctor  audientium,  30,  1 

angelicus,  104,  1 

ecstaticus,  117,  2 

Doctor  invincibilis,  116,1 

irrefragabilis,  104,1 

mirabilis,   104,  3 

resolutissimns,116,l 

seraphicus,  104,  1 

subtilis,  104,  1 

Dolcino,  108,  3 
Dollinger,  4,  4 
Dominicans,  98,  4;  109, 

2;  112,  1 


Domitian,     the     Abbot, 

52,  6 

Emp.,  24 

Donation  of  Constantine, 

82,  1 
Donatists,  63,  2 
Dorotheus,  39,  6 
Dositheus,  22,  1 
Double  Monasteries, 85, 3 
Drahomira,  93,  2 
Druids,  77,  2 
Druthmar,  Christian,  90, 

4,  6;  91,  3 
Drys,  Synod  of,  51,  3 
Dualism,  26,  1 
Dubrawka,  93,  2 
Dufay,  113,  3 
Dun  gal,  92,  2 
Dunstan,  97 ;  101 
Durandus,  116,  1 
Diirer,  A.,  113,  4 

Eadbald,  77,  4. 

Eanfled,  77,  6 

Easter,  Festival  of,  32 

calculation  of,  56,  3 

observance,  dis- 
putes about,  36,  1 

plays,  106,2;  114, 4 

risus        paschalis, 

106,  1 

East  Indies,  64,  4 

Ebbo  of  Mayence,  80 

Ebed-.Jesu,  73,  1 

Ebionites,  33,  2 

Ecbertof  Shcinau,  108,  4 

Eccart,  Master,  117,  1 

Ecclesiastical  architec- 
ture, see  Architec. 

Discipline,  36  ;  91 

Functionaries,  45,5 

Law,  41,  3  ;  43,  3; 

99 

Revenues,  45 

Year,  56,  7 

Ecetes,  70,  3 

Ecthesis,  52,  8 

Edgemiadzin,  73,  2 

Edwin,  77,  4 

Einhard,  89,  6 

Ei'fj'i''';,  'jG,  2 

Electors,  princes,  97,  1 

Eleesban,  64,  4 

Eligius,  78,  3 

Elijah  of  Cortona,  98,  4 

Elipandus,  91,  1 


524 


INDEX. 


Elizabeth,    St.,    109,  2; 

112,  3 

Order  of,  112,  3 

-of  Shonau,  108,  4 

Elkesaites,  33,  3 
Elvira,  Synod  of,  60,  3 
Elxai,  27,  3 
Emanation,  26,  1 
Emma,  93,  1 
Emmelia,  47,  4 
Empire,  Frankish,  82,  2 

Latin,  67,  4  ;  94,  4 

Encratites,  28,  8 
Encyclical  Letter  of  Pho- 

tius,  67,  1 
Encyclion,  52,  5 
Endemic  Synods,  43,  2 
Endura,  108,  1 
Enfans  sans  souci,  114,  2 
Engelhardt,  4,  4 
Ennodius,  46,  2 
Enthusiasts,  71,  3 
Eon,  108,  4 

Epaon,  Council  of,  76,  5 
Ephesus,  Council  of,  52, 

3 ;  53,  4 
Ephraem,  47,  2 ;  59,  2 
Epicurus,  8,  4 
Epiphanes,  28,  5 
Epiphanias,  32  ;  56,  5 
Epiphanius,  47,  4  ;  51,  2, 

3  ;  57,  4 
Episcopi  in  partibus,  97 
— ^regionarii,  84 
Epistoloe  canonicEe,  38,  3 

decretals,  46,  2 

formatoe,  30 

obscur.  vir.,  120,  2 

Epulfc  Thyest.,  23 
Erasmus,    119,    5;    120, 

3,  5 
Eric  IL,  80,  1 

St.,  93,  1,  3 

the  red,  93,  1 

Erigena,   J.  Sc,    90,    5, 

7;  91,  4;  108,  2 
Ertenki  Mani,  29,  1     [6 
Erwin  of  Steinbach,  105, 
Esnig,  64,  3 
Essenes,  9,  2 
Estates  of  the  Empire, 

114,  1 
Esthonia,  93,  4 
Ethelbcrga.  77,  4 
Ethelbert,  77,  4 
Ethehvold,  101,  1 


Etherius  of  Osma,  91,  1 
Ethiopia,  64,  1 
Eucharist,   18,  5;  83,  1 
doctrine  of,  38,  3  ; 

58,  2;  91,  3 
elements     of,    33 ; 

58,  4 
Eucherius,  48,  1 
Euchetes,  Christian,  44, 

5;  71,  3 

Heathen,  42,  2 

Eudo  da  Stella,  108,  4 
Eudocia,  48,  8;  52,  4,  5 
Eudoxia,  51,  3 
Eugenicus    of  Ephesus, 

67,  6 
Eugenius  IL,  82,  3 

IIL,  96,  4 

IV.,  67,  6;  110,  3 

Eulogia,  58,  4  [4 

Eulogius  of  C^sarsa,  53, 

of  Cordova,  81,  1 

Eunapius,  42,  4 
Eunomius,  60,  3 
Eupbemites,  42,  5 
Euphrates,  28,  4 
Euric,  76,  2 
Eusebians,  50,  2 
Eusebius  of  Csesarea,  6  : 

47,  3  ;  48,  2 

of  Emisa,  48,  1 

of  Nicomed.,  50,  1 

of  Vercelli,  50,  2 

Eustasius    of    Luxeuil, 

78,  2 
Eustathians,  44,  5 
Eustathius  of  Ant.,  48,  1 

of  Sebaste,  44,  5 

of  Thessalonica,  08, 

5 ;  70,  4 
Eustochium,  44,  2 
Eutbalius,  59,  1 
Euthymius      Zigabenus, 

68 
Eutyches,  52,  4 
Evagrius,  4,  1 
Evangelists,  18,  3 
Evangelium      aeteruum, 

108,  4 
Ewald,    the    White    and 

the  Black,  78,  5 
Exarchate,  76,  7 
Exarchs,  41,  1 
Excommunication,  32,  2 

'E^o;^o^oy>/(rl{,   36,   2 

Exorcism,  32 


Exorcists,  30,  1 
Expectantise,  110 
ExtranciB,  36,  3 
Extravagantes,  99 
Experiment,  see  Ordeal. 
Exucontians,  50,  3 
Eyck,  113,  4 

Fabek  Stapulensis,  120, 

4,  5 
Facundus  of  Hermiane, 

52,  6 
Faustus  of  Mileve,  54,  1 

of  Rhegium,  53,  6 

Feast  of  the  Ass,  106,  1 

of  Fools,  106,  1 

of  Peter  and  Paul, 

57,  1 
Felicissimus,  38,  2 
Felicitas,  20 
Felix  IL,  52,  5 

v.,  110,  3 

of  Aphthunga,  63,  2 

Pratensis,  120,  5 

of  Urgellis,  91,  1 

Ferdinand  of  Castile,  I., 

IIL,  95,  2 
Ferrara,  Council  of,  67, 

6;  110,  3 
Ferula,  60,  1 
Festa   Cathedrae    Petri, 

57,  1 
Feudalism,  86,  1 
Feyin,  Synod  of,  64,  3 
Filioque,  50,   6;  07,  1; 

91,  2 
Finland,  93,  4 
Firmicus  Maternus,  42 ; 

48,  3 
Firmilian,  32,  2 
Flacius,  4,  2 
Flagellants,  114,  1 
Flavian,  monk,  34,  4 

Patr.  of  Const.,  52,4 

of  Ant.,  44,  5 

Fleury,  4,  2 

Flodoard  of  Rheims,  101 

Florence,  Council  of,  67, 

6;  72,  4;  110,  3 
Florus  Magister,   90,  5; 

91,  4 
Fontevraux,    Order    of, 

98,  3 
Formosus,  82,  5 
Fortunatus,  42,  5  ;  48,  8 
Franciscans,  98,4 ;  112,2 


INDEX. 


525 


Francis,  St.,  93,  5;  98, 

4;  105,  4 

de  Paula,  112,  3 

Frankfort,  Synod  of,  91, 

1 ;  92,  1  [5 

Franco  of  Cologne,  105, 
Franks,  76,  9  [4 

Fratres  de  Commun.,  98, 

intelligentifB,  114,3 

minores,  98,  4 

prredicat.,  98,  4 

Fratricelli,  98,  4  ;  108,  4 
Fredegis,  90,  4 
Frederic  I.  Barb.,  94,  3: 

96,  4 
II.,    Enip.,   94,    5; 

96,  5,  6  ;  97,  1 ;  108, 1 
Frisia,  78,  3 
Frithigern,  76,  1 
Fritzlar,  78,  4 
Frobenius,  120,  3 
Frumentius,  64,  1 
Fugue,  113,  3  [1 
FulbertofChartres,  101, 
Fulco,  93,  3 
Fuld.a,  78,  4 
Fulgentius  Ferr.,  77,  3 
of  Ruspe,  47,  6 

GAiLERof  Kaisersb.,  113 
Galerius,  23,  3 
Gallienus,  23,  5 
Gallus,  St.,  78,  1 

Emp.,  23,  5 

Gangra  Synod  of,  44,  5  ; 

45,  4 
Gaunilo,  102,  3 
Gazari,  108,  1 
Gebhard    of    Eichstedt, 

96,  2 

of  Salzburg,  97,  1 

Gcgnesius,  71,  1 
Geiler,  113,  2;  114,  4 
Geismar,  78,  4 
Gelasius  I.,  59,  4 
Gelimer,  76,  3 
rei-iSXia,  36,  4 
Generatiauiism,  53,  1 
Gennadius,  48,  2 

Patr.,  68,  5 

Gentile  Christians,  19 
Gentilly,    Synod   of,    91. 

2;  92,  1 
Genuflectentes,  32,  1 
George  Acindynos,  69,  1 
of  Trebizond,  68,  2 


Gerbert,  96,  1;  101,  1 
Gerhard  Segarelli,  108,3 

of  Zutphen,  112,  5 

Germanus,  Patr.,  66,  1 
Geroch  of  Reichersb.,  97 
Gerson,  110,  3;  118,  1 
Gewilib  of  Mayence,78,  4 
Goysa,  93,  2 
Gfrorer,  4,  4 
Ghazali,  100,  2 
Ghiberti,  113,  6  [4 

Giacomo  da  Verona,  105, 
Giacoponi  da  Todi,  105,  4 
Gieseler,  4,  4 
Gilbert,  Porrct.,  103,  1 
Gildas,  90,  9 
Giotto,  113,  4 
Giuiita  of  Pisa,  105,  7 
Gnosticism,   19;    26,   1; 

28 
Go.ar,  78,  3 
Goch,  119,  1 
God,  truce  of,  106,  1 

Friends  of,  114,  2 

judgment  of,  88,  4 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  94,1 

tlie  Bearded,  96,  2 

of  Lucina,  93,  3 

of  Strasburg,  106,  3 

youvK^ifouTes,  32,  1 
Gonzalo  of  Berceo,  106,  3 
Gordianus,  23,  4 
Gorm,  the  Old,  93,  1 
Goths,  76 
Gottschalk,  91,  4, 
Prince  of  theWends, 

93,  3 
Grobow,  112,  5 
y/iii/ifiara  TerhTiuiftcfa,  30 
Grammont, Order  of,98,3 
Gratian,  canonist,  99 

Emp.,  42,  3 

Greenland,  93,  1 
Gregentius,  48,  3 
Gregorvl.,42,  1;  47,  1; 

57,  4;  68,  3;  59,  3; 

70,  8;  77,  4 

II.,  66,  1 

III.,  66,  1;  78,  4; 

82,  1 

IV.,  82,  2 

v.,  86,  1 

VII.,  84;  86,  2 

IX.,  86,  6;  89 

X.,  67,  4 

XL,  110,  2 


Gregory  XII.,  110,  3 

Abulfaragus,  73,  2 

Illuminator,  64,  3 

Palamas,  69,  1 

Scholaris,  68,  5 

Tbaumaturgus,  39, 

4;  41,  2 

of  Nazianzus,  47,  4 

of  Nyssa,  47,  5 

of  Tours,  4,  1;90,  2 

of  Utrecht,  78,  3 

Grimoald,  76,  8 
Groot,  Gerhard,  112,  5 
Grossteste,  104,  3 
Grundtvig,  75,  9 
Gai;lbortus,  J.,  98,  1 
Guardian,  98,  4 
Guericke,  4,  4 
Guido  of  Arezzo,  105,  5 

of  Sienna,  105,  7 

Gundioch,  76,  5 
Gundobald,  76,  5 
Gunthamund,  76,  3 
Gunther  of  Cologne,  82,4 
Gyrovagi,  44,  5 

IIaco  the  Good,  83,  1 
Hadrian,  Emp.,  21;  23,2 
-L,    66,    3;    82,    1; 

92,  1 
II.,  67,   1;    82,  4; 

83,  1 

IV.,  90,  4 

Iladrumetum,  53,  5 
Hagenbach,  4,  4 
Hakim,  Caliph,  94 
Hamburg,  See  of,  70,  1 
Harmonius,  30,  9 
Harold,  80 

Blaatand,  93,  1 

Ilase,  4,  4 

Haymo  of  Halberst,  90, 

5,  9 
Heathenism,  8 
Ileddo  of  Strasb.,  84,  2 
Hedwig,  93,  2 
Hegesippus,  4,  1 
Hegira,  65 
Hegius,  AL,  120,  2 
Ileimburg,  Gr.,of,  118,2 
Helena,  the  Tyriau,  22,  2 

the  Empress,  57,  5,6 

Heliaud,  88,  2 
Heliogabalus,  23,  4 
Hellenists,  11 
Heloise,  103,  1 


526 


INDEX. 


Helvidius,  62 
Hcmerobaptists,  22 
Hemming  of  Upsala,93,4 
Kenoticon,  52,  2 
Heiu-y  II.,  Emp.,  97,  1 

III.,  96,  1 

IV.,  96,  2 

• v.,  96,  3 

VI.,  96,  4 

II.,of  England,  96,4 

Beauclerc,  96,  3 

de  Hassia,  118,  2 

of  Laufenberg,  113,2 

of  Lausanne,  108,  3 

Heraclion,  28,  3 
Ilei-aclius,  52,  8;  57,  5; 

64,  2 
Herigar,  80,  1 
Hermann     of    Fritzlar, 

117,  1 

the  Lame,  102,  1 

Hermas,  39,  1 
Ilermeneutae,  30,  1 
Hermias,  41,  1 
Hermogenes,  37,  11 
Herveus,  103,  3 

Natalis,  116,  1 

Ilesychasts,  69,  1 
HettcritB,  23,  2 
Hiei'ocles,  24,  4 
Hilarion,  44 
Hilarius  of  Arelate,  46,  2 

of  Poictiers,  47,  5 

Hildebrana,96,  2  ;  102,  2 
Hildegard,  97;   108,  4; 

109 
Hilderic,  76,  3 
Himerius,  42 
llincmar  of  Laon,  83,  1 
. of  Rheims,  82,  4 ; 

83,  1 ;  91,  4 
Hippolytus,    38,  1;    39, 

3 ;  40,  4 
Ilogstraten,  120,  2 
Ilohcnstaufen,  96,  4,  5,  6 
Holbein,  113,  4 
Holland,      see      Nether- 
lands. 
Homilies,  34 
Ilomoiites,  50,  3 
Homologoumena,  34,  2 
Homoiuosians,  50,  2 
Homoousians,  40,1 ;  50,1 
Honoratus,  44 
Houorius,  Emp.,  42,  3 ; 

63,  4 


Honorius  of  Rome,  52,  8 
Horoe,  56,  2 
Horic,  80,  1 

Hormisdas  of  Rome,  52,6 
Hormuz,  King,  29 
Hornbach,  78,  1 
"Opui,  43,  2 
Hosius,  50,  1,  2,  3 
Hospitallers,  98,  6 
Hottinger,  4,  2 
Hucbald,  105,  5 
Hugo  Capet,  96,  1 

a  St.  Caro,  104,  3 

a  St.Victore,  103,  2 

Hugo  de  Payens,  98,  6 
Humanists,  120 
Humbert,  67,  3 ;  102,  2 
Humiliati,  98,  3 
Huneric,  76,  3 
Hungary,  93,  2 
Hus,  113,  2;  119;  3 
Husig,  64,  3 
Hutten,  Ulric  of,  120,  2 
Hy,  see  lona. 
Hyle,  Hylic,  26,  1 
Hymnology,  18,  5;    34, 

4;59,  2,  3;89,2;105, 

3;  113,  2,  3 
Hypatia,  42,  3 
Hypophonous      singing, 

59,  3 

VKOnTOlOii,    36,    2 

Hypostasianism,  40,  1 
Hypsistarians,  42,  5 

Ibas,  52,  3 
Iberians,  64,  4 
Idacius,  54,  2 
Ignatius,  of  Ant,  23,  2; 

30;  39,  1 

Patr.  of  Const., 67,1 

Images,  worship  of,  57, 

""ffsg,  4 ;  92 

controversy    about 

(iconoclastic), 66 ;  92,1 
Immacul.Conceptio,  105, 

2;  112,  4 
Immunity,  84,  1 
Incense,  burning  of,  59,5 
Indulgences,  92, 1  ;  107  ; 

115 
Infant  Baptism,   18,   5; 

32 ;  58,  1 
Innocent  L,  46,  2;    53, 

4;  61,  2,  3 
XL,  96,  4 


Innocentin.,96,  5;108, 

5;  109,  1 

IV.,  96,  6  [2 

VIII.,  110,  4;  115, 

Innocentum  festum,  57, 

1 ;  106,  1  [1 

Inquisition,  109,  2;  115, 
Inspiration,  34,  1 
Insula  Sanctorum,  77,  2 
Intercession,  episc,  43 
Interdict,  107 
Investiture,  40,  3  ;    84 ; 

96,  2,  3 
lona.  77,  3 
Ireland,  77,  2 
Irenajus,  39,  3 
Irene,  66,  3 
Irmin-column,  78,  5 
Isaac    the    Gr.,    52,    2 

(64,  3) 
Isidorus,  Gnostic,  28,  2 

Presbyter,  51,  2,  3 

Metrop.  of  Russia, 

72,  4 

of  Seville,  90,  2 

Islam,  65  ;  81  ;  95 
Itala,  34,  3 
Ithacius,  54,  2 
Ittig,  78,  4 

Jablonsky,  4,  3 
Jacobellus,  119,  4 
Jacobites,  52,  7 
Jacoponus,  105,  4 
Jagello,  93,  2 
Jacobus    a    Benedictis, 

10.5,  4 

a  Voragine,  105,  3 

el  Baradai,  52,  7 

of  Brescia,  112,  1 

of  Harkh,  71,  2 

of  Marchia,  112,  1 

of  Misa,  119,  4 

of  Nisibis,  46,  2 

of  Sarug,  59,  2 

Jaldabaoth,  28,  4 
Jamblichus,  24,  2 
Janitores,  36,  1 
Jaroslav,  72,  4 
Jazelic,  52,  3 
Jeremias  II,,  72,  4 
Jerome,  St.,   48,   1  ;  51, 

2;  53,  4;  62 

of  Prague,  119,  3 

Jeromites,  112,  3 
Jesuates,  110,  3 


INDEX. 


527 


Jews,  90,  7 ;  96,  1 
Jewish  Christians,  19,  1 
Jetzer,  112,  2 
Joachim,     Abbot,     97 ; 

108,  4 
Johanna,    female    pope, 

82,  3 
JohannesV.,Pala3ologus, 

67,  5 

VII.,  67,  6 

of  Parma,  108,  4 

Philoponus,  47 

of  Ravenna,  83,  1 

of  Salisbury,  102,  3 

Scholasticus,  43,  3 

Scotus  Erigena,  90, 

5,  7;  91,  4 

of  Talaja,  52,  5 

of  Trani,  67,  3 

Tzimisces,  71,  1 

John,  Apostle,  17 

disciples  of,  22 

festival  of,  57,  1 

St.,  Knights  of, 98,0 

VIII.,  67.  1;  82,  5 

IX.,  82,  5 

■ X.,  XL,  XII.,  XV., 

96,  1 

XIX.,  67,  2;  96,  2 

XX.,  82,  3 

XXII.,  110,  2:  112, 

1;  116.  1  [3 

XXIII.,  98,  5;  110, 

of  Ant.,  52,  3 

Beccos,  67,  3 

Cassianus,  44 ;  53,5 

Daniascenus,  66, 1  ; 

68,  4,  5 

Duns  Scotus,  104,  1 

Jejunator,,    46,  2; 

61,  1  [4 

of  Jerus,  51,2;  53, 

of  England,  96,  5 

de  Monte  Corvino, 

93,  5 

Ozniensis,  73,  2 

Johnites,  51,  3 
Jolanthe,  94,  5 
Jonas  of  Orleans,  90,  4  ; 

92,  2 
Jornandes,  90,  9 
Joseph,  Patr.,67,  4;  70,1 
Josephus,  11 ;  14,  2 
Josquin  de  Pr^z,  113,  3 
Jovi,  80,  1 
Jovinian,  62 

44* 


Jubilee,  115 
Jubili,  89,  2 
Judicatum,  52,  6 
Julia  Mammtea,  23,  4 
.luliana,  105,  2 
Julianists,  52,  7 
Julianus,  Emp.,  42,  2,  4  ; 
63,  2 

of  Eclanum,  53.  4 

Julius  I.,  46,  2;  50,  2 

II.,  110,  4 

Africanus,  41,  5 

Junilius,  48,  1 
Jus  circa  sacra,  43,  1 
Justina,  50,  4 
Justinian  I.,  42,  3  ;  82,  6 

II.,  63,  3 

Justinus  I.,  Emp.,  52,  5 

Gnostic,  28,  4 

Martyr,  39,2;  41,1 

Juvenal  of  Jerus.,  52,  3 
Juvencus,  48,  8 

Kelbes,  28,  4 

Keldeer,  77,  1 

Kempis,  Thomas  a,  112,5 

Keraits,  73,  1         '     "" 

Keys,  power  of,  61,  1 

Kilian,  78,  2 

Kiss,    fraternal,    18,   5; 

33,  1;  36,  1 
Kissing  the   Pope's  toe, 

96 
Knightly  orders,  98,  6 
Krtimer,  115,  2 

L.\BARUM,  23,  7 
Lactantius,  39,  5;  41,  1 
Lambert   of    Aschaffen- 

burg,  102,  1 

le  Begue,  98,  5 

Landulf  Cotta,  97,  2 
Lanfranc,  101,  1,  2 
Lange,  Rudolph,  120,  2 
Langenstein,  II.  of,118,2 
Langobards,  76,  8 
Laugthon,  96,  5 
Laos,  30 
Lapland,  93,  4 
Lapsi,  23,  5 
Lateran  Synod  I.,  52,  8  ; 

96,  3 

IL,  96,  4 

IV.,  96,  5 

Laurentius,  Archb.,  77,4 
Martyr,  23,  5 


Laurentius,  Valla,  120,  1 
Lay-Abbots,  75 

Brethren,  98,  1 

Lectio,  30 

Lectionaria,  59 

Lectores,  34 ;  59 

Legates,  96 

Legenda  aurea,  105,  3 

Legio  fulniiu.,  23,  3 

Legists,  99 

Leidrad  of  Lyons,  90,  3  ; 

91,  1 
Lentulus,  14,  2 
Leo  I.  the    Gr.,  45,  4; 

46,  2;  47,  5;  52,  4; 

54,  1,  2;  61,  1 

IL,  82,  2;  91,  2 

IX.,  67,  3;  90,  2 

X.,110,  4;  120,1,2 

of  Achrida,  67,  3 

the  Armenian,  66, 

4;  71,  1 

Chazarus,  66,  3 

the  Isaurian,  66,  1 ; 

71,  1 
the  Philos.,  67,1,2; 

68,  1  [4 

Leonai'do  da  Vinci,  103, 
Leonistse,  108,  5 
Leontius  of  Byz.,  48,  2 
Leovigild,  76,  2 
Leporius,  52,  2 
Lerija,  A.  of,  120,  4,  5 
Lestines,  Synod  of,  78,  4 
Libanius,  42,  4 
Libcllatici,  23,  5 
Libelli  pacis,  36,  2 
Liber  conformit.,  98,  4 
Liber  paschalis,  56,  3 
Liberatus  of  Carth.,  52,6 
Libcrius  of  Rome,  50,  2, 

3 ;  63,  1 
Libri  Carolini,  92,  1 
Licinius,  23,  7 
Limina  apost.,  57,  7 
Lindner,  Br.,  4,  4 
Liptinte,  Synod  of,  78,4 
Litany,  59 
Lithuania,  93,  2 
Liturgy,  33,   1;    59,  4; 

89.  1 ;  105 
Liudger,  78,  3 
Liutprand,  82,  1 
Livonia,  93,  4 
Lollards,  114,  1 ;  119,  1 
Lombardus,  P.,  103,  2 


528 


INDEX. 


Lord'sDay,18,5;32;56,l 
Loretto,  113 
Lothair,  Emp.,  82,  2 
II.,  of  Lothar.,  82, 

3,  4  [2 

Louis,  the  Germanic,  82, 

the  Child,  82,  5 

the  Indol.,  82,  5 

the  Pious,  82,  2 

II.,  82,  2 

VII.,  94,  2 

IX.,  St.,  93,5;  94, 

C ;  96,  6 

XII.,  110,  4 

of  Bavaria,  110,  2 

Lucas,Bohem.Sen.,113,2 
Lucian  of  Ant.,  39,  6 

of  Samos.,  24,  3 

Lucidus,  53,  5 

Lucifer  of  Calaris,  50,  2, 

3 ;  63,  1 
Luciferites,  Schismatics, 

63,  1 

Heretics,  114,  3 

Lucilla,  63,  2 
Lucius,  Brit.  King,  77 
Lucrezia,  110,  4 
Ludmilla,  79,  2 
Lullas,   Archb.,  78,  4 

Raim.,93,  5;104,  2 

Lund,  93,  4 

Luxeuil,  78,  1 

Lyons,    Council   of,    67, 

4;  96,  G 
Lyra,  Nicholas  of,  116,  2 

Mac.\rius  the  Gr.,  48,  7 
Maccabees,    festival    of, 

57,  1 
Madedonius,  50,  5 
Maori  anus,  23,  5 
Macrina,  47,  4 
Magdeburg,  93,  3 
Magister  sent.,  103,  2 
Magnoald,  78,  1 
Mainots,  42,  3 ;  72,  1 
Majorinus,  63,  2 
Malta,  Knights  of,  98,  6 
Mamertus,  59 
Mandeans,  22 ;  27,  3 
Mani   and  Manich.,  28, 

54,  1 
Mansur,  68,  5 
Mantua,  Counc.  of,  110,4 
Manuel  Comn.,  69 
Maphrian,  52,  7 


Mara,  14,  2 

Marcellus  of  Anc,  50,  2 
Marcia,  23,  3 
Marcian,  Emp.,  52,  4 
Marcion,  Gnos.,  30,  10 
Marco  Polo,  93,  5 
Marcus  Aurelius,  23,  3 

Evangelist,  17 

Marianu.s  Scotus,  102,  1 
Marius  Mercator,  53,  4 
Maris,  52,  3 

Maronites,  52,  3  ;  73,  3  ; 
Marozia,  96,  1 
Marriage,  36,  1;   61,  2; 

88,  1  ;  105,  1 
Mass,  canon  of,  59,  4 
sacrifice  of,   58,  3 ; 

89,  3 

Masses  for  the  Dead,  58, 

3 ;  89,  3 
Martin  I.,  52,  8 

v.,  110,  3 

of  Duma,  76,  4 

Polonus,  104,  3 

of  Tours,  49;  54,  2 

llar^t^^rs,  igg,  5;   36,  4; 

Massilians,  53,  5 
Mastersiugers,  114,  4 
Matthew  Paris,  104,  3 
Matilda  of  Can.,  96,  2 
Maurus,  St.,  85 
Maxentius,  23,  7 
Maximianus,  23,  6 
Maximilian  I.,  110,  4 
Maximilla,  37,  1 
Maximinus,  Emp.,  23,  6 

the  Thracian,  23,  4 

Maximus,  Emp.,  54,  2 

Confess.,  47,6;  52,8 

Mayence,  Synod  of,  91,  4 
Mayron,  116,  1  [4 

Meinhard  of  Bremen,  93, 
Melchiades,  63,  2 
Melchisedechites,  40,  2 
Melchites,  52,  7 
Melitus  of  Ant.,  63,  1 

of  Lycopol.,  38,  3 

Melito,  39,  3;  41,  1,  4 
Memnon  of  Eph.,  52,  3 
Memorise,  57 
Mendicant  orders,  98,  4 
Mennas,  52,  6 
Menot,  113 
Mensurius,  63,  2 
Messalians,  Chr.,  44,  5 


Messalians  neathen,42,5 
Methodius,  72,  3 ;  79 
of  Olympus  32,  8  ; 

33,  2, 
Metrophanes,   67,  6 
Metropolitans,  30;  83 
Michael  Balbus,  66,  4 
Bohem.,        senior, 

119,  5 

Cserularius,  67,  3 

de  Cesena,  112,  1 

the  Drunkard,  67, 1 

Palteologus,  67,  4 

festival  of,  57,  3 

Angelo,  113,  3 

Middle  Ages,  74 
Miecislav,  93,  2 
Miesrob,  64,  3 
Milicz,  119,  2 
Militia  Christi,  36 
Millennarianism,  40,  8 
Miltiades,  41,  1 
Minimi,  112.  3 
Minnesingers,  106,  3 
Minorites,  98,  4 
Minucius,  Felix,  41,  1 

Fund.,  23,  2 

Missa  catech.et  fidelium, 

33,  1 
Missale  Rom,,  59,  4 
Mistvoi,  93,  3 
Modalists,  40 
Mogtasilah.  27,  3 
Mohamet,  65 
Mohler,  4,  4 
Molay,  J.,  112,  2 
Monarchians,  40 
Monasterium  Cler.,  45, 1 
Mongols,  93,  5 
Monica,  47,  5 
Monophysites,  52,  5,  7  ; 

73,  2 
Monotheletes,  52,  8 
Montanists,  37 
Monte-Cassino,  85 
Montfort,  S.  of,  109,  1 
Moors,  81 ;  95 
Morality,     higher     and 

lower,  36 
Moravia,  79,  1 
More,  Thomas,  110,  4 
Moriscoes,  95  [4 

Morsel,  consecrated,  88, 
JMosaic,  60,  3 
Moses  of  Chorene,  64,  3 
Moslems,  65 


INDEX. 


529 


Mozarabs,  81 

Music,   59,    3;    105,   5: 

113.  2 
Muspili,  88,  2 
Mysticism,  Greek,  68,  3 

Latin,  100,  etc. 

German,  117 

Naassenks,  28, 
N«p3-7f,  60,  1 
Natales  episcop.,  45,  3 
Natalis,  4,  2 
Natalitia  mart.,  3G,  4 
Nfizarenes,  27,  1 
Neander,  4,  4 
Nectarius,  61,  1 
Nennius,  90,  9 
Neophytes,  30,  1 
Neoplatonists,  24,  2 ;  42 
Nepos  of  Ai'sinoe,  40,  8 
Nero,  23,  1 
Nerses,  64,  3 

Clajensis,  73,  2 

. of  Lampron,  73,  2 

Nerva,  23,  1 
Nestorians,    52,    3;    64, 

2 ;  73,  1 
Nestorius,  52,  3 
Neumje,  59,  3 
New-year,  56,  5 
Niebelungen,  106,  3 
Nice,  Council  of,  46,  2 ; 

50,  1  (66,  3). 
Nicephorus       Gregoras, 

69,  1 

Callisti,  68,  4      [5 

Nicetas  Acominatus,  68, 

of  Nicomed.,  67,  4 

Pectoratus,  67,  3 

Nicolaitanes,  19  ;  28,  6 
Nicholas  I.,  67,  1;    72, 

3;  82,  4;  83,  1;  91,  4 

II..  96,  2 

of  Basle,  114,  2 

Nicholas  von    der  Fliie, 

112.  5 
Cabasilas,    68,    5 ; 

70,  4 

of  Methone,  68,  5 

Mysticus,  67,  2 

Nicola  Pisano,  105,  7 
Niedner,  4,  4 
Nimbus,  60,  3 
Ninian,  77,  3 
Niphon,  monk,  70,  4 
Patr.,  70,  1 

45 


Nitrian  Desert,  51,  1 
Nithard,  90,  9 
Noetus,  40,  4 
Nogaret,  W.  of,  110,  1 
Nominalists,  100,  2 
Nomocanon,  43,  3 
Nona3,  86,  1 
Nonua,  47,  4 
Nonnus  of  Panop.,  48,  8 
Norbert,  98,  3 
Norway,  91,  1 
Noting  of  Verona,  91,  4 
Notker  Labeo,  101,  1 
Novatians,  38,  3 
Novatus,  38,  2 
Noviciate,  44,  3 ;  86,  1 
Nunia,  64,  4 
Nuns,  44;  85,  3 
Nynias,  77,  3 

Oblati,  85,  1 
Oblations,  33 
Obotrites,  93,  3 
Observantes,  112,  1     [1 
Occam,  W.,  112,1;  116, 
Ockenheim,  113,  3 
Octavie,  56,  4 
Odericus  Vitalis,  103,  3 
Odilo  of  Clugny,  98,  1 
Odo    of  Clugny,  98,  1 ; 

101,  1 
Odoacer,  76,  6 
(Ecumenius,  68,  4 
OfiBcials,  97 
Officium  Sanctoe  Mange, 

105,  3 

OtVofOfiia,  40,  1 

OiKOVOflOl,    45,    5 

Oktai-Khan,  93,  5 
Olaf,  80,  1 ;  93,  1 
Olga,  72,  4 
Oliva,  J.  P.,  108,  4 
Olivet.ans,  112,  1 
Ommiades,  81,  1;  9-5,  2 
Omphalopsychoi,  69,  1 
Ouochoetes  Deus,  23 
Ophites,  28,  4 
Optatus  of  Mileve,  63,  2 
Oranges,  Synod  of,  53,  5 
Oratories,  84,  2 
Ordeals,  88,  4 
Ordination,  30,  1 ;  45,  3 
Ordines  majores   et  mi- 

nores,  30,  1 
Ordo  Horn.,  59,  4 
Ordruff,  78,  4 

2l 


Organ,  89,  2 

Origen,    39,    4;    40,    5; 

41,  3 
Origenists,  51 
Orosius,  P.,  53,  4;  54,  2 
Orphans,  115,  4 
Orthodoxy,    festival    of, 

64,  4 
Ortuinug  Gratus,  120,  2 
Osculura  pacJs,  82 
Ostiarii,  30,  1 
Ostrogoths,   76,  7 
Oswald,  77,  5 
Oswy,  77,  5,  6 
Ota,  78,  2 

Otgar  of  Mayence,  87,  2 
Otho  I.,  93,  2,  3;  96,  1 

II.,  III.,  96,  1 

IV.,  96,  5 

of  Bamberg,  93,  3 

of  Freisiugeu, 103,4 

Pabulatores,  44,  5 
Pachomius,  44 
Pacifico,  105,  4 
Pagani,  42,  3 
Painting,  60,  3;  105,  7; 

113,  4 
Palladius,  48,  2 ;  77,  2 
Pallium,  46 
Palm  Sunday,  56,  4 
Pamphilus,  41,  2;  47,  3 
Pantcenus,  39,  4 
Paphnutius,  45,  4 
Papias,  39,  1 
Parabolani,  45,  5 
Paris,  Synod  of,  92,  1 
Parochia,  84,  2 
Parochus,  30 ;  84,  2 
Pasagii,  108,  1 
Paschal  II.,  96,  3 
Paschasius  Radb.,  91,  3 
Passover,  32 
Tiaaxa,  &c.,  31 
Patareni,  108,  1 
Pataria,  97,  2 
Pater  orthod.,  47,  4 
Patriarchs,  46 
Patricius,  77,  2 
Patripassians,  40,  3 
Patronage,  84 
Patron  us,  57 
Paul  II.,  110,  4;   119,  4 

Diaconus,  90,  3 

of  Samos.,   36,  3 ; 

40.  7 


530 


INDEX. 


Paul  Silentiarius,  48,  4 

of  Thebes,  36,  3 

Warnefrid,  90,  3 

Paula,  St.,  44,  2 
Paulicians,  71,  1 
Paulinus  of  Ant.,  63,  1 

of  Aquileja,  90,  3 

Noknus,  48,  8     [4 

the  Missionary,  77, 

Pauperes   de    Lugduno, 

108,  5 
Payens,  Hugh  de,  98,  6 
Pelagius,  48,  1 ;  53,  3 

of  Rome,  52,  6 

Pelayo,  81 

Penance,  priest  of,  61,  1 

redemption  of,  98,  5 

Penda,  77,  4 
Penitential  books,  78,  5 
Pentecost,  56,  4 
Pepin,  82,  1 
Pepuziani,  37,  1 
Peratics,  28,  4 
Peregrinus,  24,  3 
Perfectus,  81 
Periodeutes,  45,  5 
Peristerium,  60,  2 
Perpetua,  23,  5 
Person    of   Christ,    con- 
troversies about,  52 
Persia,  64,  2 
Peschito,  36,  3 
Peter's  pence,  82 
Petilian,  63,  2 
Petrarch,  114,  4 
Petrobrusians,  108,  3 
Peter,  Ap.,  17 

of  Alex.,  38,  4 

of  Amiens,  94 

of  Bruys,  108,  3 

Cantor,  103,  3 

of  Castelnau,  109, 1 

Chrysolanus,  67,  4 

Damiani,  97  ;  102, 1 

Dresdensis,  113,  2 

Fullo,  52,  5 

Lombardus,      103, 

2;  105,  1 

Mongus,  52,  5 

of  Murrone,  112,  3 

of  Pisa,  90 

Siculus,  71,  1 

Venerabilis,  98,  1 ; 

109 

AValdus,  108,  5 

Pfefferkorn,  120,  1 


Pharensis  Syn.,  77,  6 
Pharisees,  9,  2 
Pherozas,  64,  2 
Philip  I.  of  France,  96,  3 

III.,  of  Spain,  95 

Aug.  of  France,  94, 

3 ;  96,  5 

the  Fair,  110,  1 

Philippopolis,  Synod  of, 

50,  2 
Philippus,    the    Evang., 

15;  17 

Arabs,  23,  4 

Philo,  11,  1 
Philopatris,  43 
Philoponus,  47,  6 
Philosophy,  Greek,  8,  4 
Philostorgius,  4,  1 
Philoxenus,  59,  1 
Phocas,  46,  2 
Photinus,  50,  2 
Photius,  67,  1 ;  68,  5 

^dapToXdrpat^  52,  7 
^uiTi^Cfievoi,  32,  1 
Piacenza,  Council  of,  94 
Picts,  77,  3 
Pictures,  37 

Pilgrim  of  Passau,  93,  2 
Pilgrimages,  57,  6 ;  89,  4 
Pirkheimer,  120,  2 
Pirrainius,  78,  1 
Pisa,  Council  of,  110,3,4 
Pistis  Sophia,  28,  4 
Pius  II.,  110,4;  108,3; 

119,  4 
Planck,  4,  3 
Plastic  Art,  66,  3;  105, 

7;  113,  4 
Plato,  8,  4 ;  47,  5 ;  68,  3  ; 

100,  2 
Plebani,  84,  2 
Plebes,  84,  2 
Plebs,  30 
Pleroma,  26 
Pletho,  68,  2;  120,  1 
Pliny,  23,  2 
Plotinus,  24,  2 
Plutarch,  24,  2 
Pneumatics,  26, 1 ;  37, 1 
Pneumatomachoi,  50,  5 
Podiebrad,  119,  4 
Poets,   Christian    Latin, 

48,  8 
Polycarp,  23,  3  ;  32,  1 ; 

39,  1 
Polycrates,  32,  1 


Polyglotts,  120,  6 
Pomerania,  93,  3 
Pompa  diab.,  36 
Pomponazzo,  120, 
Pontianus,  38,  1 
Ponticus,  23,  3 
Pontion,  Synod  of,  82,  5 
Pontius,  98,  1 
Poor,  case  of,  88,  3 
Popes,     coronation     of, 

90;  115 
election   of,  96,  2, 

4,  6 
Porphyrins,  24,  2,  3 
Portiuncula,  98,  4 
Possessed,  the,  30 
Possessor  of  Carth.,  53,  5 
Potamiaena,  23,  4 
Pothinus,  23,  3 
Prsemoustrants,  98,  3 
Prsepositi,  84,  2 
Pragmatic  sanction,  97, 

6;  110,  4 
Praxeas,  37,  2 ;  47,  3 
Prayer,  36 
Prebends,  84,  4 
Predestination,  53 ;  91,  4 
Preaching,  34 ;  59;  105; 

113  [4 

Preachers,  Order  of,  98, 
Precariae,  86 
Precists,  96 

Presbyter,  18,  2;  30;  45 
Primacy  of  the  Pope,  30, 

3;  46,  1,  2 
Primasius,  48,  1 
Primian,  63,  2 
Priscilla,  37,  1 
Priscillianists,  54,  2 
Private  Confession,  61, 1 

Masses,  56,  3 

Procession  of  the  Holy 

Spirit,  50,  6;  67,  1; 

91,  2 
Processions,  59 
Proclus,  42 ;  48,  3 
ProcopiustheGr.,  119,  4 

of  Gaza,  48,  1 

Proculus,  23,  4 

the  Montanist,  40,  8 

Prodicians,  28,  6 
Proselytes,  Jewish,  11,  2 
IlpSiK^avoti,  36,  2 
npo5(/)opai,  33 
Prosper  Aquit,   48,  8; 

53,  5 


INDEX, 


531 


Proterlns,  52,  2 
Trovosts,  84,  2 
Pi-udentius,  48,  8 

of  Troyes,  91,  4 

Prussia,  93,  4 
Psalter,  80,  1 
Psellus,  08,  5;  71,  3 
Pseudepigraphs,  39,  7 ; 

63,  1 
Pseudo-Basilidians,  28,2 
Dionysius,    47,    1 ; 

48,  5 ;  90,  1 

Isidore,  87,  2 

Psychicoi,  26,  1  ;  37,  1 
Publicani,  108,  1 
Pulcheria,  52,  4 
Purgatory,  58,  3  ;  67,  6 ; 

101,  1 

Quadragesima,  82 ;  56,4 
Quadratus,  43,  1 
Quartodecimani,    30,  1 ; 

56,  3 
Quercura,  Syn.  ad,  51,  3 
Quicunque,  symbol. ,50,7 
Quinisextura,  63,  3      [4 
Quinquagesima,  32 ;  56, 

Rabanus   Maurus,    90, 
6;  91,  3,  4 

Rabulas  of  Edessa,  52,  3 
Radbertus    Pasch.,    90, 

5;  91,  3;  105,  2 
Radbod,  78,  3 
Radewin,  112,  5 
Raimundus    LuUus,    93, 

6 ;  104,  2 

de  Pennaforti,  99 

du  Puv,  98,  6 

of  Sabunde,  116,  2 

of  Toulouse,  109,  1 

Ralph  Flambard,  96,  3 
Raphael,  113,  4 
Rastislav,  79 
Ratherius,  97  ;  101,  1 
Ratisbon,  Synod  of,  91,  1 
Ratramnus,  67,   1 ;    90, 

5;  91,  3,  4 
Realists,  100,  2 
Realm,  estates  of,  84,  1 
Recafrid,  81,  1 
Reccared,  76,  2 
Rechiar,  76,  4 
Reclusi,  85,  5 
Recognit.  Clem.,  43,  4 
Reconciliatio,  36,  2 


Redemptions,  88,  5 
Reformation      in     Head 

nud  ^Members,  118 
Regino  of  Prura,  88,  5 
lleginus,  105,  5 
Regionary  Bishops,  84 
Reichenau,  78,  1 
Reinerius  Sachoni,  108,1 
Relics,    worship    of,   36, 

4;  57,5;  89,  4;  105,3 
Religiosi,  43,  3 
Remigius  of  Lyons,  91,  4 

of  llheims,  76,  9 

Pvemisniund,  76,  4 
Remoboth,  44,  5  [6 

Reparatus  of  Carth.,  52, 
Reservationes,  110 
Reuchlin,  120,  2 
Revenues  of  the  Church, 

45 
Rhense,      meeting      of 

Elect.,  110,  2 
Rhodoald  of  Porto,  67, 

1 ;  82,  4 
Richard  Coeur  de  Lion, 

95,  3 

a  St.Victore,  103,  3 

Richer,  101,  1 
Rieuzi,  Cola  di,  110,  2 
Rimbert,   80,  1 
Rimini,  Council  of,  50,  3 
Risus  paschalis,  106,  1 
Ritter,  J.,  4,  4 
Robber  Synod,  52,  4 
Robert  of  Arbrissel,  98,3 

of  Citeaus,  98,  2 

Grossteste,  104,  3 

Guiscard,  96,  2 

of  Sorbonne,  104,3 

King     of     France, 

105,  4 
Roger  Bacon,  104,  3 
Rokycana,  119,  4 
Romanesque  style,  105,6 
Romanus,  96,  1 
Romuald,  98,  1 
Rosary,   105,  3 
Fraternity       of, 

113,  1 
Roscellinus,  102,  3 
Rosenpliit,  Hans,  114,  4 
Rota  Rom  ,  96 
Rothad  of  Soissons,  83,  1 
Rubianus,  Crotus,  120,  2 
Rudolph      of      Swabia, 

96,  2 


Rufinus,  4,  1 ;  47,  5  ;  48, 

2;  51,  2 
Riigeu,  93,  3 
Rugians,  76,  6 
Rupert,  78,  2 

of  Deutz,  103,  3 

Russia,  72,  4  [1 
Ruysbroek,  John  of,  117, 
William,   93,  5 

Sabatati,  108,  5 
Sabbath,  56,  1 
Sabellius,  40,  4,  6 
Sabians,  22 
Sabinianus,  60,  2 
Sacraments,  105,  1 
Sacramentarium,  59,  4 
Sacriticati,  23,  5 
Sacrificial  Theory,  33,  3 
Sacrum  rescr.,  53,  3 
Sadducees,  9,  2 
Saints,  worship  of,  57 ; 

105,  3 
Saladin,  94,  3 
Salvianus,  48,  3 
Salzburg,  78,  2  ;  79 
Samaritans,  10;  22 
Sampseans,  27,  3 
Sanction,  Pragm.,  96,  6 
Sapores  XL,  64,  2 
Sarabaites,  39,  5 
Sardica,  Synod  of,  46, 2 ; 

50,  5 
Sarmatio,  62 
Sarolta,  93,  2 
Saturnalia,  56,  5 
Satui-ninus,  28,  7 
Savonarola,  119,  2 
Savoniferes,     Synod    of, 

91,  4 
Sbynko,  119,  3 
Scepticism,  8,  4 
Scetiau  Desert,  51,  1 
Schism,  Papal,  110,  3 

Eastern,  67 

Schisms,  38 
Schmidt,  Christ.,  4,  4 
Schola  Palat.,  90 

Saxonica,  72 

Scholastica,  85,  3 
Scholasticism,  Greek, 47, 

6 ;  68,  3 

Latin,  100,  etc. ;  116 

Schools,  Monastic,  90,  1 
Popular,    118,     1 ; 

106,  2 


532 


INDEX. 


Schools,  Ancient   Theo- 
louical,    39,    3,   4,    5; 

47 ;  52,  2 
Scotists,  104,  1 
Scotus,  Erig.,  90,  5,  7; 

91,  4 

J.  Duns,  104,  1 

Seckingen,  78,  1 
Secundus,  50,  1 
Sedea  apostolicee,  30 
Sedulius.  48,  8 
Segarelli,  108,  3 
Sembat,  71,  2 
Semiarians,  50,  3 
Semipelagians,  53,  5 
Seiuler,  4,  3 
Sends,  88,  5 ;  97 
Sens,  Synod  of,  103,  1 
Septimius  Sev.,  23,  4 
Septuagint,  9,  2 ;  34,  2; 

56,  4 
Sequences,  89,  2 
Serapeion,  36  [2 

Serenius  Gvanianus,  23, 
Serenus  of  Massil,  57,  4 
Sergius  of  Const.,  52,  8 

of  Ravenna,  83,  1 

of  Rome,  63,  3 

Tychicus,  71,  1 

Servatus  Lupus,  91,  4 
Scrvites,  98,  4 
Sethians,  34,  4 
Severa,  23,  4  ;  26 
Severians,  52,  7 
Severinus,  76,  6 
Shiites,  65,  1 
Sibylline  Books,  41,  1 
Sicilian  Vespers,  96,  6 
Sickiugen,  120,  2 
XiSnpointiioi,  70,  3 
Siena,  Council  of,  110,  3 
Sigillaria,  56,  5 
Sigismond,  of  Burgundy, 

76,  5  [3 

Emp.,  110,  3;   119, 

Sigurd,  93,  1 

Simeon  Metaphr.,  68,  4 

of  Thessaloiiica,68,5 

Simon  Magus,  22,  2 

of  Tournay,  108,  2 

Simony,  96,  2 
Singing  Schools,  89,  2 
Sirmium,  Council  of,  50, 

2    3 
Sixt'us  II.,  23,  5 


SixtusIV.,  112,  1;  115 
Socrates,  8,  4 
— —the  Church  Hist., 4,1 
Soissons,  Synod  of,  78, 

4;  103,  1 
Sophronius,  52,  8 
Sorbonne,  104,  3 
Sorores,  36,  3 
Sotties,  114,  4 
Sozomenua,  4,  1 
Spanheim,  4,  2 
Spirit,  Sect  of  the  Holy, 

108,  2 
Spirituales,   98,  4 
Spittler,  4,  3 
Spolia,  140 
Sponsors,  32 
Sprenger,  115,  2 
Ssufis,  65,  1 
Staupitz,  117,  1 
Stediugers,  109,  2 
Stephen  of  Rome,  32,  2 

II.,  66,  2;  82,  1 

III.,  60,  2 

VI.,  82,  5 

St.,  93,  2;  96,  1 

de  Borbone,  108,  5 

Langthon,  96,  5 

of  SUnic,  73,  2 

festival  of,  57,  1 

Stock,  Simon,  98,  3 
Stoicism,  8,  4 
Stolberg,  L.  of,  4,  4 
Streaneshalch,  Synod  of, 

77,  6 
Studites,  44,  4 
Sturm  of  Fulda,  78,  4 
Stylites,  39,  4 ;  85,  5 
Subdeacons,  30,  1 
Subintroductce,  36,  3 
Succat,  77,  2 
Suevi,  76,  4 
Suffragans,  84 
Sulpitius  Sever.,  4,  1 
Summis  desiderantibus, 

115,  2 

Suj'£i(rruxro(,   36,  3 
Su(jra(5ij,   36,  2 

Suniiites,  65,  1 
Suso,  H.,  117,  1 
Sutri,  Synod  of,  96,  1 
Svatopluk,  79,  2 
Svatoslav,  72,  4 
Sven,  93,  1 
Sweden,  80 ;  93,  1 


Sword,  Brethren  of,  93, 

4;  98,  6 
Sylvanus,  71,  1 
Sylvester  I„  59,  3 

II.,  94;  96,  1 

Symbols,  35,  1 
Symeon,  72,  3 

called  Titus,  71,  1 

of  Jerus.,  23,  2 

Symmachus,  42 
Synagogues,  9,  2 ;   18,  5 
Syncelli,  46 
Synergists,  53,  1 
Synesius,  47,  4 
Synods,  see  Councils. 
Synodus  Palmaris,  46,  2 
Syzygia,  27,  4 ;  28,  3 

Tabern.\culum,  60,  2 
Taborites,  119,  4 
Talmud,  22 
Tamerlane,  73,  1 
Tanchelm,  108,  4 
Tartares,  73,  1 
Tatian,  28,  8;  41,  1 
Tauler,  117,  1 
Templars,  98,  6;  112,  2 
Tempus  clausum,  56,  4 
Terebinth,  29,  1 
Tertiaries,  98,  4 
TertuUian,  37,  2  ;  39,  5 ; 

40,  3  ;  53,  1 
TertuUianists,  37,  2 
Theatricals,      religious, 

106,  2 
Theganus,  90,  9 
Themistius,  42,  4 
Theodelinda,  76,  8 
Theodemir,  abbot,  98,  2 

I.,  76,  4 

Theoderic,  76,  7 
Theodo  I.,  78,  2 
Theodora,  52,  6  (66,  4) ; 

71,  1  (96,  1) 
Theodoret,  44,  5;  52, 

3,  4 
Theodorus  Ascidas,  52,  8 

Balsamon,  48,  3 

of    Mops.,    47,    1; 

48,  1  ;  52,  3 ;  53,  4 

of  Niem,  118,  2 

Studita,  66,  4 

Theodulf  of  Orl.,  88,  1 ; 

90,  3 
Theognis  of  Nictea,  50, 1 


INDEX. 


533 


Theologia      Germanica, 

117 
Theouas,   50,  1 
Theopaschites,  62,  6 
Theophano,  96,  6 
Theopbilus,  Emp.,  66,  4 
of  Alex..  42,  3;  61, 

2,  3 

of  Ant.,  41,  1 

of  Diu,  64,  4 

Theophylact,  68,  5 
QeoTOKOi,  52,  2,  3 
Therapeutse,  11 
Thesaur.  superog.,  107 
Thietberga,  82,  4 
Tliietgaut  of  Treves,  82,4 
Thomas  Aquinas,  104,  1; 

105,  1 

a  Becket,  96,  4 

of  Celana,  105,  4 

a  Kempis,  112,  5 

Thomas-Christians,  52,  3 
Thomasius,Christ.,115,2 
Thoniists,  104,  1 
Thoutracians,  71,  2 
Thrasamond,  76,  3 
Thuribuluni,  60,  3 
Thuriticati,  23,  5 
Tiberius,  23,  1 
Tillemont,  4,  2 
Timotheus  ^Elurus,  52,  5 
Tiridates  III.,  64,  3 
Tithes,  86 
Titian,  113,  4 
Tituli,  84,  2 
Torquemada,  115,  1 
Toulouse,     Synods     of, 

106,  2;  108,  1;  109,2 
Tours,   Syn.   of,   102,  2; 

110,  4 
Towers,  60,  1 
Tradition,  30,  3 
Traditores,  23,  6 
Traducianism,  53,  1 
Trajan,  23,  2 
Transfiguration,  festival 

of,  66,  6 
Translations,  57 
Transubstantiation,    58, 

2;  105,  1 
Treuga  Dei,  106,  1 
Tribur,  diet  at,  96,  2 
Trinity,  festival  of,  105,2 
Trinitarians,    Order    of, 

98,  3 


Trinitarian  controversy, 

40;  60 
Troubadours,  106,  3 
Trullaiium  I.,  62,  8 
—  II.,  63,  8 
Turlupines,  114,  3 
Turribius,  64,  2 
Tutilo,  89,  6 
Tychonius,  48,  1 
Typos,  62,  8 
Tyre,  Synod  of,  50,  2 

Uladislaus,  119,  6,  6 

Ulfilas,  76,  1 

Ulric       of      Augsburg, 

84,3 
Unam  sanctam,  110,  1 
Unction,    Extreme,    01, 

2 ;  70,  2 
Union    of    Greek    with 

Rom.  Ch.,  72,  4 
Unitas  fratrum,  119,  6 
United  Greeks,  72,  4 
Universities,  100,  1 
Unni  of  Hamb.,  93,  1 
Urban  II.,  96,  3 

IV.,  96,  6 

v.,  110,  2 

VI.,  110,  3 

Ursinus  of  Rome,  63,  1 
Ursula,  108,  4 
Usuardus,  90,  9 
Utraquists,  119,  5 

Valence,      Synod      of, 

91,  4 
Valens,  Bishop,  50,  3 

Emp.,  50,  4;  0' 

Valentinian  I.,  42,  3 

II.,  42,  3 

III.,  46,  2 

Valentinus,  28,  3 
Valerianus,  23,  5 
Valla,  Laur.,  120,  1 
Vallambrosians,  98,  5 
Vandals,  76,  3 
Varanes,  29,  1 

v.,  64,  2 

Velasquez,  98,  6 
Vengeance,  private,  88,  4 
Vercelli,        Synod      of, 

102,  2 
Verdun,  treaty  of,  82,  2 
Veronica,  14,  2 
Vespers,  Sicil.,  96,  8 


Vestibulum,  60 
Vicelinus,  93,  2 
Victor     I.     of     Rome, 

32,  1 

II.,  96,  2 

Vienna,  Council  of,  110, 

2;  112,  2,  3 
Vigilantius,  62 
Vigils,  32;  56,  4 
Vigilius  of  Rome,  52,  6 
Vincentius  Ferrcri,  114,1 
of  Lirinum,  48,  6; 

53,  5 
Virgilius       of       Salzb., 

78,  4 
Virgin,       festivals       in 

honour  of,  57,  2  ;  105, 

2;  113,  1 
Visigoths,  76, 
Vladimir,  72.  4 
Vulgate,  59,  1 

Wadstena,  112,  3 
Walafrid  Strabo,  90,  4, 

0;  91,  3 
Waldenses,  108,  5 
Waldhausen,    conr.     of 

119,  3 
Walter    the     Penniless, 

94,  1 

ofSt.Victore,  103,3 

von  derVogelweide, 

106,  3 
AVarnefrid,  Paul,  90,  3 
Wazo  of  Lieges,  109 
Wearmouth,  85,  4 
Wechabites,  65,  1 
AVeek,  the  great,  32 
Welsh,  4 

AVenceslaus,  119,  4 
Wenceslav,  93,  2 
Wends,  93,  3 
Wesel,  J.  of,  119,  1 
AVessel,  J.,  119,  1 
Wido  of  Milan,  97,  2 
Widukiud,  101,  1 
AVilfrid,  77,  6  ;  78,  3 
Willibrord.  78,  3 
Willehad,  78,  3 
William  of    St.  Amour, 

98,  4 

of  Aquitaine,  98,  1 

of        Champeaux, 

102,  1 
the  Conquerox',  96,3 


534 


INDEX. 


William  of  Nog,aret,110,l 

Rufus,  96,  3 

Ruj'sbroek,  93,  5 

of  Tyre,  94,  3 

Willigis     of     Mayence, 

97,  1 
Wilzen,  93,  3 
Winfrid,  78,  4 
Witches,  malleus   male- 

ficarum,  115,  2 
procedure  against, 

115,  2 
Wittekiiid,  78,  5 


Wolfram    of    Eschenb., 

106,  3 
Worms,  Sjn.  of,  96,  2 
concordat        of, 

96.  3 
Wulflaicb,  78,  3 
Wulfram,  78,  3 
WyclifFe,  119 

theology  of,  119,  1 

successors  of,  119,2 

Xerophagiai,  37,  3 
Ximenes,  120,  4,  6 


Zacharias,  82,  1 

of  Anagni,  67,  1 

Zanzalus,  J.,  52,  7 
Zelatores,  98,  4 
Zeno,  8 

Emp.,  52,  5 

Zenobia,  40,  7 

Ziska,  119,  4 

Zosimus,     42,     4:     53, 

3,  4 
Ziitphen,  Gerh.  of,  112, 

5 


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